SCOTLAND.
Lord John Russell was complimented with a grand public reception at Greenock on Monday ; and in reply to an address presented to him by the Provost, Magistrates, and Council of that town, he gratified an admiring audience with a political speech. The presentation took place in the Mid Church of Greenock, which was filled with a great crowd ; conspicuous among whom were the local Provosts, Sheriffs, Bailies, and municipal officers in their robes and chains of office. Lord John was accompanied by his little son, and "appeared in vigorous health." Provost Martin's pre- liminary speech and the address itself referred to "Parliamentary Reform," "Commercial Freedom," and "Civil and Religious Liberty." On these hints Lord John dilated.
"Mr. Provost, and Ladies and Gentlemen—It would be difficult indeed for me to express in words the gratitude I feel for the honour you have this day done me. I can only say that I trust by more expressive means than by words—that by my public conduct, I may continue to deserve the ap- probation and good opinion of cities and communities such as this. You have done me the honour of saying, that it has been my lot to contribute to the liberty, to the happiness, and the prosperity of this country. I feel deeply such a compliment. I cannot but look back to the time when I first entered Scotland, and had the advantage of receiving part of my educa- tion under distinguished men in the metropolis of your country. At that period there was nothing like real representation of the people in this part of the United Kingdom. Those exceptions of popular elections which prevailed elsewhere did not find a place in Scotland; and the freedom of the press was a mere name, for I do not remember any newspaper at that time which really conducted public discussion with freedom and openness. I cannot but look back to that time to congratulate you, and to congratulate myself, that times are so greatly altered. Your Provost has alluded to institutions in other countries which have failed—to liberties which have flourished for a time, and have decayed without bringing their fruits to maturity : but the difference between these countries and this is, that there is such a temperate enjoyment of free- dom, such forbearance in pushing rights to extremity, such a well-considered appreciation of the yalue of liberty, that institutions derive all their force and all their grandeur from the character of the people among whom they are introduced. It is thus that if I have at any time been enabled to add to the privileges, to add to the power of the people, I have felt at the time, and I have had confirmed by experience, a sense that I was adding at the same time to the strength and security of the throne. I am sure, gentlemen, that such will continue to be the case, and that while you value and esteem those privileges which you enjoy, and those privileges which you may hereafter obtain, you will at the same time consider that it is by the temperate use of liberty that all these privileges can be best maintained to a remote posterity."
" With regard to the future, although I may take but for a short time any further part in the deliberations of Parliament, I trust that, much which excited party discussion and heated discussion having passed away— much that was matter of doubt having been settled—I trust, with regard to future measures, that there will be, if not an absence of party—because I do not expect that at any time there will be an absence of party in this coun- try, or that there will be any time when an honest difference of opinion should not be expressed—but I hope that there may be such agreement that the course of legislation may be still further conducive to the happiness of the people at large. And let me say, however important the questions dis- cussed in past years,—and it would be difficult, perhaps, to find a time in the history of any country when so many measures of importance have been obtained without convulsions and without revolutions as have been obtained and established in this country since the year 1833,-1 say, while that has been the case, there still remains much for the consideration, not only of all statesmen, but of all men who are lovers of hunianity and of justice, and who have a regard for the welfare of their countrymen. It is thus with re- gard to legislation as the poet describes it with regard to the traveller in a mountain country : although you seem to have mounted an ascent, there are still farther ascents before you—
Hills upon hills, and Alps on Alps arise.'
There is no time—I contemplate no time—when there will not be much for an enlightened and benevolent legislature to discuss, to arrange, and to establish. Unfortunately, the very increase of civilization—the very gathering together of populations which are the proofs of industry, of corn. coerce, of flourishing manufactures and increased trade—these things bring with them attendant evils ; and while we are occupied, while benevolent men are occupied, in extending to remote regions the light of Christianity, there are too many, almost at our own doors, who from the imperfection and deficiency of education on the one hand, and from the crowded and ill-ven- tilated dwellings they inhabit on the other hand, are almost as much de- prived of the means of obtaining religious knowb dge and moral instruction as the heathen in the most distant lands which our devoted missionaries have visited, and where they have been ready to sacrifice their lives for the pro- motion of Divine truth."
He moralized upon the natural differences between the actions, in these cases, of a despotism and a constitutional government. "Our very freedom stands in the way of many regulations which of themselves are beneficial. While in a foreign country where a despotic rule prevails, you will find that there is an obligation to provide for good ventilation, for order, for the maintenance of measures of police, of that which contributes to the health of the population in a city, our people—naturally, I must say, and I find no fault with such jealousy—object to the interference of any central authority ; and when the matter is left to their own government, do not always provide
for themselves those measures they should provide for the good of the people. Where 'tiu should interfere in such oases, and, if you interfere, what should be the limit of your interference ?—how far can you limit the freedom of the people in this respect ?—how far should legislation be introduced in this matter ?—these are important questions, which the Legislature should con- sider. Then with regard to education, what vast matters are open upon which men of the greatest intellect have already given their opinions to the world! Can we rely on the voluntary efforts of individuals to provide suffi- cient education for the people at large, or should you interfere, as the Go- vernments of America have interfered, in order to provide education ? If you do interfere, how far should you insist that it should be a religious edu- cation ?—can you, on the other band, provide secular education, and leave the ministers of religion to give religious instruction? I only glance at these questions, in order to show that there are mighty matters still for the con- sideration of legislators and statesmen ; and I pray to God that they may be resolved in a manner befitting the intelligence befitting the dignity, and be. fitting the spirit of an enlightened and Christian people." With more emphasis, and the marked sympathy of his audience, he re- ferred to foreign affairs. "And now let me say, that while these matters of internal legislation are of the utmost importance—while they must occupy from time to time the minds and the time of those who are called to repre- sent you in the Commons House of Parliament—while there are other ques- tions of internal legislation, likewise of vast importance, upon Which I already for my part have given my opinion, further measures ought to be adopted,—it is likewise to be considered, and I trust we shall none of us forget it, that this country holds an important position among the nations of the world ; that not once, but many times, she has stood forward to resist oppression, to maintain the independence of weaker nations, to preserve to the general family of nations that freedom,. that power of governing them- selves, of which others have sought to deprive them. I trust that character will not be forgotten, will not be abandoned by a people which is now stronger in means, which is more populous, and more wealthy than it ever has been at any former period. This' then, you will agree with me is not the period to abandon any of those duties towards the world, towards the whole of mankind, which Great Britain has hitherto performed. Let us perform them, if possible, by our moral influence—let us perform them, if possible, while we maintain the inestimable blessings of peace. But while we endeavour to maintain peace, I certainly should be the last to forget that if peace cannot be maintained with honour, it is no longer peace. (Loud and enthusiastic sheering, thrice repeated.) It becomes then, as I have said, no longer peace, but a truce—a precarious truce—to be denounced by others whenever they may think fit—whenever they may think that an opportunity has occurred to enforce by arms their unjust demands either upon us or upon our allies. I trust that so long as I can bear any part in the public coun- cils of this kingdom such will be my sentiments, and such my conduct. (Great cheering.) Happy I am to find that you have done me the honour to signify your agreement with me in these sentiments. (More cheering.) I shall conclude, therefore, by thanking you again for the great honour that you have done me ; enuring you that I shall remain attached to that cause which has been expressed in plain words in that which used to be the stand- ing toast at our dinners wherever Englishmen were met--' The cause of civil and religious liberty over the world.' I trust that wherever the influ- ence of Britain extends that cause will be maintained by her. I feel it is her sacred trust, and that when she lets fall that standard from her hands she no longer deserves to bear a part in the concerns of the nations of the world." (Loud and long-continued cheering.) The "Northern meetings "—annual gatherings of " fashionable " High- land folk and their clansmen—were held at Inverness on Thursday...and Friday last week. Lord Levet, the Lord-Lieutenant of the county, Lord and Lady Hardwicke, Lori and Lady Talbot, and many Highlaml families of rank, were spectators of'the gymnastic games which feria the chief amusement at these meetings. The usual popular character of the games was taken away by a novel charge of a shilling for admission to the grounds. The prizes for "bagpipe music" were won by Highland. era; but the prize for "putting" a heavy stone was won by a firmly- built and well-knit Saxon, an Ayrshire man. The Braemar gathering, on Thursday, was attended by the Queen and her retinue ; at whose approach the games were suspended for a time, while the Highlanders gave her Majesty and the Prince Consort a very hearty welcome. Sir Charles Forbes and 120 men of the clan, all dressed in the Forbes tartan and richly accoutred, formed a conspicuous feature of the spectacle. On the evening before, they had bivouacked at Corriemulzie pitching their tents in military style. Mr. Farquharson led 80 of his clan on to the ground ; and the Duff Highlanders marched in under the command of Mr. Duff M.P. The games were very good: a stone of twenty-eight pounds was thrown 25 feet 7 inches by one sturdy Highlander.
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