The French Chambers were opened • on Monday, by Louis

Primp in person. The following is a copy of the Royal Speech on the occasion, as we find it translated in the Times.

" Gentlemen—I am glad, after a long separation, again to have recourse to your wisdom and support. In the interval my Government has been exposed to serious trials. It has overcome them by its own strength; it has triumphed over factions.

"Deceived by the generosity of our institutions, by our respect for the guarantees of public rights, they have miscalculated the strength of a legal and moderate policy. In Duels; in the name of the Republic—in the West, in the name of the Counter-revolution—they have attacked by force of arms the esta- blished order.

" The attempts at Republicanism, as well as Counter-revolution, have been qu'elled. •

" The days of the 5th and 6th of June have made manifest the perversity and the imbecility of the friends of anarchy; they have made clear the danger of a' fulicy.which would temporize with subversive passions instead of crushing them an thew birth. Constitutional monarchy has recognized itS true friends and its tree defenders, in that generous population of Paris, in that intrepid National Guard, in that brave and faithful army, who have so energetically repulsed such attempts, " I have been very happy that my presence, by encouragiug good c:,izens, has hastened to put down sedition.

" It has been seen what force a constitutional King may find in the support of the nation, when compelled to have recourse to arms to defeud the crown which lie has been called on to wear, and the institutions syllich he has sworn to maintain.

" We have had to deplore in the West insurrections and odious crimes. The mass of the population have not taken any part in it ; and wherever the rebel- lion has broken out, it has been speedily extinguished. Let, therefore, the culpable authors of civil war, who have so-many times desolated those districts, lose all hope of a counter-revolution, as impossible in my eyes as in yours ; fin, they find is unanimous to suppress it, always faithful to our oaths, and ready to unite our destinies with those of time country.

" A recent event, and decisive for the pubic peace, will destroy the last illu- sions of this party.

" Gentlemen, at Paris, as in the West, my Government lets been able to borrow from the existing laws all the energy compatible with justice. For like crimes like repression is necessary. In these critical days, it was necessary that the defenders of public tinier and of liberty should find in the firm resolution of the governing power the support which they demanded. " It will be your task to examine whether our legislative provisions do not require, in this respect, to be revised and completed, and by what measures the safety of the state and the liberty of the subject may at once be guaranteed.

" It is by persevering in this course of moderation and justice that we shall show ourselves faithful to the principles of our glorious revolution. This is the system which you have strengthened by your concurrence, and which Las been sustained with so great constancy by the able and courageous Minister whose loss we deplore. Already the happy.,effects of this system are every- where felt.

" Within, confidence revives ; commerce and industry have resumed their course ; Providence has spread its treasures over our fields; the scourge which so cruelly desolated us has gone from us ; and everything promises us the prompt reparation of the evils by which we were afflicted.

" Without, the pledges of national prosperity are not the less secure.

" I have every reason to reckon on the pacific dispositions of foreign Powers, and on the assurances which I every day receive. " The intimate union which has been formed between France and Great Britain, will be to both nations a fertile source of welfare and of strength, and to all Europe a new guarantee of peace. .

" One question alone might still have prolonged in Europe some uneasiness. Notwithstanding the efforts of. my Government, the Treaty of the 15th of November 1831, which was to consummate the separation of Belgium and Holland, remained Unexecuted ; the means of conciliation seemed to be ex- hausted; the object was, not obtained. considered that such it state of things could not continue without compromising the dignity and interests of France. The moment was come to provide for. the execution of treaties, and to fulfil the engagements contracted towards Belgium. The King of Great Britain has participated in may sentiments. Our two flags wave together at the mouths of the Scheldt ; our army, whose discipline and good spirit equal its valour, has arrived at this moment under the walls of Antwerp. My two sons are in its ranks.

" In giving to the King of the Belgians my dear daughter, I have strengthened. by a new tic the alliance of the two nations. The act which consecrated this. solemn union will be laid before you. " I have also given orders to my Ministers to communicate to you the treaty concluded on the 4th of July 1831, between my Government and that of the United States of America. This transaction puts an end to the reciprocal claims- of the two countries.

" You will also be informed of the treaty by which Prince Otto of Bavaria is called to the throne of Greece. I shall have to request of you the means of guaranteeing efficiently with my allies an indispensable loan fur the consolida- tion of a new state founded by oar care and our assistance.

" I request that our fundamental legislation may be promptly eampleted. The laws announced by the 69th article Jf the Charter trill be presented to vou in the course of this session. You will have to deliberate out the responsibility of Ministers, on the departmental and municipal administrations, on the organ- ization of public instruction, and on the condition of officers. " Several other laws of less political importance, but of great iuter est to the- affairs of the country, trill be also presented to you. " I regret that I am not able at present to propose to you any reduction of the public charges; our duty towards France, and the circumstances in which we are placed, impose on us still heavy sacrifices; but the general position of Europe permits us to anticipate their conclusion. The future appears to us. under favourable auspices; credit is sustained and is strengthened, and indubit- able signs attest the progress of the national wealth:

" A few efforts more, and the last traces of the anxieties inseparable front a great revolution will disappear. The feeling of stability will return to all minds; France will assume an entire confidence in the future ; and then will be realiaed the most cherished of my wishes, that of seeing my country raise itself to the height of prosperity to which it has a right to aspire, and of my being able to say that my efforts have not been useless in the fulfilment of its destinies."

The King was very graciously received both, by the people and by the Deputies, in his progress to and from the Chamber and while there. In his progress, however, an attack was made on his life, which happily proved as vain as it was infamous. A miscre- ant, standing on the Pont Royal, while the royal cavalcade was passing, drew a piStel from his breast, and fired at the King's person ; the ball fortunately passed over his head.. The intended assassin, in the midst of- the confusion, contrived to escape.

The enemies of the King, Carlists and Republicans, are reso- lutely determined to convert every thing that happens to hittlx._ whether fortunate or the contrary, into an occasion of eetestfre." One would think that Louts PHILIP might at least be assassitr:: without personal blame; but it seems not. The Oppositio31Ataffers."-' of Paris insist upon it that the pistol was fired by arcUen(at. the Police; that the whole affair was get up with a viaTal-thM*1 passing eclat to the Ministry, and smooth the OpposiOnity Chambers, in case the Antwerp citadel affair failed. The rhetori- cal correspondent of the Morning Chronicle requires the readers .of that paper to " imagine" only thirty-one facts and circumstances (we love to be particular), in,order to be convinced that thepistol- shot was a Ministerial plot. He forgets to imagine one thing, which is essential to the rest—he forgets to call on his readers to imagine their throats as wide as the Thames Tunnel, in order to admit the tide of nonsense that be would fain pour down them.

History is full of attempts similar to the attempt on the life of Louis PHILIP; That the assassin missed his aim, is in perfect conformity with precedent, for intended assassins on similar occa- sions have for the most part missed; that he escaped is also strictly in rule, for assassins have frequently escaped. The confusion in such cases is always extreme ; and the attention is invariably turned not to the assailant, but to the object of his attack. To believe that, for any purpose, so absurd and ridiculous a scheme as the mock assassination of the King, in the open day, would be got up by his Ministers, requires a strength of faith that none but a dealer in time bargains can hope to attain to. It will be seen from the Speech, that Louis PHILIP persists in at- tributing the disorders of July to a conspiracy of the Republicans. There is a point of defence of the measures pursued for their repres- sion, which the enemies and friends of the King have in a great mea- sure overlooked. It has been contended by the former, that the cir- cumstances of the attack on the people differed little, if at all, from those of the Three Days; and the latter have commonly contented themselves by a reference to the differing motives under which the two attacks were made. But it is only fair that both parties should keep in mind who were the assailants. In the Three Days, the assailants were the troops of the Line—mercenaries; the National Guard, the real soldiers of the People, having been previously sup- pressed. In July last, the troops of the Line acted; but they were encouraged and supported by the co-operation of the National Guard, restored and augmented for the express protection of pub- lic rights. In the first case, it was the Government and the Go- vernment defenders against the Nation; in the second, it was the Government and the national defenders against a section of the Nation. In the one, it was a war of the Few against the Many ; in the other, it was a war of the Many against the Few. The prin- ciple of CHARLES'S attempt was the despotic, the principle of Pinup's attempt was the popular principle. The Few might be right in both instances, according to the doctrine of the unsuccess- ful parties; or the Many, according to the doctrine of the suc- cessful parties; but that does not alter the argument. LOUIS PHILIP does not, it will be seen, look upon the conven- tion with England with Tory eyes; he calls it a guarantee of peace. It would indeed be passing strange, if a union of two free nations should be the signal for the despotic Sovereigns that surround them to attack either—their disunion might.

The question of the Dutchess DE BERRI continues to be dis- cussed. The most strenuous opposition is anticipated to the plan of an ex post facto law, as proposed by Ministers. The Dutchess leas arrived at Blaie, accompanied by the persons who were arrested in her company. CHATEAUBRIAND has addressed to the news- papers a letter in which he earnestly petitions from the Dutchess the honour of conducting her defence : we say to the newspapers, for it is evidently to them he speaks, though, for form's sake, he has sent a copy of the letter to the Prefect. HYDE DE NEUVILLE also has requested the honour of defending her Highness. His letter is openly and undisguisedly seditious. The Dutchess would do well to employ neither; they will do her cause no good. Men -who care so much about their own eclat as these two quacks do, never care much about others.