. TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE AND THE FREE-TRADE UNIONISTS. • -w-E are heartily glad that the Duke of Devonshire should have definitely joined the Unionist Free- trade party. As we said last week, he is one of those • have canvassed and recanvassed the position we have taken reading his speech can doubt that it is the speech of one who up with the most careful and anxious solicitude, we cannot is not only in full sympathy with the Chamberlain policy, see that we went too far. Nay, we are more confirmed but also of one to whom it has not for a moment occurred than ever in the necessity for opposing all forms of Protec- that he would be doing anything indiscreet or disloyal tion, and for regarding the present Government as a Protec- in using arguments in support of that policy. There is no tionist Government. Further, we are convinced that the pretence that the Government may possibly after all not course of events will and must justify our action, and that adopt the Chamberlain policy, or that, at any rate, it is a before long all sincere and. convinced Free-trade Unionists completely open question. Instead the speech is a frank will come to see that if they man, as we are sure they do contribution to the fiscal controversy on the Chamberlain mean, to do their utmost 'to preserve the policy of Free- side. At least, that is how we read it, and we imagine that trade as the national policy, they must refuse to give any most people will agree with us who consider the following further help and support to the present Administration. extract :— We base our view upon the attitude taken up by the chief members of Mr. Balfour's Government towards that we were almost without a rival in the industrial competition Mr. Chamberlain's policy. It seems to us to show of the world ? Were we getting our fair share of the increasing as plainly as words can show that they are convinced prosperity and wealth of the world, and the increasing trade of the that Mr. Chamberlain's policy is the true one, and that world? These were the questions that he asked them to consider, as soon as it is tactically convenient they mean to adopt and upon their answer to which would depend the policy which they would think it right that the country should adopt. The it. But if all, or practically all, the Government are Government were blamed now for raising . the question. They convinced Chamberlainites in their individual capaci- were told that they needlessly alarmed the British people when ties, is it not playing with words to represent the they suggested that all was not well with our State, that there Government, not only as not. committed to Protection, were steps which we might take which would afford a defence but, indeed, as an Administration which Free-traders can against the dangers which menaced us, and supply some redress for evils which had already begun to make- themselves felt, and properly belong to and support ? Let us remind our which, if unchecked, would make themselves more deeply.felt in readers for a moment of the attitude towards the great .the future. We were told if we did not have closer trade relations controversy of the hour which has been publicly adopted with the Colonies they would inevitably have similar relations by-members of the Administration, and especially by those with other people more ready than we were to adapt themselves members who have joined it since the resignation of the to the new circumstances, more alive than we were to the advantages which would. come of them, and that, having made Free-trade Unionists. We need not take up our space by those relations with other countries, instead of the Brother- voting Mr. Balfour's words. The Prime Minister, it will country, gradually the bonds of interest between ourselves and be admitted by all readers, has in effect told Mr. Chamber- them would be weakened ; the bonds of interest between them lain that be wishes him all possible good fortune in con- and foreign countries would be strengthened, until, perhaps, some yerting ihe nation, and has made it clear that if he succeeds day the bonds of interest, pulling all away from us, instead of drawing them to us, might prove stronger than the bond of blood be Will adopt his' policy. Meantime he guarantees that or sentiment, and the Empire which had cost suchefforts to create, the fort shall be held, if not openly for him, at any rate in and for which their fathers, aye, and they in their generation, no sense against him. Take neit the tone of Mr. Alfred had made such great sacrifices, would be a thing of the past, and Lyttelton's first speech after joining the Ministry, in its power audits influence in the world gone, and gone for ever. *hich he in so many words described himself as a follower Those were serious considerations, and it behoved them to take of Mr. Chamberlain as well as of Mr. Balfour. Again, Mr. Arthur Lee, speaking at- one of Mr. Lvttelton's 'Ili view of this and the other -quotations which we have meetings, was even more explicit. This is how he described given—a closer search of Ministerial speeches would have the 'position of the Government which he has just joinbd :— yielded many More examples of support-to the Charaberlain generals whose presence in the field is worth a carfs Mark that Mr. Chamberlain's policy is "the greater half" d'armee. At the same time, we cannot help regretting the of the joint policy, and that Mr. Lee specially associates absence of a more decided note in his letter to Sir himself with the Prime Minister in wishing it success. If Michael Hicks Beach. We admit that in all essentials not quite as outspoken, yet quite in the same spirit were the Duke of Devonshire is absolutely sound on the Lord Percy's remarks at Newcastle, where he took the fiscal controversy, and we have not the slightest fear that chair for Mr. Chamberlain. Lest we might unintentionally even on the question of retaliation, where he seems to distort Lord Percy's attitude, we will quote the exact approach nearest to the• policy of the Government, he words in which the Vines deals with the incident in its will ever assent to anything which will be of danger leading article :—" The meeting, which was representative to the nation. We have not, that is, the slightest of the rank and file of the Unionist party in the district, dread that when he looks into any specific project for was remarkable on two grounds. The chairman was Lord retaliation he will be seduced by it into cutting off the Percy, a member of the Government, who, while explaining British nose to spite the Continental face. The point upon on one hand that the arrangement had been made when which we are bound to say that we feel very grave doubts Mr. Chamberlain was Colonial Secretary, made it equally as to the wisdom of the tactics recommended by the Duke plain on the other that he does not recognise any serious is his implied suggestion that the • Free-food Unionists difference between the official and the unauthorised pro- must not treat the Government as the enemy as long as gramme. The other point is that, before hearing Mr. they do not openly, and as a Government, declare for Chamberlain, the meeting carried by acclamation a resolu- Mr. Chamberlain and his policy. In our view, this Lion expressing the fullest confidence in the Government ; virtual injunction from our leader to help the Govern- while the seconder declared, with the complete approval ment, though fighting Mr. Chamberlain, is one that is of the meeting, that, though Parliamentary exigencies fraught with very great peril to our cause. Needless might dictate to the Government less than Mr. Chamberlain to say, we do not raise our voice against the attitude proposes, the rank and file of the party recognise no such adopted by the Duke out of any childish dislike of limitation:, The Timm like Mr. Lee and Lord Percy, the Government, or because we ourselves originally seems to find very little difference except • " pace" recommended a policy of antagonism to all Protectionists, between the Government and Mr. Chamberlain. But the open or cryptic, and cannot now admit that we were mis- connection, nay, identity, is still further marked by the taken. The matter before the nation is too grave for any speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer at 13romsgrove foolish exhibition of amour propre. We have no feeling on Wednesday. In all points of fiscal policy the words of of personal animosity towards the Government whatever, • the Chancellor of the Exchequer have always been held to but rather the reverse, and if we could be convinced that have a special significance in committing the Government we were mistaken in the advice which we originally gave to which he belongs, and we shall not pay Mr. Austen the Free-trade Unionists, we should not hesitate for an Chamberlain the poor compliment of admitting that the instant to admit that we had blundered. But though we rule does not apply in his case. No impartial person "Could it be said to-day, as it could be said forty years ago, them into account." . ' . "The Government policy, as outline& by 'Mr. Balfour, was to deal with one part of the fiscal problem at a time,—namely, with that which provided for the defence of British industries against unfair foreign competition. Meanwhile, speaking for himself only, he rejoiced to think that Mr. Chamberlain was going forth to preach the other half, and, as he thought, the .greater half, of the policy, and to try and convert his fellow-countrymen. He ventured to join with the Prime Minister in wishing Mr. Chamberlain Godspeed in his mission." programme—can we say that it was good policy on the part of the Duke to limit the opposition of himself and his followers as he limits it in the letter to Sir Michael Hicks Beach ? We admit that it is quite possible for the most convinced opponent of Protection to agree with that letter ; but it has also, we regret to say, given the impression in many quarters that the Duke of Devonshire considers that the present Government is fully worthy of the • support of Free-traders, and ought to receive that support. Against that view we•must protest. The present Govern- ment is not worthy of support by Free-trade Unionists, and those who support it, even for a time, will, we feel sure, only end by finding themselves in a position of • difficulty and humiliation. Though not in word, yet in deed the Duke has admitted this himself by his resig- nation. To put the matter plainly, we desire, with all respect, to say to the Duke of Devonshire—If the Ministry was not enough of a Free-trade Ministry for him to remain in it, it is not enough of a Free-trade Ministry for rus, and those who think with us, to support.
Before we leave the question of supporting the present • Government a word must be said as to the allegation that the Ministry still contains Free-trade members, and that therefore it may still be assisted. Translated into plain words, this means that while a man of the high character and great intellectual force of Sir Robert Finlay, a man who• is also a most ardent Free-trader, remains in 'the Government it cannot be so entirely unworthy of the confidente of Free-traders as we have suggested. Our correspondent " Onlooker " has dealt with this point with admirable force in a letter which we publish to-day, and we will only add to it an expression of our deep feeling of regret at the course pursued by Sir Robert Finlay. We cannot, however, believe that now the Alaskan boundary question is settled Sir Robert Finlay can possibly much longer delay his resignation. If he does, and if he merely allows things to drift, be must sooner or later find himself among the ranks of those half-and-half men who at all great political crises attain, through their indecision, only to the Limbo of vain desires and useless aspirations. We all remember the story of the American politician who declared that he was "in favour of the Prohibition Act, but against carrying it out."• We are beginning to see plenty of men who are • "in favour of Free-trade, but against carrying it out." It is utterly impossible that Sir Robert Finlay can ever belong to this section of politicians. Yet among them, if not of them, he must ultimately find himself if he continues much longer in the Ministry. When he fully realises his position, he will, we are certain, cut himself off from the Administration. But then it may be in many ways too late. He will find if he waits till the opening of the Session what it will be most painful for him to find,—that he has been used as a decoy to Free-trade Unionists ; that other men have re- mained in the Ministry owing to his example, and later will not or cannot cut themselves free, even though he may then set them the example. Sir. Robert Finlay has not only himself to think of. His great position forbids so narrow a view. He must think of the effect of his action on others. If he does, he will as soon as possible sever his connection with the Government. At present he is at the mercy of the first Cabinet Minister who makes a strong plunge for Mr. Chamberlain, and that one will do so sooner or later we do not doubt. Surely it will be best, and will save pain and anxiety to himself and his friends, if Sir Robert Finlay resigns before the course of events forces him into a position which will make resignation absolutely necessary, but at the same time more painful and less dignified. He can now resign without regret for the past, for the settlement of the Alaskan boundary question gives him a perfect opportunity. Who will venture to say that he will be able to do so next February?
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