POSTSCRIPT.

SLT1TIWAY AFTERNOON.

Both Houses sat last night to wind up business—the House of Com- mons meeting at a quarter past three, and counting itself out at a quarter past six.

In the House of Commons besides the ordinary business, several Members put questions and mike statements. _ Mr. JAMES inquired whether the Government had received official information of the landing of Garibaldi at Mileto, and of the capture of the town and fortress of Reggio.

Lord PAmiznarrox said that no official information had been received, nothing more than the telegram which was already known to the public.

Mr. Burr—With reference to statements that had appeared in the continental journals—lst, that the Austrian Government has intimated to that of Turin that they would treat the landing of Garibaldi in the Neapolitan dominions as a census belli between Austria and Northern Italy ; 26, that Austria has engaged or tendered support to the King o f Naples, by armed intervention, against any atteinpt at revolution—asked ' Lord PALMERSTON said the statements were totally devoid of any foundation. The Austrian Government had invariably stated that they did not intend to interfere by force of arms beyond their own frontier, but that they intended to defend it if it were attacked. Mr. KINGLAKE revived the question of the annexation of Nice and Savoy, and begged the Government not to recognize the sovereignty of France in those countries, the annexation being a violation of public law. Mr. Kinglake also insinuated that the French Government is at the bottom of the Syrian troubles. Sir GEORGE BOWYER complained of the annexation of the Romagna to Sardinia, the invasion of Sicily and Calabria by Garibaldi.

He understood that the Government fully approved of what Garibaldi was doing, although the King of Naples was perfectly at peace with her Majesty, and the Minister of the King of Naples was here. In the face of these facts it was a farce to talk about the annexation of Savoy being a vio- lation of the public law of Europe. They ought to blush to talk of such a thing. (Laughter.) The result of all this would be the ruin of Italian freedoth, of which people professed to be so fond. He thought the ferocious filibuster, Garibaldi, might overthrow the King of Naples ; lie would then attack the States and Venetia, and eventually there would be a general European war, from which this country would not be able to hold aloof.

Mr. HENRY SEYMOUR called attention to our relations with Persia.

Lord PALMERSTON replied generally to the remarks of the various speakers. He assured Mr. Seymour that our relations with Persia were of the most satisfactory nature.

First, he said, he wished, however, to set Sir George Bowyer right upon a misconception as to what he had said at a meeting recently held at his own house. It was quite true that at that meeting he mentioned in terms of praise the manner in which Lord John Russell had conducted the foreign policy of the country, and that expression of his seemed to find an answer in the minds and breasts of all who were present. But he did not mention that as a proof and result of that policy the landing of Garibaldi in Italy. What he stated he stated as a fact, and the reason was, as he explained it, that that landing would bring about matters of grave importance, and that it was esssential, if her Majesty's Government were to deal with them at all, that they should know that they had the good will of those who usually supported the Government. With regard to the progress of Gari- baldi, it must be recollected that the King of Naples had an army of 60,000 or 70,000 men and a larger navy than Garibaldi could command. If, ' therefore Garibaldi accomplished successes, it would not be by the amount of forces he could bring against the King of Naples, but by the assistance of the people who desired to overthrow their own Government. Whether or not he would be so supported it must of course be left for the future to determine.

Now, as to the question whether definitive arrangements had been made for assembling the Conference proposed to be held at the instance of the Swiss Confederation, it was well known that these Conferences were asked for by the Swiss Confederation, and that they were more or less agreed to by the other Powers. Questions had arisen which hat delayed the meeting of the Conference, and no period had been fixed for the assemble. The treaty of Turin had not been ratified by any of the Powers. That transac- tion, he cession of Savoy to France, was peculiar and not within the ordinary category of cessions made by one Sovereign to another, because that territory of Savoy was held by the King of Sardinia on very peculiar conditions attached to it by the Treaty of Vienna, to which all the Powers of Europe were parties. Therefore it was not competent to the King of Sardinia to dispose of it in the ordinary manner. This affected the independ- ence of Switzerland, and Savoy in the hands of France stood in a different position as to the maintenance of the independence of Switzerland from what it did when if was in the hands of the King of Sardinia, because France, being more powerful, was likely to be much more dangerous to Switzerland than Sardinia could have been. Then, as to the way in which that cession was made.. All the circumstances connected with it, from first to last—the denials at one time and the avowals at another—the promises made, as re- ported by the President of Switzerland in March, and the promises made in January and February to the Minister of Switzerland, that whenever Savoy was annexed Faucigny and Chablais should be ceded, and then its not being done—all this must leave a most painful impression on the mind of every man as to all the parties concerned in this transaction. It has produced an impression also in the minds of all the other States of Europe, that prudence and forethought will be necessary for the future. He should hope that France would consider that she was bound to have regard to honour and good faith, that this transaction might close,—in whatever way it may close, —consistently with due and complete security for the integrity and inde- pendence of Switzerland. It was quite true that that independence and in- tegrity are for the interest of all Europe. It was not merely out of regard for the Swiss that that arrangement was made, highly respected as the Swiss must be, as they were inoffensive to their neighbours, while they were ready to defend themselves against all comers. But it was not out of regard for the Swiss, but from a wise and well considered regard to the peace of Europe that that arrangement was made. Therefore, he could not but hope that the French Government would see that, upon every account, such a fall arrangement should be made as would be satisfactory to the Swiss Confederation. Mr. Kinglake went at some length not only into the Swiss question, but into other questions of great interest and importance, the state of Syria and Italy. Lord Palmerston did not feel it necessary to follow him in those investigations. The duty of her Majesty's Government was rather

to prevent the recurrence of evils than to investigate the causes from which they arose, and they were acting in conjunction with France, Russia, Aus- tria, and Prussia, in this matter, and he hoped that the steps taken would answer the purposes for which they were designed. He believed that the Turkish Government was desirous of taking every step necessary to punish the guilty, and to lay the foundation for tranquillity between the hostile classes. There were to be Commissioners, of whom Lord Dufferin would be one, to inquire and to recommend such measures as would tend to promote peace and security for the future.

Mr. Gam= proceeded to call attention to the outrages at Damascus, when Mr. E. JAMES moved that the House be counted ; and, as there were not more than 16 or 17 Members present, the Howie adjourned. In the House of Lords, the Lo RD CHANCELLOR made a statement he had promised on law reform.

Lord Cassini may in moving the first reading of a bill to repeld obsolete statutes, said he took that course in order that the matter might he dis- cussed neat session.

The efforts in the direction of law reform had been characterized as a failure, but he thought that, although in many respects they bad failed, they bad,sneceeded, to a large extent, in carrying out good and substantial law reforms. He rejoiced that the Chancery Bill, one of-much importance, had Passed both Houses, and only now waited the royal assent. The bill conso-

lidating old Acts of Parliament relating to companies, and calk('

panics Bill; had passed with the concurrence of both sides of this HOUK, , was sent to the House of CI-minions on March 5th, and unfcrtunately it was not on the paper for consideration there till the end of the session, and iii the day when it was to be discussed, he was sorry to say it was thought ad - visable that it should be abandoned. There were seven bills which had originated in their lordships' House for the consolidation of the criminal law. Those bills were thoroughly considered and discussed with great care by their lordships, but it wal deemed desirable that they should be considered crease by clause by a Committee of the other House, and time, therefore, did not admit of their passing. The law relative to the administration of poison, he was happy to say, had received the royal assent. The law for en- abling the courts of common law to exercise an equitable jurisdiction in cer- tain cases had been passed, and had done more towards the improvement of their proceedings in the Courts at Westminster than the measures for law reform passed in the reign of any sovereign. The next bill that had passed was one which prevented English bankrupts from going to'Sco'land to get what was vulgarly called whitewashed, and thus defrauding English credi- tors. The Divorce Coma Bill was sent to the other House at an early period of the session, and after some considerable delay the micro- scopic eye of some member of the House of Commons had dis- covered an informality of the bill, and raised a question of privilege as to one of its clauses. That clause allowed one of the officers the fees and had not been printed in red ink, as was usual in those cases, and what were known as privilege clauses, but the House of Commons, in the handsomest and ?he most liberal manner, seeing that there was no intention to usurp its privileges, had passed the second reading of the bill, and it would, no doubt, become the law of the land. The Endowed Charities Bill had also been passed ; and the last bill he had to refer to was the Conjugal Rights Bill, and that was still before the other House, and if the House of Commons would admit the two clauses he proposed to retain, he thought the law courts of England and Scotland would be materially improved. He was glad, in call- ing the attention of their lordships to the proceedings of the House in its judicial, not its administrative, capacity, that he could say that by the co- operation of the law lords the judicial business of the House was in a more satisfactory state than it had ever been before, and at the opening of the next session there would only be twenty-four appeals to be heard. It had been said Chancery suits were never enaed, but he would call the attention of the House to the case of the Westminster Palace Hotel Company. The bill was filed and the suit thus commenced on the 17th of May this year, and after being tried in its various stages, and finally by appeal to this House, was terminated and finally decided on the 6th of August this year. Looking at these circumstances, he thought the House, whether regarded in its ad- ministrative or judicial character, had done all in the way of law improve- ment and reform that could reasonably be expected of them. After a few words from Lord ST. LEONARD'S, the bill was read a first time.