THE INTENSIFYING WAR
WITH the launching of General Auchinleck's offensive in Egypt the war generally gathers towards a climax. News from this particular field arrives slowly ; it is natural enough that in the midst of operations on a great scale'the General Staff should have more important tasks on hand than the drafting of communiqués. But it is known that the hope, expressed by our contributor "Strategicns " on another page, that Auchinleck would strike first has been realised, and that the first objectives were achieved. For the rest we must wait. Such a movement has great possibilities if sufficient weight of men and material is behind it. Occupying or reoccupying territory counts for little ; the defeat of Rommel's army, and particularly his tanks, is what matters. Whether this fighting can bring any relief to the hard-pressed Russian armies round Rostov is doubtful. The most that could be hoped for would be the diversion of a few Luftwaffe squadrons. The Russian situation generally, with the Germans pressing steadily forward at Rostov, and being pressed steadily backwards at Voronezh, is full of interest, but full unfortunately of danger. All that can be said is that it is danger no greater than the Russians surmounted so successfully last year. Meanwhile the position in China, with the important bomb- ing-base at Wenchow changing hands repeatedly, and the threat of a Japanese attack on Siberia growing, clearly needs watching.
A Response to America
A striking article in last week's Economist drew attention to a situation which ought not to have been allowed to arise. A remark- able series of speeches, it is pointed out, has been delivered in recent weeks, notably by Mr. Henry Wallace, Mr. Sumner Welles and Mr. Milo Perkins, all taking the most comprehensive view of the fundamental causes of war—most of them economic—and, in consequence, of the steps that must be taken to avert war in future. What is envisaged broadly is an era of liberal economic co-operation on a world-wide scale, and the resolute destruction of all artificial barriers to that development.. Some of the speeches have been published at length in this country, though often not till some time after delivery, but what has been conspicuously lacking is the authoritative and cordial response which utterances so enlightened Plainly invited. Till this week no British Minister has so much as indicated that he was conscious of what American Ministers have been saying. Mr. Eden's speech at Nottingham on Thursday is therefore particularly welcome. What he said might have been said sooner, by himself or one or other of his colleagues, but the essential thing is that it has at least been said now, said by the Foreign Secretary and said so well. The American speakers can no longer wonder whether their words have fallen on empty air. They know now that their steps and ours are set in the same direction.
Shipping Losses and Production
On Tuesday the United States War Shipping Administration reported the grave news that shipping losses last week were the highest since the war began, and that sinkings of United Nations' vessels have greatly exceeded new construction. There are two, and only two, ways of remedying a situation which is becoming more and more serious. One is to destroy the attacking U-boats and planes—especially U-boati. The other is to construct more vessels or other means of transport than the enemy succeeds in destroying. The Americans have not yet mastered as we did in 1940 and 1941 the problem of frustrating the U-boats, though with the increased adoption of the convoy system and the perfecting of the use of shore-based aeroplanes it may be hoped that they will secure better results. On the production side they are achieving marvels. In a speech at Birmingham last Saturday Lord Halifax said that last month the Americans turned out about two ships a day, and will shortly be turning out three a day. But even this is not enough. There is news also of the conversion of the shipyards of the Higgins Shipbuilding Corporation to the production of 7o-ton cargo planes. A fleet of such planes flying quickly across the Atlantic would be an invaluable substitute for a certain amount of shipping, and would provide quick means of reinforcing the Allies in any field of war. The vast scale of American production increases our confidence that the problem of transport will ultimately be solved, but improvement can only be rapid if our ally, helped by our own warships, finds means of stopping the depredations of U-boats in the western Atlantic.
The Battle of the Seas
At this stage of the war it is natural that the full significance of the battle of the seas should be better understood by the people of this country than it is elsewhere, because for us this struggle has lasted so long and success in it has always been the condition of our survival. It became acute from the moment when the Germans, having conquered Norway, also overran France, and were able to use so many bases on the Atlantic. None the less this country found means of countering the attacks, and before the autumn of 1941 had the position well in hand. The causes which made ' it more acute early this year are well understood. In a sermon he preached at St. Paul's last Sunday Dr. Matthews spoke of this " silent and hidden battle of the seas " as one that is more deadly and decisive than the conflict on the borders of Egypt; and even than the gigantic struggle in Russia. That is no exaggeration, and it is desirable that our information service should constantly bring this truth home to the rest of the world. Everyone can realise the crisis the Russians are facing in the East or what we on a smaller scale are attempting in Egypt, but abroad it is insufficiently understood that the ceaseless battle we keep up on the Atlantic is indeed a " second front," and that without success there we could not send equipment to Russia, or keep the way open for our expeditionary forces or for those of our Allies. Our bombing of the German shipbuilding yards and submarine bases is part of the same vast engagement, which our intrepid marine, no less titan the Royal Navy, is ceaselessly waging.
Keeping Russia Supplied
Our efforts at sea have had this great result, among others, that they have rendered fruitful our efforts in the workshop to keep Russia supplied with arms. Mr. Oliver Lyttelton said last Satur- day that we have fulfilled our undertakings to supply Russia, sending her all the tanks and aircraft we promised, and more. Tanks have been shipped at the rate of 5o a week, and of aircraft we have sent ix per cent, more than we promised up to the end of June. This has been done in spite of demands from the Middle East and the preparation of the field force in this country. If there are some who have been saying that we have sent more to Russia than we could spare, the answer is that there is no fighting on land any- where which matters more than, or indeed as much as, the fighting in Russia. Mr. Lyttelton spoke of the consequences to the Allies of a German victory bringing the enemy to the Caucasus. It would give him the coveted oil, it would split the Soviet armies in two, it would threaten the eastern flank of our whole position in the Middle East. On the other hand, if Russia can hold through the summer and autumn Hitler will have suffered a defeat from which he might be unable to recover. There is no question that it is the right policy for us to strain every nerve to send more and more supplies to Russia—tanks and aeroplanes, and the ships which carry them—while at the same time we continue to pin down a large proportion of their air force in the west by repeated R.A.F. sweeps over enemy-occupied territory.
Moscow and the Second Front
A message from the Special Correspondent of The Times at Moscow says that it is unquestioningly accepted there that the second front will be opened just as soon as the Allies' General Staffs can organise it ; but, the message goes on, " any discussion in the British Press about its desirability or any judgements publicly expressed about the most suitable time for it have the most unhappy effect." That is a statement which should be pondered by those who, not knowing all the facts, shout their advice in the Press or on the platform, and importune the Government to choose this or that moment for an attack in the west. It goes without saying that the Russians would rejoice if we should attack the Germans forthwith in France or Norway at the moment when the enemy are concentrating so much force against Russia. But among the people of the Soviet Union, accustomed to leaving strategic decisions to strategists, it also goes without saying that the moment for launch- ing such an attack will be one chosen, not by irresponsible and mischievous journalists, but by the Allies' General Staffs. It ought to be understood that our Government is in the habit of taking the Soviet Government into its confidence to the fullest extent. There are constant conversations and consultations, and what both the Governments desire from military operations are the best military results—the best for both of them, their military interests in the long
run being identical. What is the best, in a military sense, for Russia, is also best for us ; and what is best for us is best for Russia.
The Miners' Resolve
The proceedings at the annual conference of the Minewbrkers' Federation at Blackpool made a substantial contribsition towards the settlement of the more immediate problems of the mining industry. The president, Mr. Will Lawther, recognised to the full the gains secured to the miners by the increase of wages, the national minimum wage, the establishment of a National Wages Board, and national control, and called upon the miners to accept their own responsibilities by producing the coal that the cation needs. The miners are agreed that the steps taken towards the nationalisation of the industry put upon them the onus of "nationalising " themselves, and the Executive has been empowered to draft proposals for welding the district associations into a unified control organisation. Such an organisation will have many functions to fulfil in relation to the Minister of Fuel and the National Wages Board, and not the least of these will be to give its help in improv- ing conditions of work in this, the most dangerous of all industries— to increase safety measures, to promote a " boys' charter," and combat- the deadly disease silicosis. The country, outside, mining districts, has never realised as fully as it should have done the sort of life that the miners lead, and it is absolutely essential that more and more attention should be paid to safety, elimination of disease, adequate compensation, housing and welfare. The grievances of the miners are of long standing. They have had much reason for feeling that they have not been given a square deal Progress is now being made, but it must be remembered that a more far-reaching reorgani- sation must be carried out after the war.
The Home Secretary's Powers
Tuesday's debate on Regulation 18B, which took place on a motion to reduce the Home Office Vote by £roo, was a very proper demonstration of the need for Parliamentary vigilance in all matters affecting the liberty of the subject. Early in the war the Home Secretary was given drastic powers to detain persons whom he has
" reasonable cause to believe " might be a danger to national security if left at liberty. It has been urged, and it was urged again on Tuesday, that it was never the intention of Parliament to give the Home Secretary the unchallengeable powers he exercises without appeal to the Courts, or any obligation to be guided by his Advisory Committee. The House of Lords decided last November, by a majority of four out of five Law Lords, that there is no appeal from the Home Secretary's " reasonable cause to believe," though Lord Atkin, dissenting, held that the question of fact—whether there was reasonable cause—could be determined in a court of law. The majority decision holds, and the question which the House debated was whether it ought to hold, and, if so, what other checks might be imposed to limit the absolute power of the Home Secretary. Mr. Morrison fully admitted that he had powers which the country would not tolerate in time of peace, but he insisted that it must tolerate them in time of war. With the object-lessons of fifth- columnism before our eyes and possible dangers which the Executive has the duty of handling, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the Home Secretary must have the most complete power, and that there may be cases where even acquittal in a court may not make it safe for him to release a suspect ; even the Advisory Com- mittee, which is not responsible to Parliament, cannot have the last word. But there are more general safeguards. The vigilance of Members of Parliament and such a debate as last Tuesday's do, in fact, affect the Executive, which acts in the knowledge that it is under a salutary surveillance.
Help for China
An appeal for funds for relief work in China can need no syllable of commendation here or anywhere else. There is no cause which any Englishman would more gladly and more generously support. All that is necessary is to remind any who have failed to note where subscriptions should be sent that they should be addressed to Lady Cripps, United Aid to China Fund, 13 Regent Street. S.W.I.
