25 JUNE 1859, Page 3

THE ELnermsts.

The new Ministers have gone; to their constituents' for reelection ; and have issued their addresses, some of which only are worth notice. Lord Palmerston's address, the last to appear, was published yesterday. It is brief and colloquial. 94, Piccadilly, June 20,1820. "Gentlemen—Her majesty having been graciously pleased to confer upon me the office of First Lord of the Treasury, say eeat in the House of Commons has become vacant, and I again solicit the honour of continuing to be one of your Representatives in Parliament. I have so lately had the

honour of into the you that I deem it unnecessary in this address to enter at length nto the grounds on which I rest my claim to your confi- dence. I have been charged by our Sovereign with the duty of forming an Administration, and I trust that I have been enabled to perform that task in a manner that will prove satisfaotory to her Majesty, to Parliament, and to the country. It will be one of the great objects of the Government so formed to preserve for their country the blessings of peace and to take ad- vantage of any favourable opportunity that may present itself to exert the moral influence of Great Britain to assist in restoring peace to the Continent of Europe. We shall also have to consider the important question of the amendment of the laws which regulate the representation of the people in Parliament ; and I trust that we may be able so to deal with that subject as to strengthen the institutions of the country by placing them on a broader and firmer foundation. I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your obedient

and grateful servant, PALstimaxon."

Mr. Gladstone's address appeared early in the week and took the shape of a letter to the Provost of Oriel. It is long, and its peculiarities have attracted considerable attention. It rims as follows—

ti, Carlton House Terrace, June 17. "My dear Provost of Oriel—Thio day is the first on which I have felt my- self at liberty to address any statement respecting my intended assumption of office as Chancellor of the Exchequer even to those who will have either to grant or to refuse me reelection.

"The question raised by the proposal I have received has for me been a simple one. I trust it may be equally so to others if I recall their attention to past events.

"Various differences of opinion, both on foreign and domestic matters, separated me, during a great part of the administration of Lord Palmerston, from a body of men with the majority of whom I had acted, and had acted in perfect harmony, under Lord Aberdeen. I promoted the vote of the i House of Commons n February of last year which led to the downfall of that Ministry. "Such having been the case, I thought it my clear duty to support as far as I was able the Government of Lord Derby. Accordingly, on the various occasions, during the existence of the late Parliament, when they ,

were seriously threatened with danger or embarrassment, I found myself, like many other independent members, lending them such assistance as was in my power. And, although I could not concur in the late Reform Bill, and considered the disaiolution to be singularly ill-advised, I still was unwilling to found on such disapproval a vote in favour oi the motion of Lord Harlington, which appeared to imply a course of previous op- position, and which has been the immediate cause of the change of i.

lusters.

" Under these circumstances it was, I think, manifest, that while I had ot the smallest claim on the victorious party, my duty as towards the late advisers of the Crown had been fully discharged.

"It is hardly needful to say that, previously to the recent vote there was no negotiation or understanding with me in regard to office ; but when Lord Palmerston had undertaken to form a Cabinet he acquainted me with his desire that I should join it. "A proposal of that kind must be answered by reference to the para- mount interests and duties of the period when it is made. " These in the present instance, are without doubt to be found, first, in the guidance of our foreign policy with respect to the Italian war; and, secondly, in the settlement of the weighty subject of Parliamentary Re- form.

" With reaped to the first of these, ever since my mind was turned to the case of Italy my views and convictions have been in unison with those of the statesmen who will now be chiefly charged with our foreign affairs. It is thus my clear duty, in or out of office, to support them in the difficult task of so maintaining the neutrality of England as not to lose the openings which events may offer for using her impartial influence on behalf of the stability and justice of political arrangements abroad, and of the peace and happiness of Europe.

"With respect to reform I understood the counsels of Mr. 'Walpole and Mr. Henley, and I believe that if they had been followed the subject of reform would in all likelihood have been settled at this date, without either a dissolution of Parliament or a change of Administration. But I have never understood the principles on which that subject has been managed since the schism in the late Government. I also think it undeniable that the fact of the dissolution, together with the return of an adverse and now no longer indulgent majority, rendered the settlement of this question by the late Ministers impossible. I therefore naturally turn to the hope of its being settled by a Cabinet mainly constituted and led by the men together with whom I was responsible for framing and proposing a Reform Bill in 1864.

"It thus appeared clear to me, not only that opposition on my part to the Government of Lord Palmerston would be an unprincipled course, but that these were precisely the circumstances which brought into its fullest force the duty of rendering service and support to those who, having been ho- noured with the confidence of her Majesty in a critical state of Parliament and of parties, are to be charged with the conduct of affairs graver and more arduous perhaps as a whole for England than any since the peace of 1815. I have long known and lamented the public inconvenience brought about by separate action; and, subject to the conditions of honour and of public utility, I could not with propriety pass by any opportunity of bringing it at least in my own person to a close. "I understand that misgiving exists with respect to my sitting in a Ca- binet of which Mr. Gibson is a member, and which Mr. Cobden will be in- vited to join. The very same feelings were expresed, as I well recollect, when the late Sir William Molesworth entered the Cabinet of Lord Aber- deen. Sir William Molesworth never to my knowledge compromised his political independence ; yet these apprehensions were, I think, not justified by the subsequent course of events. "But all experience, by no means excepting that of the late Government, seems to show that Cabinets cannot in the present state of things he consti- tuted without including some, and perhaps wide, differences of opinion, even upon questions of high import. The real moment of these differences cannot be tested by mere reference to anterior and abstract declarations ; but only in the practical application of principles, under the weight of reponsi- bility for the conduct of affairs. I may perhaps, venture to add, that among the faults which have at any time been found in me, has never been that of an undue subserviency to the opinions of others. "Were I permitted the mode of address usual upon elections, I should,

after this preliminary explanation proceed to submit with confidence to my constituents that, as their representative, I have acted according to the ob- ligations which their choices and favour brought upon me, and that the Ministry which has thought fit to desire say cotiperation Is entitled in my person as well as otherwise to be exempt from condemnation at the first mo- ment of its existence. Its title to this extent is perhaps the more clear, be- cause among its early as well as its very gravest duties will be the proposal of a Reform Bill, which, if it be accepted by Parliament, must lead after no long interval to a fresh general appeal to the people ; and will thus afford a real opportunity of judging whether the public men associated in the present Cabinet have or have not forfeited by that act, or by its legitimate consequences, any confidence of which they may previously have been thought worthy.

"Your kindness in proposing my name to Convooation on so many suc- cessive occasions has led me to trouble you with this lengthened letter. I hope it may be justified by the gravity of the present juncture ; and having SO far trespassed on your patience, I cheerfully leave in the hands to which it belongs the task of considering what course the honour of the University may require. "I remain, my dear Provost of Oriel, very sincerely yours, "W. E. GiAnirrosa."

Mr. Gladstone will meet with a formidable opponent in the person of the Marquis of Chandos who has been put up by the Derbyites to whom Mr. Gladstone has given small satisfaction.

How many seats will be contested it is impossible to say. There is a great deal of talk of contests at Devonport, Sandwich, N ewcastle, and other places ; but unless Lord John HUMOR is opposed in the City, the election for the University of Oxford will be the chief.

Mr. Sidney Herbert, in his address t3 the electors of South Wilts only refers to the chief questions that will fall under the immediate attention of the Ministry—financial deficiencies, Reform, the foreign question.

Sir Henry Keating hopes that the new Liberal Government will realize some of the more important objects to which the constituency of Road- ing is attached.

Mr. Cardwell issued a brief address to his Oxford constituents practi- cally referring them to his conduct.

Mr. Hugessen tells the electors of Sandwich that he hopes to pro- mote in office the principles he advocated in opposition.

Sir Richard Bethel reminds the men of Wolverhampton that he told them he would not resume office unless invited to jMn tour Administration, the policy of which would be in accordance with yod r political opinions, and represent the wants and wishes of the groat

b y

of the Liberal party. In this spirit I have now oonsented to join a strong Liberal and reforming Government."

"I trust that my position in the Government will enable me to contri- bute to those measures of internal improvement which the country confident- ly expects to receive at the hands of a strong and united Liberal Govern- ment, and more especially I hope to fulfil the promise lately given to you at the hustings—namely, that if I returned to office all measures tending to render the law and its administration more simple, economical, and expe- ditious, should receive my early and most anxious attention.

The addresses of Sir George Grey, Mr. Headlam, Mr. Wilson, Lord Bury, contain nothing of moment Mr. Vernon Smith, it is said, will be made a Peer, and Lord Henley has come forward as a Liberal candidate for the seat thereby to be vacated at Northampton.

The elevation of Sir Benjamin Hall to the peerage as Lord Llanover, has occasioned a vacancy in the representation of Marylebone. The electors have been all of a flutter during the week selecting a candidate. First Mr. Ralph Osborne was asked to stand, but he shuddered at the expense-60001. One party proposed Colonel Dickson a convert to Ra- dical views : another Major Lyon, also a Tory in early life' and a Libe- ral of 1846; a third set mentioned the name of Mr. Raikes Currie with- out any warrant from that gentleman. The electors seem to be settling down upon the two ei-devant Tories—Colonel Dickson and Major Lyon.

A third candidate is Lord Fermoy, once well known as Mr. Burke Roche. He professed very advanced Liberal opinions, and expressed much strong condemnation of the Ministry in a dashing style.

They had a Cabinet of six or seven old Whigs; they had the whole of the Peelite party, stock and lot, so that if any distinguished foreigner were to come to this country and ask to be shown, among other curiosities, a Peelite they would be obliged to go to the Cabinet door and respectfully ask one of them to come out. (Cheers and laughter.) It was true they had left out Mr. Frederick Peel. ("And Sir James Graham.") Yes, and Sir James Graham, but with the exception of these two gentlemen the whole Peelite party were in the Cabinet, besides some six or seven Whigs and a sort of doubtful man, neither fish nor flesh, a half Tory and half Peelite—Mr. Glad- atone; and then' at last, they had Mr. Milner Gibson, who was the only real Liberal party inthe whole body. (" Hr. (bbden.") Wait. He could not believe for one moment that when that good and great man, who did so much to cheapen the bread of the poor—Richard Cobden, should come to this country, fresh from America, and see in what way the compact had been carried out which was entered into at Willis's Rooms, that he would consent to join the Cabinet. But if, on the spur of the moment, he should be taken by the glitter,—and no doubt it was a great temptation to a man to be offered to be made a Cabinet Minister' —if, then, for a moment he should be carried away, his firm belief was that before three months were over both Richard Cobden and Milner Gibson would walk out. The advanced Liberal party had not been fairly treated in the formation of the Cabinet, and he believed the good sense of the country would go with him when he made that asser- tion. (Cheers.)

Sir Joshua Walmsley, like Mr. Osborne, has declined an invitation to stand on the ground of the vast expense it would entail.