Debates an13 lproteebings in glarliantent.

Tex NEW BISHOPRIC.

In the House of Commons, on Monday, the adjourned debate on the Bishopric of Manchester Bill, arishig on the order of the day for going into Committee' was opened by Mr. %OMAR Escorr. Mr. Escott called upon several of the Ministers individually to declare their personal opinion on the measure— He asked Lord Morpeth, whether Yorkshire was in favour of the bill; and warned him that not "all the blood of all the Rewards" could cram four Bishops down the threats of the people of this country. He asked Mr. Ward, what the people of Sheffield said in its favour? [Mr. WARD answered, that they had not said a single word m the subject.] But if they have said nothing, continued Mr. Escott, was he at liberty to assume that silence gave consent? And who was the author of the Appropriation-clause for Ireland? Then there is the right honourable gentleman the Member for Edinburgh: in all his speeches and essays there does not appear to be one paragraph in favour of the necessity of four new Bishops. Let the Attorney-General also come forward and give his sentiments. In fact, the measure does not appear to be a Ministerial measure: it would not be carried by the supporters of Ministers, but by gentlemen on the Opposition side of the House; and yet there were remarkable exceptions even there. Sir Robert Peel would have been better employed in expressing his views to the House on the bill than in writing pamphlets to his constituents. Why he was not present Mr. Escott did not know. Sir James Graham was an avowed exception to the support. But why did the Recorder of London support the bill? And did the ancestor of Lord George Bentinck come over with William from the Low Coun- tries to impose these Brummagem mitres on the successors of Laud? Where, too, was the Member for Shrewsbury?—riding through all Buckinghamshire in John Hampden's saddle. But let him say how these four new bishoprics would fit his "popular principles." It was urged as a reason for the bill, that it had come down from the House of Lords: so had a bill the pressing of which turned out Sir Robert Peel's Government. He urged Ministers to retract their steps; point- ing to two more of their colleagues who had shown no favour to the bilL Look at the heads of the Board of Trade: neither Lord Clarendon nor Mr. Milner Gibson had voted in favour of the bill. "You may prorogue on Thursday," cried Mr. Escott, "but on Thursday you shall not carry this bilL"

He moved that the other orders of the day be now read.

Mr. AoLioNtsr read two extracts from evidence given by two Bishops before the Committee, on the 9th of July. The Bishop of London de- clared that they wanted provision for more Bishops; and the Bishop of St. Asaph spoke thus- " There is a greater want of increase in the staff of Bishops than of any other one thing in the Church. If there were more Bishops, they should get a chari- table fund to provide for the small clergy—by arranging and managing them, and calling on the laity to subscribe money for that purpose." Mr. IinatE spoke against the bill. Lord JOHN RussaLL thought that the opposition to the bill by a small minority in the House, and by many respectable persons in the country, had arisen from misapprehension respecting what had been done on the subject of Church Reform. It had been represented that everything had been done for the hierarchy and nothing for the cure of souls: Lord John recapitulated the facts— Before Lord Grey contemplated a reform in the affairs of the Church, and be- fore Sir Robert Peel advised the Crown to issue a commission to inquire into matters relating to the Church, the state of the case was this. In the hierarchy there were many Bishops who had very large, he might say exorbitant, revenues. The Bishop of Durham had 22,0001 or 23,0001; while some Bishops had reve- nues of 5001 or 6001, or perhaps 1,0001.; their incomes being eked out by pre- bendal stalls and livings on comtnendant. There were many clergymen in the Church who held dignities and at the same time several benefices with the cure of souls. In the Clergy List, Lord John had found 15 per- sons holding 64 pieces of Church preferment. A clergyman would hold livings at three or four hundred miles distance from each other; many of which were of considerable value. Lord Grey's Government had partly con- sidered the matter; Lord Melbourne's was pursuing the same subject; and in 1834, Sir Robert Peel, having been called to the councils of the Crown, advised the appointment of a Commission, consisting partly of laymen, partly of persons holding office under the Crown, and partly of Prelates, to take into consideration these various evils. On the change ot Ministry, Lord Melbourne and several of his colleagues became members of the Commission. The Commissioners made their report in 1835. They applied themselves to the consideration of the Bishops' in- comes. They proposed that the practice of holding livings in commendam should be abolished; that the income of the Durham Bishopric should be reduced from 22,0001. to 8,0001. a year; and that a reduction should be made in the other epis- copal incomes; with Increase of the smaller. This equalization of Bishops' in- comes helped to check another evil, the frequency of translation; as it removed the motive to it- The Commissioners also suspended, or in other words extin- guished, in various Bishoprics, fifty-three Canonries, [that Lord John enn- raerated,] besides all but two at Southwell, all but two at St. David's and Llan- daff; and the nonresidentiary Deaneries were suppressed. Means were provided by which new Archdeaconries might be formed; sinecure rectories were suppressed; and other changes were made, all tending to increase the efficiency of the working clergy. The value of the ecclesiastical offices thus suppressed amounted to 1340001 a year; but the present computation is, that from the better management of the property the Commissioners will realize an amount not leas than 300,00017 a year. Since Lord John Russell's return to office, this year, he should have had a Prebend to confer which was in the patronage of the Crown•' but in conse- .quence of the hill of 1840 it has fallen into the ecclesiastical fund. It was also enacted that no clergyman should hold any second benefice more than ten miles from the one on which he resided; which has very nearly extinguished pluralities. The exceptions are small livings near to each other, which it was thought ex- pedient to be held jointly rather than separately. These are facts which appear to have been lost sight of during the lengthened discussions on the present bill. By the present bill. Lord John was not proposing to take the whole surplus re- venue from the Church, whatever that might be to devote it to the creation of more Bishops; but the measure formed part of a whole scheme of reform which was commenced by the Government of Lord Grey; a series of improvements which Lord John had had the satisfaction of supporting equally when he was out of office and when he was in office. The mink of the whole of this plan would be,

it were carried oat, that 300,0001. derived from cathedral property would be applied to the purpose of the care of souls and increasing the number of clergy in populous districts; while somewhat less than 17,0001. would be appropriated to Increase the number of Bishops where the dioceses had become so populous and so heavy in their labours as to require relief. Lord John adhered to his opinion, that in creating the necessary number of Bishops no increase should be made to the number of Bishops in the House of Lords,—that not a single seat should be given for the purpose of creating ecclesi- astical power in the Legislature. Many thought it an inseparable part of the title and privileges of a Bishop that he should have a seat in the other House of Parliament: Lord John differed from that conclusion; and the Bishops generally were quite contented with the conclusion to which he had come.

Sir Wrias.sis MOLESWORTH argued for the postponement of the mea- sure; asserting that many who supported it wished in their hearts that it could be postponed till next session.

Lord Joite Miens", added, that in speaking of a series of measures, he did not refer to the measures hereafter to be introduced, but to the fore- gone series respecting pluralities and the holding of livings in conunendam.

Mr. Joins COLLETT spoke in opposition. Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE and Mr. OSBORNE urged the mover of the amendment to give way, and let the House go into Committee. Mr. Escort. assented, and the House went into Committee on the bill.

According to arrangement, the preamble was taken first; and Mr. MARK PHHAPS moved that the words "and forthwith establishing a Bishopric of Manchester" be expunged. He represented the creation of the Bishopric as nnpleasing to many of his constituents in Manchester: they were de- sirous that the sum of 6,0001. per annum now applied to the Collegiate Church of Manchester (which is capable of increase by better manage- ment) should be applied to parochial purposes. Lord JOHN RUSSELL explained, that this was totally beside the purpose of the bill.

The debate on this clause proceeded without much interest, until Sir

MOLESWORTH turned it upon the more general question respect- ing the creation of the three Bishoprics contemplated by the preamble. He took the question as one concerning the Church of England alone; and he did not controvert the right of the Church to increase the number of its beads or the efficiency of its clergy; but he called upon Lord John Hassell to prove that the increase was necessary—that more Bishops were required. Lord John had merely asserted that a Bishopric of Manchester was considered necessary eleven years ago: Sir William denied that statement.. On the contrary, the Commis- sioners suggested the union of the sees of Bangor and St. Asap]); showing on high authority that one Bishop might then have been dispensed with. It would have been easy now to unite a portion of the diocese of Chester with that of St. Asaph, and thus the Bishop of Chester would be enabled to discharge the duties of the remaining portion of his diocese. No sufficiensreasons had been given for the additional Bishopric. The people of Manchester, and both Members for the borough, are opposed to it. With the facts stated by Mr. florsman, it would be impossible to deny that the interests of the hierarchy are preferred to the in- terests of the clergy; and they might be satisfied that by the bill they were strengthening that conviction' which would ultimately be fatal tothe turion of the Church of England with the State. Sir William especially protested against the contemplated measures for creating a Bishop of Cornwall. Sir William resides in Cornwall; for two Parliaments he was one of the County Members; and he felt authorized to declare there was no reason whatever for dividing the diocese of Exeter. The income of a Bishop for Corowall must be 4,0001. or 5,0001 a year; which would be much better expended in increasing the small livings in the diocese of Exeter. To raise those small liv- ings to a minimum of 1501. a year, would require 7,0001.; to 1301 a year, 4,0001.; and for 1,5001. a year, or about a third of the cost of a Bishop, the minimum in- come of the clergy of the diocese of Exeter might be raised to 1001. a year. There is no residence for a Bishop at Bothnia; and it would require to be built. Now in the diocese of Exeter there are 112 parishes in which there are no glebe- houses, 73 in which the glebe-houses are unfit for use: 16,0001 was expended for the residence of the new Bishop of Ripon; but would it not be better to spend such a sum upon building glebe-houses in Cornwall ? Sir GEORGE GREY evaded the question raised by Sir William Moles- worth, as being beside the immediate subject of debate; and he proceeded to defend the bill, as being rendered necessary by the great increase of the population in the proposed diocese of Manchester—now more than 2,000,000.

After more discussion, the House divided; and the original motion was carried, by 86 to 14.

Mr. VERNON SMITH moved an amendment, to omit the words "so SO0I1 as conveniently might be, three other additional Bishoprics." He com- plained of the imperfect and confused manner in which the business of the Ecclesiastial Commission was conducted: there was forty-nine persons in the Commission, but without any compulsion to attend; and the most constant attendants were, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and the Bishop of St. Asaph. Lord Join/ RUSSELL explained, that the object of inserting the allusion to the future Bishoprics was, that the intention of Ministers might be per- fectly well known, and that it might not take the House or the public by surprise. That purpose had been answered by the discussion; and he thought it better to limit the present consideration as much as possible to the clauses for the particular purpose of the bill. He was therefore wil- ling to omit the whole of the sentence alluding to three future Bishoprics.

Some other alterations were suggested; but ultimately the preamble was left to stand as Lord John Russell had amended it.

Some amendments were moved on clause 1st, but negatived; and the clause was carried, by 128 to 25.

On clause 2d, excluding the junior Bishop from the House of Lords, Mr. STUART WORTLEY renewed his argument against that provision; contend- ing that it was unconstitutional and inexpedient. Sir Joust JERVIS de- nied that it was unconstitutional; and to prove the fact, stated the history f the right of Bishops to sit in the House of Lords. Lord JOHN RUSSELL also contended, that it would be inexpedient to entangle the question as to the creation of another Bishop with that of in- creasing the political power of the Episcopal Bench by the addition of an- other seat.

The clause was opposed by Mr. Law.

The Ministerial arrangement was accepted by Sir Trromss ACLAND as an instalment, in the expectation that Government would concede other important aids to the Church.

Mr. ROEBUCK understood from that remark, that the motion was regarded as the sharp point of the wedge by which the door was to be a little opined in order to shove in the four new Bishops; whereas he regarded it as in- troducing an argument by which the House of Lords might be reformed and the whole bench of Bishops expelled. Ultimately, the Committee divided; and the clause was oarried, by ill to 57.

The remaining clauses were adopted, and the House resumed.

The third reading, on Wednesday, occasioned a further debate, like those which had preceded it; Mr. Hintz and other speakers renewing their opposition: Mr. Hume moved the bill be read a third time that day three months.

Sir JAMES Gnanem was among those who persevered in resistanoe; re- peating, with great closeness and vigour, arguments similar to those which he had used before, but urged with new illustrations.

He appealed to the House to say whether he had spoken disrespectfully of the Episcopal Bench. (" No, no! ") He should be extremely sorry if he had done so. But in describing the duties of the Bishops, he had only been able to speak from what he knew; and he adduced further proofs that the duties are not over- whelming.

Something had been said as to the character of the Bishop of Cheater. It was impossible to praise that man too highly; but, when the extent of his diocese was spoken of it should be recollected that he was also one of the Prebendaries of Durham. He held, at this moment, that prebend; and by not resigning it, proved that the discharge of his episcopal duties was not overwhelming, as his periodical absence was inconsistent with the discharge of those duties.

He would speak of his own Prelate, [the Bishop of Carlisle, 1 under whose pea- toed care he had lived for eighteen years. He would speak ot him with all that respect which he most justly deserved. What were the duties which that right reverend Prelate had to discharge? Was an hospital to be founded ?—the Bishop took the lead in that work of charity. Was there an infirmary to be established? the Bishop was ready to take week by week the chair, to direct the institution. Was there a church to be built ?—the Bishop headed the subscription. Was there a living to be augmented?—the Bishop subscribed most liberally.. Was there a clergyman's family to be relieved ?—the Bishop's name was at the head of the list. In all works of charity he set the example to others. Then, if he had a living to dispose of, as patron' he gave it to the most deserving clergyman, very often to the humblest, rather than to his own friends. But, at the same time, Sir James was bound to say, that the visitations of that Prelate were only triennial, and that the duties of ordination and confirmation were not frequent. The Prelate of whom he was speaking lived seven miles from the cathedral town, and did not occupy himself with directing his clergymen about matters that were insignificant and merely of form. He was at the head of an united clerical body, and com- manded the respect of the gentry, and was very highly regarded both by the clergy and the laity in his own diocese. Sir James believed there was no diocese in which Dissent had made less progress, or in which there existed a more united body of clergy. There existed no angry feelings about points of mere ceremony; and whether it were in episcopal superintendence, or whether it were in pastoral exertions, he believed that the Bishop of Carlisle was fully capable of performing all the duties that devolved upon him within the limits assigned to that diocese. He would therefore again say, that according to his experience of the nature of the episcopal duties, he did not believe the Bishops were overwhelmed with labour, or that the necessity of affording them additional aid was paramount to the wants of the parochial department of the Church Establishment. • Sir James also referred to what had fallen from Mr. Roebuck, Mr. Thomas Dancombe, and Mr. John O'Connell, for proof that, by introducing a plan of rota- tion, they would increase the hostility now openly avowed to Episcopal establish- ments, and precipitate the removal of the Bishops from the House of Lords. Again, not only is Dissent raging without the Church, but there are heartburnings and angry divisions within; and if four new Bishops are to be created, there ought to be some security, that they would be taken from the body of men whose appoint- ment would produce concord in the Establishment. With these views seeing that he had been unable to amend the measure, his conscience obliged him to give his vote against it. Lord Joni.' RUSSELL defended the measure but without much newness of argument. He ridiculed -Sir James Graham for giving more weight to the opinions of Mr. Roebuck and Mr. John O'Connell than to those of the Bishops, who have had an opportunity of stating their views in the House of Lords. The Bishops did not share in the fears which Sir James expressed: they disclaimed the authorship of the measure, but expressed no feeling of repugnance or alarm at it. After a debate in which the speakers were principally those who had spoken before,—Mr. Lsseosslowever, being added to the supporters of the bill,—the House divided; and the third reading was carried, by 93 to 14. Mr. BORTHWICK pressed an amendment, the effect of which would be to exclude future Bishops, and not to admit the principle of rotation: but he suffered the amendment to be negatived without a division; and the bill passed.

On Thursday, the Peers agreed to the amendments of the Commons. POOR-LAW ADMINISTRATION.

In the House of Commons on Monday, Lord Jonst Ellen's, brought under consideration the amendments made by the Lords in the Poor-law Administration Bill. He moved that the clause relating to the non-sepa- ration of old married couples in the workhouse be reinserted: which was done. He moved that the amendment striking out that portion of the bill which gave the ratepayers a right to be present at meetings of the Boards of Guardians be agreed to: and, after some opposition to that motion from Mr. WAKLEY, Mr. ETWALL, and others, it was carried, by 89 to 19. In the House of Lords, on Thursday, the Marquis of LANSDOWNE moved that the amendments of the Commons be agreed to. He retained his own opinion against the clause which had been reinserted; bat he thought that its operation would be limited; and he would defer to the opinion of the House of Commons. The Earl of STILUMIRAKE renewed his objec- tions to the clause, and moved that the House do insist upon its amend- ment. Earl GREY cautioned the House not to risk the loss of the bill by insisting on the clause. The Earl of Rawson expressed great surprise at this unconstitutional doctrine. After some further discussion Lord 'Laos- downe's motion was carried, by 29 to 11; and the amendments of the Commons were agreed to.

PUBLIC EDUCATION.

On Thursday, Lord STANLEY called for some explanation respecting the Supplementary Minute of the Education Committee of the Privy Connell. The minute appeared to him not only to exempt Dissenting schools from inspection as to religious instruction by Inspectors entertaining religious views different from those taught in the schools, but to exact no security that any religions instruction whatever should be given in schools to which grants should be made. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE replied, that the new minute was only in- tended to meet the scruples of certain classes of religionists who wish to avoid even the appearance of receiving pecuniary support from the State for religious purposes. The Privy Council adhered most strongly to the opinion they had always ex- pressed, that religious instruction might to be given m all schools receiving any portion of the Parliamentary grant; and they would only permit those schools as an exception to receive aid where they were satisfied the objection to religious in- spection was made on religious grounds, and where the examination would involve a violation of the ;principles which the religious body had always maintained. In order to extend relief to a very numerous class of schools connected with religious communities' it had been thought necessary to make that exception. But he could assurehis noble friend that aid would be given from the grant in no cases whatever where there was the least reason to believe that religious instruction was Dot given in the schools. The Privy Council, before they acted upon the Supple- mentary Minute, would also require to be satisfied of the character and respecta- bility of the parties making the application for exemption. The Bishop of LONDON and Lord STANLEY expressed great dissatisfac- tion with this statement, and with the security afforded by the new mi- nute. Lord Bsorromut declared, that he could not comprehend how any body of Dissenters could obtain money on certain conditions and after- wards escape compliance by setting up their religious scruples. The mi- nute was defended by Lord BEAUMONT, the Earl of Misr°, and Earl GREY; and the conversation dropped.

FREE TRADE AND REVENUE.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Lord GEORGE Bs/unsex moved for returns "showing the comparative receipts of revenue in the years end- ing the 5th day of January 1842 and 1847, from those items on which re- dactions of duty have and have not in the interim taken place; and dis- tinguishing any increase of revenue from the last alteration of the Sugar- duties."

His object was to refute the financial statement incorporated in Sir Robert Peel's address to the electors of Tamworth; and particularly that part of it in which Sir Robert endeavours to prove, that although the people have been relieved of taxation to the extent of 7,625,0001., the loss to the revenue only amounts to 779,0001. Followed out, Sir Robert Peers doctrine would seem to say that the way to maintain the revenue is to abolish taxes; whereas Lord George contended that he should be able to prove that Sir Robert Peel's policy really caused a defi- ciency in the revenue. Lord George made out his proposition in this way. He divided the revenue into two parts; one of 10,500,000/, consisting of duties on articles with which Sir Robert Peel had dealt; the other of 37,388,2541., which WW1 not touched by Sir Robert. Lord George went over several figures in the latter category, comparing the revenue upon each article in 1841 and in 1846; Showing that there had been an increase of 4,150,3191., without which there would have been a defalcation in the revenue for 1846. He then went over the comparative export returns for the first five months of 1845 and 1847, in cotton manufactures, linen, woollen, silk, and glass; the total show- ing a diminished exportation in the latter period, of 1,054,6131., in spite of Sir Robert Peel's boast that the alteration of the duties would of necessity cause in- creased exports. The late Ministry boasted of an increase in the Poet-office and in Timber-duties, as marking the increased consumption of the people: it must be remembered, however, that after the Whigs went out of office this country was blessed With a succession of three most favourable harvests, besides an extra cot- ton crop; the harvest and cotton crop of 1841-2 having. been very bad. More- over, the immense railway expenditure, of 100,000,0001.—instead of 150,000,0001. which under ordinary circumstances would have remained in foreign loans—had caused a great consumption by the working classes, especially of tea, tobacco, and sugar. Hence, argued Lord George, all the apparent profit which Sir Robert Peel imputed to his own policy. If the people were misled in this way, they would call for the entire repeal of the Tobacco-duty, the Window-tax, and in fact every other tax. Lord George Would not so delude the people. On the contrary, he maintained the policy of imposing ad valorem duties of 12 or 20 per cent on articles of import; thus to compel, as it were, other countries to bear a part of our burdens. • It would enable Government probably to repeal the Malt and the Hop-duties, and even they might eventually hope to relieve the public of the Soap-duties, without risk to the public revenue. ' A very brief and tame conversation followed. Sir CHARLES WOOD, who had not expected any discussion upon an unopposed motion, did not feel it ncumbent upon him to reply in Lord George's controversy with Sir Robert reel: the returns would show on which side the truth lay. Lord George, however, though he enumerated the good harvests, seemed to forget that the year 1847 bad been preceded by a very bad harvest. Mr. HUME declared that Lord George had not made out his case. To which Mr. BANKES re- torted, that Mr. Hume was away during the speech. Mr. Gotamems ad- mitted that he also was absent, presuming that there was to be no debate; and he left the defence of Sir Robert Peel to the figures and the facts, and the conviction of every intelligent and unprejudiced mind. Mr. WILLIAMS observed, that whenever taxes are reduced or abolished, it is invariably found, in the long run that the increase to the gross revenue does not take place on the 'articles reduced, but on those which are not reduced.

PRODUCE OF THE SESSION.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord Bsottonsts moved an address on the subject of the business of the session- introducing it with a retro- spect of work done. He appealed to his conduct to show that he had not been actuated by any desire of pertinacious opposition or of imputing blame. lle admitted that much of which he had to complain was inci- dental to the circumstances of the country ; and he referred to it in order to gather from the past lessons of wisdom for the future.

With the leave of their Lordships, he would just advert to what could form but a very moderate portion, of his contemplations—he meant the actual measures which had aucceeded, the actual bills which had passed into laws;—he was about to say which unhappily formed a limited part of the picture which he was about to presenta Very small portion of the retrospect which he had called upon them to indulge in; but really, when he remembered the character of the two or three measures which alone had passed, he was disposed to say happily; for, with all possible respect for acts of Parliament which had actually become laws of the rand, he must say, that worse measures, in his view, were never passed in any ses- sion. He did not wish to drag their Lordships into a repetition of the debates upon those measures—very much the reverse: they had been debated again and again, and the result of those debates had been the calamitous measures to which he referred. He would not say a single word on the bill for regulating the ad- ministration of the English Poor-law—against which he had already protested— further than to say that the success of the measure would much depend upon the appointments that would be made under it. Firmness in carrying into effect the principles of that law, an incapability of being deterred by clamour either from the press or from Parliament—for in both quarters it had arisen—and, next, a capability of explaining and defending the measures of the department with which he was intrusted,—those, he believed, were the great leading qualities to be de- piped iolticpappia to be appointed to the important office of Chief Commissioner. West IfeWENfatio the Destitute Persons (Ireland) Bill; of which he never could IL 'y have tuidertaleri to feed the people of Ireland; and more people, no fewer than 2,900,000, were then actually receiv- the public treasury ! It was one thing altogether to refuse tairn them into beggars dependent on an eleemosynary dole be exhausted and withdrawn. There is much More reason tranquillity of the country at this moment than if they had unwise course. Having begun, however, Government should

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14.44- than one t lug suatcna relief, and ano that must tiltim to be alarmed f never entered

have been consistent, and, as in the case of war, should have taken a vote of credit applicable to the contingency that the need might continue. He found that in many districts the assessment amounted to 9s. per pound per quarter, under a new and more stringent valuation. But what could they think of 36s. a quarter in some districts, amounting to more than 61. a year out of a pound sterling? Unless a pound in Ireland had the power of extending itself for the occasion, which it was never found in public or private concerns to have in England, he could not conceive a state of things more pregnant with ruin or more full of alarm than the present state of things in Ireland. The act for abridging labour—the Ten- hours Bill—has been followed by a strike in Yorkshire, wages having been pro- portionately lowered. These were all the measures that had passed. He wished their Lordships joy of them; for worse measures he thought had never passed in one session.

He was now about to descend to the shades below, to that "lean world " where . Ibant owed sots sub nocte per umbram, rerque domes Dills vaeuos et Mania regna."

Some were never born, others departed without a moment's warning. He could say nothing of a set of measures which never had a claim even to temporary ex- istence but which were mere phantasies. Of those that struggled into life, all that need be said was, that a thousand faults and a thousand freaks died with them. There were various suggestions and various measures, one Minister say- ing this would happen, another that that would happen; one saying more libe- rality should be shown to the Catholic Church, and others saying not so. To ex- press such an opinion was the most unpopular thing that a man could do at the present moment; but unless truths were stated openly when unpopular, they never could become popular. He felt bound to express his difference with his countrymen. They had been told on high authority, that the Roman Catholic clergy would unanimously refuse a provision, but that if it were passed in spite of them they would jump at it. He expressed regret that amicable relations had not been established with the See of Rome; citing the example of Prussia in fa- vour of such an arrangement.

He reviewed the lost bills—the crowd of ghosts that had gone to the shades.

The bill on Polling Electors in Ireland—a most proper, useful, and well-timed measure—was gone; also the Parliamentary Electors Bill; also the bill to give certain facilities to the owners of Encumbered Estates in Ireland, which would have been of the greatest possible benefit. Some thought it the only Irish mea- sure which could be approved, others thought it by far the best of the whole. He regretted that the alarm of the Irish landlords as to mortgagees calling in their money should such a measure pass stood in the way. That would have happened to a far less extent than they supposed. There never was a reduction of interest but the alarm arose .that mortgagees would step in; and, if persons were in a state of embarrassment, they ought quaniprimuni to look their necessi- ties in the face, and come to an understanding with their creditors. The mea- sure in question had a beneficial intention and tendency. How many bankrupt- cies, how many insolvencies had he known, what countless perplexities, what endless confusion, what miseries, banishing sleep by night and rest by day, which had entirely originated in a person not having the firmness and moral courage early enough to look his difficulties in the face, and ascertain the fact whether his estate was his own property or the property of his creditors, and if it was the property of his creditors, to come to an instant arrangement, just to one party and beneficial to all. One great advantage of the bill would have been its effect in this respect. But he grieved to say, it had been abandoned. The Railway Bill was put off till next session—in other words, put off to be rejected by the Railway Parliament. The bill for guarding against pestilential disease and im- proving the Health of Towns, brought in early, was abandoned. The Thames Conservancy Bill, national id its objects—the Prisons Bill—the Scotch Marriage Bill, and the Scotch Registration of Births, Marriages, and Deaths Bill—all given rip.

These failures, this systematic and wholesale impotency, made one rather think

that a strong government which one did not like Might be better than a weak government which one did like. The very worst feature of a republic was often said to be this impotency, which often arose from divided councils. Bishop Bur- net related a conversation in which King William said that he had often doubts whether a monarchy or a republic was the better form of government, and that there were many arguments for each; but be added, that anything was better than a monarchy without power. And so said he—that anything was better than a ministry without power; anarchy and impotency incapacitated any government from performing its functions, and from keeping its bargain with the state to re- turn protection for allegiance and when protection ceased allegiance was no longer due. A perfectly weak government, that could not carry a single mea- sure could not have the means of giving that protection which Was the very condition of allegiance. He sincerely hoped that he might never live to see'such another session, or such a fate happen to any bills as happened to the Railway Bill, the Encumbered Estates Bill, and above all the Health of Towns Bill. His hopes were summed up in this, that he should henceforth, as the result of the general election, see the Government, or whatever Government was to rule the country, strengthened by the support of the people, enshrined by its own merits in the people's admiration and affection, and, above all, backed by such majorities in both Houses of Parliament that it should not be necessary at the end of another session to stand up and lament over it, protesting against being understood to blame; but that there should be a Government with such support that it might be perfectly clear that responsibility was on the Government—responsibility which at present Lord Brougham confessed, painfully confessed, did not rest on the Go- vernment, but was divided between the Government and Parliament. He hoped that divided responsibility might cease for ever; that Parliament might be re stored to its functions by the election; and that we should never, never again have to witness such a session of disappointment, ruinous to the character of Govern ment, injurious even to the character of the constitution, and hurtful to the re putation of the country at large.

He had now to move that an humble address be presented to her Majesty,

assuring her of the deep interest which this House ever must take in whatever subjects were graciously recommended to their consideration by her Majesty; that it was with great pain the House was obliged to admit that nearly the whole of the subjects thus recommended, and of high importance in themselves, had not been BO far successfully attended to as to produce any legislative measures to which her Majesty's Royal assent could now be asked; that it was very painful to the House to reflect that other subjects of vast moment which had been sub- mitted to Parliament had of necessity been abandoned without anything effectual having been done with respect to them; that it was the earnest hope of the House that no other session of Parliament might pass without more being done for the improvement of the institutions of the country, and for the benefit of her Majesty's subjects, than it had been found possible to accomplish in the session . which was now near its close; and that the House now, as at all times, would gratefully acknowledge her Majesty's parental care for the welfare of her subjects. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE Observed, that Lord Brougham had, per- haps unconsciously, made the attack Nelda. lie' disclaimed, not only as against the Government, but as against the general character of the pro- ceedings of Parliament; which made it necessary for the Marquis to meet

the motion with a direct negative. , - With regard to the general description of the session, the failure and with-

drawal of bills, there was not one word uttered by the noble and learned Lord in condemnation of the session that might not be shown to apply in an equal and corresponding degree to four out of five of the sessions of recent years. The con- dition in which his noble and learned friend had described the country now to be —namely, in the expectation of a dissolution of Parliament—had also on forma occasions produced precisely the same consequences; precisely the same haste, precisely the same unwillingness, if not incapacity, to proceed with certain bills and important measures, which excited, more or less, public opposition. In fact, Lard Lansdowne contended, the inevitable tendency of the Reform Bill itself, carried after years and years of repeated failure, was—and his noble and learned friend must have been blind if he did not at the time perceive it—to render the Members of the other House more attentive to the wishes and feelings of popular constituencies. This circumstance had operated, session after session, to cause the withdrawal of measures. The Sanatory Bill, for example had before undergone the process of being brought forward and sacrificed. And with respect to many bills, notwithstanding their withdrawal, if founded in justice and in the solid interest of the country, they were still useful bills even in their destruction because they left seeds behind them which never failed to fructify. He agreed with his honourable and learned friend, and admitted the manliness of his declaration, that it was only by again and again stating in that House and elsewhere opinions which were unpopular, that their unpopularity could be gradually subdued, and that more intelligent views with respect to public exigencies and improvements became prevalent. Thus it happened, that after the repetition of arguments and opinions applied to bills that had failed, those arguments and opinions began to make an impression on the public, and ultimately had their effect in carrying the desired measures to a suc- cessful issue. His noble and learned friend seemed to think that Government had nothing to do but to propose bills and carry them. Now he believed that there never had been and never would be a Government so strong in this country as to be enabled at once to subdue public opinion out of doors, and, in spite of the feeling existiro, in the country, to carry in one session great and important mea- sureson their first proposal. What had been the history of all those great changes in which his noble and learned friend himself had borne a part, but a struggle in the first instance against public opinion, which had gradually been brought to conviction by repeated arguments and discussions, involving, however, the loss of session after session, and bill after bill? He could point out measure after mea- sure, supported by men of the greatest ability, which had of necessity undergone this delay. The monopoly of the East India Company had been gradually sub- dued, against which for half a century Government after Government had struggled. In the course of that struggle one Government was overturned, diffi- culties; were imposed upon another; but ultimately, to the great advantage of the country, the monopoly was extinguished. Yet his noble and learned friend, with as much justice as he taunted the present Government, might have attacked pre- ceding Governments for not carrying that measure sooner. What also was the history of the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts, and of Catholic Emancipa- tion? By the repeated discussions with respect to those measures public opinion became enlightened, and ultimately they were successfully carried. It was by long and continued discussions that those measures had been carried; and so, in like manner, a number of those ghosts of bills, as his noble and learned friend had styled them, would ultimately become the law of the land.

Lord Brougham had omitted from his catalogue a great number of bills of no small importance which had passed during the session, though without attracting much discussion. Of this class Lord Lansdowne enumerated three for improving the tenure of land in Scotland,—the Transfer of Lands Bill, the Service of Heirs Bill, and the Burgage Tenure. Lord Brougham had omitted the whole series of measures connected with the support of the people of Ireland, and the removal of the famine; and with respect to that distress, surely Lord Brougham would not bkve allowed misery and lever to stalk through the land without making an effort to check their progress. It is a gratifying fact, too, that although the eleemosy- measures have had some tendency to pervert the habits of the population,

has not been the case to the extent apprehended; as is shown by the remark- able diminution of outrages in Ireland. Other measures passed during the session were, the bills relating to the importation of corn, to the Navigation-laws, and to the use el sugar in distilleries and breweries; the last not a temporary bill, and the others, though temporary, calculated to mitigate the great calamity which had visited the country. These were in themselves great measures; and as such, this session, in which they were passed, deserved to be remembered with credit and honour for having acted industriously and successfully to increase the supply of food. The passing of these measures might well excuse both the Government nnd the Parliament for the omission or adjournment of other measures of not such immediate urgency.

Lord Brougham's motion was negatived without a division.

THE ROYAL ASSENT WUS given by Commission on Thtusday, to the Railway (Ireland) (No. 2) Bill, Navigation (No. 2) Bill, Destitute Persons (Ireland) (No. 2) Bill, Polling at Elections Bill, with other bills of public importance, and an immense number of railway and private bills.

Barrenuprer AND Ixsoxrsecy Bat. On the third reading of this bill, on Tuesday, Mr. STUART renewed his opposition to the measure, especially on the ground uf its gross imperfections. For example, it imposes large trusts on the Clerks of the County Courts. An insolvent s interest in property was sold the other day for 50,0001.: but those Clerks had given a security proportionate to the far inferior trust originally reposed in them. He deprecated this cobbling legis lation from year to year; and proposed to delay the measure in order to a deli- berate scheme of legislation on the whole subject. He moved that the bill be read a third time that day three months. Sir JOHN Jsevis briefly defended the bill; and on a division the third rending was carried, by 48 to 18. Sir JAMES GRA. Hex then moved the addition of a clause excluding Judges of the County Courts from the House of Commons. This was adopted, and the bill passed.

DONATIONS OF FOOD FROM AMERICA. On Tuesday, Mr. BROTHERTON moved for the production of official correspondence acknowledging the donations In food and money from the Legislature and citizens of the United States for the relief of the famine in Ireland; his object being solely to elicit the strong expres- sions of gratitude which he was certain were felt in every part of her Majesty's dominions. Mr. WILLIAM BROWN seconded the motion. Lord PALMERSTON, in notifying his cordial acquiescence, enlarged on the happy effects which the interchange of kindness had in promoting the friendly relations of the two coun- tries. Lord Moiterru also threw in his testimony to the kindness of the Ame- ricans; observing that the touchstone of calamity was only wanting to call forth at all times whatever was most generous and kindly in our nature.

THE COMMUTED PENSIONS OF 1832. On Wednesday, Sir DE LACY Evess moved for papers relating to the commuted allowance, with a promise of land in Canada, which had been made to pensioners in lieu of their pensions, in 1832. The plan of settlement failed, and the veterans were left without their pensions; Government pocketing something like 3001. at the expense of some twenty pen- sioners. Mr. Fox MAULS, and afterwards Lord Joni; RUSSELL, stated that there would be no objection to place the pensioners living in this country on the same feeling with those residing in Canada.

FREES TRADE IN LABOUR FOR THE WEST INDIES. On Wednesday, Lord GEORGE BENT'INCK presented a petition from the magistrates, proprietors, and planters of St. George's parish in the island of Jamaica, complaining of injury rom the abolition of slavery, and praying for a Committee to inquire into the effect of Emancipation on private property, with a view to compensation either in the shape of protection in British markets, in grants of money, or in importation of free labour at time cost of the British nation. Lord George announced his in- tention, at the meeting of the next Parliament, to move for a Committee of in- quiry into the whole question.

CLOSE OF THE SESSION.

Parliament was prorogued by the Queen in person yesterday afternoon; and the ceremony seemed to cause unusual interest, probably from the fact of its being virtually the dissolution of the Parliament, and from its taking place in the New House of Lords. The House was opened at noon, and for an hour the Peers and visitors continued to arrive.

A trifle of business was transacted in both Houses. The Peers were occupied for a short time with a case in appeals.

The House of Commons, which did not meet till one o'clock, received from the Crown the answer to an address; which reply conveyed the as- surance that directions would be given to prevent unnecessary delay in providing permanent accommodation for the House in the New Palace of Westminster. Lord GEORGE BENTINCK again alluded to the petition from Jamaica, and renewed: his notice for next session; in favour of re- newed protection. Mr. HAWES did not neglect the opportunity. He hoped the country would understand that the policy of this Parliament had been to reduce the prices of all the great necessaries of life, and that Lord George's object was to prevent the public from having the fullest supply of sugar at the lowest prices which unrestricted competition was likely to pro- duce. Mr. BANKES moved that a petition complaining of light bread sold by bakers in Dorsetshire be printed. There was a desultory conversation; and as Mr. Bankes threatened to divide, which would have been very in- convenient at such a moment, Lord PALMERSTON undertook the duty of speaking against time; which he performed amidst the merriment of the House.

At length he was relieved, about a quarter past two o'clock, by the ar- rival of the Black Rod; who summoned the Commons to attend the Queen in the House of Peers.

The Queen had just entered the House and taken her seat on the throne, with Prince Albert at her side; and the building presented a most magnifi- cent spectacle, every part being filled except that just before and around the throne. In every other direction the eye rested on beauty of form or face, rich costumes, state robes, or military and diplomatic uniforms. The body of the House on either hand presented a mass of light and elegant colour, above which rose snowy feathers, wreaths, head-dresses of a single flower, disposed with exquisite taste, or, more rarely, diamonds and gems. The Peers were forced to sit together in a close line on the front benches, and on the seats near the woolsack; forming, with their scarlet and ermine robes, a rich centre to the tableau. The splendid uniforms of the Corps Diplomatique, and the helmets and breastplates of two or three officers of the Guards, varied and relieved the view; the effect of which, combined with the gold and massive carved work of the walls and roof, was that of a magnificent picture enclosed in a gigantic and gorgeous frame.

On appearing at the bar, the SPEAKER addressed to her Majesty the following recapitulation of the session—

"Meat Gracious Sovereign—We, your Majesty's faithful Commons, attend your Majesty with the bill by which the supplies are completed for the present year: they have been granted with a strict regard to economy, but with every dispo- sition to make ample provision for all branches of the public service. "During the progress of this session which is now about to terminate, we have maturely considered various measures for the practical improvement of the law, and for the amelioration of the moral and social condition of the people; and where it has not been possible to bring these measures to a satisfactory conclusion, we hope to have prepared the way for sound and useful legislation in future sessions of Parliament. We have passed acts to regulate the dispo- sition and transfer of land in Scotland; while by carefully adhering to the esta- blished principles of law, we have given increased facilities for dealing with real property in that country, which must tend greatly to increase its security and value.

"We have found it necessary to place a further limitation on the hours of labour of young persons employed in factories; and by giving more time and opportunity for their moral and religious instruction, and for the exercise of their domeetio duties, we have elevated the character and condition of a large and industrious_ class engaged in manufacturing. operations.

"There is, however, one subject of paramount importance to which your Ma- jesty was graciously pleased to direct our attention at the commencement of the session, and which called for long and anxious deliberations. For many months past your Majesty's subjects in Ireland have been suffering from the combined effects of famine and its too frequent consequence—disease; requiring large pecu- niary aid, and prompt and energetic measures, to arrest their fatal effects, and to. prevent an almost total disorganization of society in many parts of that kingdom. - No exertion has been wanting on our part to meet this terrible emergency. Every restriction upon the importation of food has been suspended; every resource of legislation has been employed to mitigate, what no human wisdom could avert, this awful visitation of Divine Providence. Nor have we in providing for this exigency been unmindful of the permanent welfare of that important part of the United Kingdom. We have encouraged the development of its vast capabilities and the industry of its inhabitants, by giving every possible stimulus to public and private enterprise, whether directed to the improvement of land or to the establishment and construction of fisheries and harbours; and profiting by past experience, we have extended and rendered more efitetive the provisions of the law for the relief of the destitute poor; thereby bringing into new and closer relations, and connect- ing by the ties ot mutual interest, the proprietor and cultivator of the soil. To these measures for the temporary relief and permanent improvement of Ireland our labours have been unremittingly devoted: and nobly and generously have those efforts been responded to by all classes of your Majesty's subjects; who, followiug your Majesty's gracious and benevolent example, from the highest in the realm to the humblest, have made every sacrifice which the urgency of the case demanded to alleviate the sufferings, unexampled in intensity, and borne with a fortitude and resignation equally unexampled, by that brave amid loyal people."

The Speaker concluded by presenting for the Royal assent in the usual manner the Consolidated Fund Appropriation Bill. The Royal assent was also given to the following bills—the Bishopric of Manchester, Poor-law Ad ministration, Poor Removal, Commons Enclosure Amendment, New Zea- land, Drainage of Lands (Scotland), Leith Harbour and Docks, Sutton Harbour Improvement, and London Bridge Approaches.

The Lord Chancellor handed to the Queen the Royal Speech; which the QUEEN read as follows- " My Lords and Gentlemen—I have much satisfaction in being able to release you from the duties of a laborious and anxious session. I cannot take leave of you without expressing my grateful sense of the assiduity and zeal with which

you have applied yourselves to the consideration of the public interest. . "Your attention has been principally directed to the measures of immediate relief which a great and unprecedented calamity rendered necessary.. I have given my cheerful assent to those laws which, by allowingthweefrree

admission of grain, and by affording facilities for the use ai bre sugar in .es and distilleries, tend to increase the quantity of human food, and to promote com- mercial intercourse.

"I rejoice to find that you have in no instance proposed new restrictions or interfered with the liberty of foreign or internal traae, as a mode of relieving dis- tress. I feel assured that such measures are generally ineffectual, and in some cases aggravate the evils for the alleviation of which they are adopted.

"I cordially approve of the acts of large and liberal bounty by which you have assuaged the sufferings of my Irish subjects. I have also readily given my sane- Von to a law to make better provision for the permanent relief of the destitute in Ireland. I have likewise given my assent to various bills calculated to promote the agriculture and develop the industry of that portion of the United Kingdom. My attention shall be directed to such further measures as may be conducive to those salutary purposes. "My relations with Foreign Powers continue to inspire me with confidence in the maintenance of peace.

"It has afforded me great satisfaction to find that the measures which, in con- cert with the King of the French, the Queen of Spain and the Queen of Portugal, I have taken for the pacification of Portugal, have been attended with success' and that the civil war which for many months had afflicted that country has at last been brought to a bloodless termination. I indulge the hope that future differences between political parties in that country may be settled without an appeal to arms.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons—I thank you for your willingness in granting me the necessary supplies: they shall be applied with due care and economy to the public service.

"I am happy to inform you, that, notwithstanding the high price of food, the revenue has up to the present time been more productive than I had reason to anticipate. The increased use of articles of general consumption has chiefly con- tributed to this result The revenue derived from sugar, especially, has been greatly augmented by the removal of the prohibitory duties on foreign sugar.

"The various grants which you have made for education in the United King- dom will, I trust, be conducive to the religious and moral improvement of my people. 'My Lords and Gentlemen—I think proper to inform you that it is my inten- tion immediately to dissolve the present Parliament. "I rely with confidence on the loyalty to the Throne and attachment to the free institutions of this country which animate the great body of my people. I join with them in supplications to Almighty God that the dearth by which we have been afflicted may, by the Divine blessing, be converted into cheapness and plenty."

Some curiosity had been felt to know whether the Queen's voice would be audible in a house where so many of the Peers had failed to make them- wives heard: it was observed that her Majesty spoke without effort, and yet not a word was lost. The Speech having been delivered, the LORD CHANCELLOR declared Par- liament to be prorogued till Tuesday the 21st day of September next, to be then holden. Parliament was accordingly prorogued till that day.

The Queen and Prince Albert then left the House in the usual order of State.

RAILWAY RILLS we PARLIAMENT

LORDS.

PREAMRLD3 PROVED is Commix-rm. July 19.—Edinburgh-and-Bathgate (deviations and amendments). July 20.—Mtmehester-Sheffic1d-and-Lincolnshire (supply of water to Manchester, Re.) ROYAL ASSENT. July M.—Midland (extension of the Nottingham and Lincoln branch at Lincoln). Midland (Syston and Peterborough deviations and approach to Stanton station.) York- and-North-Midland (East Riding Canals purchase). York-and-North-Midland ([lull station and branches). York-and-North-Midland (Harrogate branch, Boroughbridge and Knaresborough extension). Edinburgh and-Northern (branch from Burntisland to Dunfermline branch, Re.) (No. 2). Great-Northern (branch to King's Lynn). Manchester-and-Southport and branches. BIrkenbead-Lancashire-and-Che.thlre Junc- tion, and Chester-and-Birkenhead (purchase or amalgamation). Birkenhead-Ltuaca- shire-and-Cheahlre Junction (deviation of main line and Chester branch, Re.) Coven- try-Nuneaton-Birmingham-and-Leicester. East-of-Fife (Markinch deviation). Great- Northern (deviations between London and Grantham). Eastern-Union (branch from Manningtree to Harwich). Great Western (amendment and extensions). Liverpool- Manchester-and-Newcastle-upon-Tyne Junction (acts amendment). London-and- North Western (Lime Street, Liverpool, station, extension, Re.) Paisley-and-Renfrew (sale and improvement). South-eastern (widening of the Greenwich Railway, and ar- rangement and enlargement of the London Bridge station). Waterford-and-Limerick. East-Lancashire (deviations, and Rawtenstall coal branch). St. Helen's Canal and Railway (Warrington and Blackbrook branches, Re.) Great-Northern (Hertford- Battield-and-St-Alban's branch). Oldham-Alliance. London-and-North-western (Ormskirk - and - Rainibrd branch, Re.) Taw-Vale and Dock (deviations, and Bideford and South Molten branches). Manchester - and. Birmingham, and North-Staffordshire Junction. Glasgow.Paisley-Kilmarnock-and-Ayr, and Ayr- shire-and-Bridge - of- Weir (No. 3). Eastern-Counties (Wisbech to Spalding). Buckingham-and-Brackley Junction, and Oxford-and-Bletchley Junction Companies amalgamation and extension of lines. Caledonian (Edinburgh station, and brtnches • to Granton, and to the Edinburgh-and-Glasgow). Chester-and-Holyhead (extension at:Holyhead). Edinburgh-and-Northern (improvement of the Ferry between Ferry Port on Craig and the North shore of the river Tay). Edinburgh-and-Northern, and Edinburgh-Leith-and-Granton amalgamation. Liverpool-Manehester-and-New- eastle-upon-Tyne Junction (alteration of main line and Hawes branch). Northern- Counties-Union deviation. Reading-Gulldford-and Reigate. South-Yorkshire-Don- easter-and-Goole (Pentstone, Re. and purchase of Sheffield-Rotherham-Barnsley-Wake- lield-Huddentfield-and-Goole, Dun navigation, and Hearne and Dove Canal). Wear- Valley, Bishop-Auckland-and-Weardale, Weardale-Extonalon, and Wear-and-Derwent Railways, and Shildon Tunnel amalgamation. Lynn-and-Ely, Ely-and-Hunting- don, and Lynn-and-Dereham amalgamation. Duffryn-Llynti, and Porth.Cawl-and- Liynvi-valley amalgamation. South-Devon extension and amendment. Exeter-and- Exmouth. Direct-London-and-Portsmouth, Brighton-and-Chichester, London Bright- en-and-South-Coast, and London-and-South western. East Lancashire (Southport branch and Preston extension). London-Bridge-Termini general enlargement. Edin- burgh-and-Northern, St. Andrew's-and-Newburgh Harbour branches and road crossings (Newport Railway extension). ()Imago w-Airdrie- Monklands Junction (Cowlairs branch). London-and-North-western (Kenilworth to Rerkswell, Re. branches and extensions, Re.) Edinburgh-and-Bathgate (deviation and amendment) (No. 2). Manchester- Buxton-Matiock-and-MIdiand Junction deviations. Royston-and-Hitchin (sale or featte).. Lohdon.and-Sonth-western. Manchester-Sheffield and-Lineolnsidre (supply Of ittirifilla water to Manchester, Salford, and Stockport).