enottrit vupro.

SECRET CORRESPONDENCE OF THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA WITH THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT.

Printed copies of the communications which passed between the Em- peror of Russia and the British Government, referred to in the Journal de St. Petersbourg of date the 2d March 1854, have been presented to both Houses of Parliament. They consist of fifteen despatches, each marked "se- cret and confidential," with enclosures ; besides a "memorandum" by Count Nesselrode, delivered to her Majesty's Government, and purporting to be founded on communications received from the Emperor of Russia sub- sequently to his visit to England in June 1814. Postponing the memoran- dum, we place in the front of the following selections and extracts, the letter from Sir Hamilton Seymour to Lord John Russell, which opened the correspondence at St. Petersburg in the beginning of last year.

No. 1.—Sir G. H. Seymour to Lord John .Russell. "St. Petersburg, Jan. 11, 1853. "My Lord—On the evening of the 9th instant, I had the honour of seeing the Emperor at the palace of the Grand Duchess Helen, who, it appeared, had kindly requested permission to invite Lady Seymour and myself to meet the Imperial Family. "The Emperor came up to me in the most gracious manner' to say that he had heard with great pleasure of her Majesty's Government having been definitively formed ; adding, that he trusted the Ministry would be of long duration. His Imperial Majesty desired me particularly to convey this as- surance to the Earl of Aberdeen, with whom, he said, he had been acquaint- ed for nearly forty years, and for whom he entertained equal regard and esteem. His Majesty desired to be brought to the kind recollection of his Lordship. "You know my feelings, the Emperor said, with regard to England. What I have told you before I say again : it was intended that the two countries should be upon terms of close amity ; and I feel sure that this will continue to be' the ease. You have now been a certain time here' and, as you have seen, there have been very few points upon which we have dis- agreed; our interests, in fact, are upon almost all questions the same. "I observed, that I really was not aware that since I had been at St. Petersburg there had been any actual disagreements whatever between us, except with regard to Louis Napoleon's No. HI.; • a point respecting which each Government had its own opinion, (manure de min) but a point which, after all, was very immaterial. "The No. HI., the Emperor replied, would involve a long explanation : 'I will, therefore, not touch upon the subject at present. I should be glad, however, that you should hear what I have to say upon the question, and will beg of you to call upon me some morning when I am a little free from engagements.'

'I, of course, requested that his Majesty would be good enough to lay his orders upon me.

"In the mean time, the Emperor went on to say—'I repeat, that it is very essential that the two Governments—that is, that the English Government and I, and I and the English Government—should be upon the best terms ; and the necessity was never greater than at present. I beg you to convey these words to Lord John Russell. When we are agreed, (d'accord,) I ant quite without anxiety as to the West of Europe; it is immaterial what the others may think or do. As to Turkey, that is another question ; that country is in a critical state, and may give us all a great deal of trouble. And now I will take my leave of you ' : which his Majesty proceeded to do by shaking hands with me very graciously.

"It instantly occurred to me that the conversation was incomplete, and might never be renewed ; and, as the Emperor still held my hand, I said, Sir, with your gracious permission, I would desire to take a, great liberty.' 'Certainly,' his Majesty replied ; what is it ?—let me hear.' ".' Sir, I observed, your Majesty has been good enough to charge me with general assurances as to the identity of views between the two Cabinets ; which assuredly have given me the greatest pleasure, and will be received with equal satisfaction in England : but I should be particularly glad that your Majesty should add a few words which may tend to calm the anxiety with regard to the affairs of Turkey, which passing events are so calculated to excite on the part of her Majesty's Government : perhaps you will be pleased to charge me with some additional assurances of this kind.'

"The Emperor's words and manner, although still very kind, showed that his Majesty had no intention of speaking to me of the demonstration which he is about to make in the South. He said, however, at first with a little hesitation, but, as he proceeded, in an open unhesitating manner—'The af- fairs of Turkey are in a very disorganized condition : the country itself seems to be falling to pieces (menace' ruine.) The fall will be a great misfortune ; and it is very important that England and Russia should come to a perfectly good understanding upon these affairs, and that neither should take any de- cisive step of which the other is not apprized.'

"I observed in-a few words, that I rejoiced to hear that his Imperial Ma- jesty held this language ; that this was certainly the view I took of the man- ner in Which Turkish questions are to be treated.

" Tenez,' the Emperor seid, as if proceeding with his remark—' tenez ; nous avons sur lee bras un homme malade—uu homme gravement malade ; ce sera, je votes le dis franchement, un grand malheur si, un de ces inure, ii devait nous echapper, surtOUt avant quo toutes lea dispositions necessaires fussent prises. Mais enfin cc n'est point le moment de vous parler de cela.'*

"It was clear that the Emperor did not intend to prolong the conversa- tion: I therefore said= Votre Majeste eat si gracieuse qu'elle me permettra doles faire encore une observation. Votre Majeste ditque l'homme eat ma- lade : c'est hien vrai, mais votre Majeste daignera m'exeuser si is lui fais ob- server, que c'est a l'homme genereux et fort de menager l'homme malade et faible.' t .

• " Stay; we have on our hands a sick man—a very sick man: it will be, I tell you frankly, a great-misfortune if, one of these days, he should slip away from-us, espe- cially before all necessary arrangements were made. But, however, this is not the

e to speak to you on that matter."

+ " Your Majesty is so gracious that you will allow me to bake one further obser- !ation. Your Majesty says the man is sick: it is very true, but your Majesty will osign to excuse me if I remark, that it is the part of the generous and strong man to treat with gentleness the sick and feeble man." pression of my having at least not given offence, and again expressed his in- tention of sending for me on some future day. Whether the intention will

"The Emperor then took leave of me, in a manner which conveyed the im- be acted upon, is not to me so certain. It may be right that I should state to your Lordship that I propose giving Count Nesselrode an account of my conversation with his Imperial master.

"I am convinced that the Chancellor is invariably favourable to measures of moderation, and, as far as lies in his power, to English views. His desire, then, to act in harmony with her Majesty's Government cannot but be strengthened by learning the cordial declarations which the Emperor has made to me upon the subject.

"Upon reading' over my despatch, I am convinced that the conversation, although abridged, has been faithfully reported ; the only point of any inte- rest which I am aware of not having touched upon being, that the Emperor observed that the last accounts from Constantinople were more satisfactory, the Turks appearing to be more reasonable, although by what process they had become so had not been made apparent.

"I will only observe that we have every interest in its being understood that no decision should be taken in the affairs of Turkey without concert with her Majesty's Government, by a Sovereign who can dispose of several hun- dred thousand bayonets.

"Would the understanding be acted upon ? That, indeed, may well be doubted, and the rather as the Emperor's assurances are a little contradicted by the measures to which it has been my duty to call your Lordship's at- tention.

"Still his Imperial Majesty's words appear to me to possess considerable value ; and certainly they offer me at this moment an advantage of which I shall not be backward in availing myself.

"Your Lordship will pardon me if I remark, that, after reflecting atten- tively upon my conversation with the Emperor, it appears to me that this, and any overture of the kind which may be made, tends to establish a di- lemma by which it is very desirable that her Majesty's Government should not allow themselves to be fettered. The dilemma seems to be this—If her Majesty's Government do not come to an understanding with Russia as to what is to happen in the event of the sudden downfall of Turkey, they will have the less reason for complaining if results displeasing to England should be prepared : if, on the contrary, her Majesty's Government should enter into the consideration of such eventualities, they make themselves in some degree consenting parties to a catastrophe which they have so much interest in warding off as long as possible.

"The sum is probably this, that England has to desire a close concert with Russia with a view to preventing the downfall of Turkey ; while Russia would be well pleased that the concert should apply to the events by which this downfall is to be followed.

"I have, 8:e. (Signed) G. H. SEYMOUR. "PS.—Since this despatch was written I have heard from the Austrian Minister, that the Emperor has spoken to him of the conversation which he

had held with I told Sir Hamilton Seymour,' his Majesty said, that the new Ministry appears to me to be strong, and that I am anxious for its duration; although, to say the truth, as regards England, I have learned that it is the country with which we must be allied—we must not lean to

this or that party.' G. H. S."

No, 2.—Extracts. Sir G. H. Seymour to Lord John Russell. (Jan. 22.) [On the 14th of January, Sir Hamilton Seymour was summoned to the Emperor, and had a long conversation.]

"'You know,' his Majesty said, the dreams and plans in which the Em- press Catharine was in the habit of indulging : these were handed down to our time ; but while I inherited immense territorial possessions, I did not inherit those visions, those intentions, if you like to call them so. On the contrary, my country is so vast, so happily circumstanced in every way, that it would be unreasonable in me to desire more territory or more power than I possess: on the contrary, I am the first 'to tell you that our great, perhaps our only danger, is that which would arise from an extension given to an empire already too large. " Close to us lies Turkey, and in our present condition nothing better for our interests can be desired ; the times have gone by when we had anything to fear from the fanatical spirit or the military enterprise of the Turks ; and yet the country is strong enough, or has hitherto been strong enough, to preserve its independence, and to insure respectful treatment from other countries.

" Well, in that empire there are several millions of Christians, whose interests I am called upon to watch over, (surreiller,) while the right of doing so is secured to me by treaty. I may truly say that I make a moderate and sparing use of my right ; and I will freely confess that it is one which is at- tended with obligations occasionally very inconvenient ; but I cannot recede from the discharge of a distinct duty. Our religion, as established in this country, came to us from the East ; and there are feelings, as well as obliga- tions, which never must be lost sight of. " 'Now Turkey, in the condition which I have descnbed, has by degrees fallen into such a state of decrepitude, that, as I told you the other night, eager as we all are for the prolonged existence of the man, (and that I am as desirous as you can be for the continuance of his life, I beg you to believe,) he may suddenly die upon our hands (nous rester sur les bras.) We cannot resuscitate what is dead ; if the Turkish empire falls, it falls to rise no more ; and I put it to you, therefore, whether it is not better to be provided before- hand for a contingency, than to incur the chaos, confusion, and the certainty of an European war, all of which must attend the catastrophe if it should occur unexpectedly, and before some ulterior system has been sketched. This is the point to which I am desirous that you should call the attention of your Government.'

'Sir,' I replied, your Majesty is so frank with me, that I am sure you will have the goodness to permit me to speak with the same openness. I wodld then observe, that deplorable as is the condition of Turkey, it is a

country which has long been plunged in difficulties supposed by many to be insurmountable-. With regard to contingent arrangements, her Majesty's -Government, as your Majesty is well aware, objects, as a general rule, to • taking engagements upon possible eventualities, and would, perhaps, be par- ticularly disinclined to doing so in this instance. If I may be allowed to say so, a great disinclination (repugnance) might be expected in England to disposing by anticipation (d'escompter) of the succession of an old friend and ally.'

"'The rule is a good one,' the Emperor replied, good at all times, espe-

cially in times of uncertainty and change, like the present ; still it is of the greatest importance that we should understand one another, and not allow events to take us by surprise. Maintenant je desire vous parler en ami et en gentleman ; si nous arrivons a noise entendre sur cette affaire, r Angleterre et moi, pour le reste, peu m'iniporte ; ii m'est indifferent ce que font ou pen- sent lea autres. Usant done de franchise, j.13 vous die nettement, quo si r Angleterre &Inge a s'etablir un de ces jours a Constantinople, je ne le per- mettrai pas. Jo ne vous prete point ces intentions, mais ii vaut mieux dans ces occasions parler clairement : de mon cote, je suis egalement dispose de prendre l'engagement de ne pas m'y etablir, en proprietaire, ii s'entend, car en depositaire Jo ne die pas ; il pourrait se faire que lea eirconstances me mi- sent dans Is cas d'occuper Constantinople, ai:rien ne se trouve prevu, si r on doit tout laisser slier au hazard?*

"I thanked his Majesty for the frankness of his declarations, and for the desire which he had expressed of acting cordially and openly with her Ma- jesty's Government; observing at the same time, that such an understand- ing appeared the best security against the sudden danger to which his Ma- jesty had alluded. I added, that although unprepared to give a decided opinion upon questions of such magnitude and delicacy, it appeared to me possible that some such arrangement might be made between her Majesty's Government and his Majesty, as might guard, if not for, at least against, certain contingencies. To render my meaning more clear, I said further.— 'I can only repeat, Sir, that, in my opinion, her Majesty's Government will be indisposed to make certain arrangements connected with the downfall of Turkey ; but it is possible that they may be ready to pledge themselves against certain arrangements which might in that event be attempted.'" •

"The other topics touched upon by the Emperor are mentionedinanother despatch. With regard to the extremely important overture to which this report relates, I will only observe, that as it is my duty to record im- pressions as well as facts and statements, I am bound to say, that if words, tone, and manner, offer any criterion by which intentions are to be judged, the Emperor is prepared to act with perfect fairness and openness towards her Majesty's Government. His Majesty has, no doubt, his own objects in view ; and he i, in my opinion, too strong a believer in the imminence of dangers in Turkey. I am, however, impressed with the belief, that in carrying out those objects, as in guarding against those dangers, his Ma- jesty 1S sincerely desirous of acting in harmony with her Majesty's Govern- ment.

"I would now submit to your Lordship, that this overture cannot with propriety pass unnoticed by her Majesty's Government. It has been on a first occasion glanced at, and on a second distinctly made by the Emperor himself to the Queen's Minister at his Court ; whilst the conversation held some years ago with the Duke of Wellington proves that the object in view is one which has long occupied the thoughts of his Imperial Majesty. If, then, the proposal were to remain unanswered, a decided advantage would be secured to the Imperial Cabinet, which, in the event of some great catas- trophe taking place in Turkey, would be able to point to proposals made to England, which, not having been responded to, left the Emperor at liberty, or placed him under the necessity, of following his own line of policy in the East." •

"No. 4.—Lord John Russell to Sir G. H. Seymour.

"Foreign Office, Feb. 9, 1853. " Sir—I have received and laid before the Queen your secret and confi- dential despatch of the 22d of January. "Her Majesty, upon this as upon former occasions, is happy to acknow- ledge the moderation, the frankness, and the friendly disposition of his Im- perial Majesty.

"Her Majesty has directed me:to reply in the same spirit of temperate, candid, and amicable discussion.

"The question raised by his Imperial Majesty is a very serious one. It is, supposing the contingency of the dissolution of the Turkish empire to be probable, or even imminent, whether it is not better to be provided before- hand for a contingency, than to incur the chaos, confusion, and the certainty of an European war, all of which must attend the catastrophe if it should occur unexpectedly and before some ulterior system has been sketched : this is the point,' said Ins Imperial Majesty, to which I am desirous that you should call the attention of your Government.'

"In considering this grave question, the first reflection which occurs to her Majesty's Government is, at no actual crisis has occurred which renders necessary a solution of this that

vast European problem. Disputes have arisen respecting the Holy Places,• but these are without the sphere of the internal government of Turkey, and concern Russia and France rather than the Sublime Porte. Some disturbance of the relations between Austria and the Porte has been caused by the Turkish attack on Montenegro : but this, again, relates rather to dangers affecting the frontier of Austria than the authority and safety of the Sultan. So that there is no sufficient cause for intimating to the Sultan that be cannot keep peace at home, or preserve friendly rela- tions with his neighbours.

"It occurs further to her Majesty's Government to remark, that the event which is contemplated is not definitely fixed in point of time. When Wil- liam DI. and Louis XIV. disposed, by treaty, of the succession of Charles II. of Spain, they were providing for an event which could not be far off. The infirmities of the Sovereign of Spain and the certain end of any human life made the contingency in prospect both sure and near. The death of the Spanish King was in no way hastened by the treaty of partition. The same thing may be said of the provision made in the last century for the disposal of Tuscany upon the decease of the last Prince of the house of Medici. But the contingency of the dissolution of the Ottoman empire is of another kind : it may happen twenty, fifty, or a hundred years hence.

"In these circumstances, it would hardly be consistent with the friendly feelings towards the Sultan which animate the Emperor of Russia, no less than the Queen of Great Britain, to dispose beforehand of the provinces un- der his dominion. Besides this consideration, however, it must be observed, that an agreement made in such a case tends very surely to hasten the con- tingency for which it is intended to provide. Austria and France could not, in fairness, be kept in ignorance of the transaction ; nor would such conceal- ment be consistent with the end of preventing an European war. Indeed, such concealment cannot be intended by his Imperial Majesty. It is to be inferred that, as soon as Great Britain and Russia should have agreed on the course to be pursued, and have determined to enforce it, they should commu- nicate their intentions to the Great Powers of Europe. An agreement thus made and thus communicated would not be very long a secret ; and while it would alarm and alienate the Sultan, the knowledge of its existence would stimulate all his enemies to increased violence and more obstinate conflict.

Now I desire to speak to you as a friend and as a gentleaum. If England and I arrive at an understanding of this matter, as regards the rest, it matters little to me ; it is indifferent to me what others do or think. Frankly, then, I tell you plain- ly, that if England thinks of establishing herself one of these days at Constantinople. I will not allow it. I do not attribute this intention to you, but it is better on these occasions to speak plainly : for my part, I am equally disposed to take the engage- ment not to establish myself there, as proprietor that is to say, for as trustee I do not say: it might happen that circumstances, if no previous provision were made, it everything should be left to chance, might place me in the position of occupying Constantinople."

They would fight with the conviction that they must ultimately triumph; while the Sultan's generals and troops would feel that no immediate success could save their cause from final overthrow. Thus would be produced and strengthened that very anarchy which is now feared, and the foresight of the friends of the patient would prove the cause of his death.

" Her Majesty's Government need scarcely enlarge on the dangers at- tendant on the executien of any similar convention. The example of the Succession War is enough to show how littici such agreements are respected when a pressing temptation urges their violation. The position of the Em- peror of Russia as depositary, but not proprietor, of Constantinople, would be exposed to numberless hazards, both from the long-cherished ambition of his own nation and the jealousies of Europe. The ultimate proprietor, whoever he might be' would hardly be satisfied with the inert, supine at- titude of the heirs of Mehemet H. A great influence on the affairs of Eu. rope seems naturally to belong to the sovereign of Constantinople, holding the gates of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea. " That influence might be used in favour of Russia ; it might be used to control and curb her power.

" His Imperial Majesty has justly and wisely said, My country is so vast, so happily circumstanced in every way, that it would be unreasonable in me to desire more territory or more power than I possess. On the con- ' he observed, our great, perhaps our only danger, is that which would arise from an extension given to an empire already too large.' A vigorous and ambitious state, replacing the Sublime Porte, might, however, render war on the part of Russia a necessity for the Emperor or his sue- C81380rEl.

" Thus European conflict would arise from the very means taken to pre- vent it; for neither England nor France, nor probably Austria, would be content to see Constantinople permanently in the hands of Russia.

"On the part of Great Britain, her Majesty's Government at once declare that they renounce all intention or wish to hold Constantinople. His Im- perial Majesty may be quite secure upon this head. They are likewise ready to give an assurance that they will enter into no agreement to pprovide for the contingency of the fall of Turkey without previous communication with the Emperor of Russia.

"Upon the whole, then, her Majesty's Government are persuaded that no course of policy can be adopted more wise, more disinterested, more bene- ficial to Europe, than that which his Imperial Majesty has so long followed, and which will render his name more illustrious than that of the most famous sovereigns who have sought immortality by unprovoked conquest and ephemeral glory. "With a view to the success of this policy, it is desirable that the utmost forbearance should he manifested towards Turkey ; that any demands which the Great Powers of Europe may have to make should be made matter of friendly negotiation rather than of peremptory demand ; that military and naval demonstrations to coerce the Sultan should as much as possible be avoided ; that differences with respect to matters affecting Turkey, within the competence of the Sublime Porte, should be decided after mutual con- cert between the Great Powers, and not be forced upon the weakness of the Turkish Government.

"To these cautions her Majesty's Government wish to add, that in their view it is essential that the Sultan should be advised to treat his Christian subjects in conformity with the principles of equity and religious freedom which prevail generally among the enlightened nations of Europe. The more the Turkish Government adopts the rules of impartial law and equal administration, the less will the Emperor of Russia find it necessary to apply that exceptional protection which his Imperial Majesty has found so burden- some and inconvenient, though no doubt prescribed by duty and sanctioned by treaty.

"You may read this despatch to Count Nesselrode, and, if it is desired, you may yourself place a copy of it in the hands of the Emperor. In that case, you will accompany its presentation with those assurances of friendship and confidence on the part of her Majesty the Queen which the conduct of his Imperial Majesty was so sure to inspire.

"I am, &c., J. Russinan"

No. 5.—Extract. Sir G. H. Seymour to Lord John _Russell. (Feb. 21.)

[At a party on the 20th February, the Emperor accosted Sir Hamilton.] "Well, you have got your answer, and you are to bring it to me to- morrow ? "

"I am to have that honour, Sir," I answered ; "but your Majesty is aware that the nature of the reply is very exactly what I had led you to ex- pect." "So I was sorry to hear ; but I think your Government does not well understand my object. I am not so eager about what shall be done when the sick man dies, as I am to determine with England what shall not be done upon that event taking place." "But, Sir," I replied, "allow me to observe, that we have no reason to think that the sick man (to use your Majesty's expression) is dying. We are as much interested as we believe your Majesty to be in his continuing to live ; while, for myself, I will venture to remark, that experience shows me that countries do not die in such a hurry. Turkey will remain for many a year, unless some unforeseen crisis should occur. It is precisely, Sir, for the avoidance of all circumstances likely to produce such a crisis, that her Ma- jesty's Government reckons upon your generous assistance."

"-Then," rejoined the Emparor, "I will tell you, that if your Govern- ment has been led to believe that Turkey retains any elements of existence, your Government must have received incorrect inforniation. I repeat to you, that the sick man is dying ; and we can never allow such an event to take us by surprise. We must come to some understanding ; and that we should do, I am convinced, if I could hold but ten minutes' conversation with your Ministers—with Lord Aberdeen, for instance, who knows me so well ; who has full confidence in me, as I have in him. And remember, I do not ask for a treaty or a protocol, a general understanding is all I require—that be- tween gentlemen is sufficient; and in this ease I am certain that the confi- dence would be as great on the side of the Queen's Ministers as on mine. So no more for the present."

"it is hardly necessary that I should observe to your Lordship that this short conversation, briefly but correctly reported, offers matter for most anxious reflection.

"It can hardly be otherwise but that the Sovereign who insists with such pertinacity upon the impending fall of a neighbouring state, must have settled in his own mind that the hour, if not of its dissolution, at all events for its dissolution, must be at hand. Then, as now I reflected that this as- sumption would hardly be ventured upon unless some, perhaps general, but at all events intimate understanding, existed between Russia andAustria.

"Supposing my suspicion to be well founded, the Emperor's object is to engage her Majesty's Government, in conjunction with his own Cabinet and that of Vienna, in some scheme for the ultimate partition of Turkey, and for the exclusion of France from the arrangement."

No. 6.—Extract. The same to the same. (Feb. 22.)

[Next day, another interview took place, by appointment, and Sir Hamilton Seymour read to the Emperor the despatch of Lord John Rus- sell. The Emperor interrupted the reading to express with renewed energy the extreme probability of the downfall of Turkey—from an ea- temal war, a fend between the old Turkish party and that of the "new superficial French reforms," or a Christian rising. He then, after some hesitation, explained his ideas upon the negative policy.] "'Well there are several things which I never will tolerate : I will be- gin by ourselves. I will not tolerate the permanent occupation of Constan- tinople by the Russians having said this, I will say that it never shall be held by the English, or French, or any other great nation. Again, I never will permit an attempt at the reconstruction of a Byzantine empire or such an extension of Greece as would render her a powerful state ; still less will I permit the breaking up of Turkey into little republics, asylums for the Kossutha and lifazzinis, and other revolutionists of Europe : rather than submit to any of these arrangements, I would go to war, and as long as I have a man and a musket left would carry it on. These,' the Emperor said, 'are at once some ideas ; now give me some in return."

[In turn, Sir Hamilton Seymour suggested that Turkey might remain as it were under seals, until some arrangement should be made. But that, the Emperor said, would be difficult. Sir Hamilton said, his Majesty looked to the fall of Turkey, while England looked to Turkey's remain- ing where she is, and to preventing her condition from becoming worse. " Ah," replied the Emperor, "that is what the Chancellor is perpetually telling me."] "His Imperial Majesty spoke of France. 'God forbid,' he said, that I should accuse any one wrongfully, but there are circumstances both at Con- stantinople and Montenegro which are extremely suspicious : it looks very much as if the French Government were endeavouring to embroil us all in the East, hoping in this way the better to arrive at their own objects, one of which, no doubt, is the possession of Tunis.'

"The Emperor proceeded to say, that, for his own part, he cared very little what line the French might think proper to take in Eastern affairs, and that little more than a month ago he had apprized the Sultan that if his assistance was required for resisting the menaces of the French, it was en- tirely at the service of the Sultan !

"In a word, the Emperor went oil to observe—' As I before told you, all I want is a good understanding with England, and this not as to what shall but as to what shall not be done : this point arrived at, the English Govern- ment and I, I and the English Government, having entire confidence in one another's views, I care nothing about the rest.'

"I remarked, that I felt confident that her Majesty's Government could be as little disposed as his Imperial Majesty to tolerate the presence of the French at Constantinople : and being desirous, if possible, of ascertaining whether there was any understanding between the Cabinets of St. Peters- burg and Vienna, I added, But your Majesty has forgotten Austria : now all these Eastern questions affect her very nearly she, of course, would ex- pect to be consulted.' "'Oh!' replied the Emperor, greatly to my surprise, but you must un- derstand that when I speak of Russia, I speak of Austria as well : what suits the one suits the other: our interests as regards Turkey are perfectly iden-

tical., e

[Again dirielaiming the visions of ambition of the Empress Catherine, he said, " ce monsieur" the Sultan had broken his word ; yet the Em- peror had only sent an ambassador, when he might have sent an army— there was nothing to stop him. If the Sultan lost his throne, he would lose it for ever ; "Turkey is a thing to be tolerated, not reconstructed." "In such a cause, I protest to you, I would not permit a pistol to be fired."] "The Emperor went on to say, that in the event ofithe dissolution of the Ottoman empire, he thought it might be less difficult to arrive at a satisfac- tory territorial arrangement than was commonly believed. The Princi- palities are,' he said, 'in fact, an independent state under my protection ; this might so continue. Servia might receive the same form of government. So again with Bulgaria. There seems to be no reason why this province should not form an independent state. As to Egypt, I quite understand the importance to England of that territory. I can then only say, that if, in the event of a distribution of the Ottoman succession upon the fall of the empire you should take possession of Egypt, I shall have no objections to I offer. would say the same thing of Candle.: that island might suit you, and I do not know why it should not become an English possession.' "As I did not wish that the Emperor should imagine that an English public servant was caught by this sort of overture, I simply answered, that I had always understood that the English views upon Egypt did not go be- yond the point of securing a safe and ready communication between British India and the mother-country."

No. 7.—Sir G. H. Seymour to the Earl of Clarendon. (Hardt 9.) [On the 7th March, Count Nesselrode handed to Sir Hamilton Sey- mour the following memorandum, which the Emperor had caused to be drawn up as expressing the substance of what had passed.]

(Translation from the French Original.)

"Feb. 21, 1853. "The Emperor has, with the liveliest interest and real satisfaction, made himself acquainted with the secret and confidential despatch which Sir Hamilton Seymour communicated to him. He duly appreciates the frank- ness which has dictated it. He has found therein a fresh proof of the friendly sentiments which her Majesty the Queen entertains for him. "In conversing familiarly with the British Envoy on the causes which, from one day to another, may bring on the fall of the Ottoman empire it had by no means entered into the Emperor's thoughts to propose for this contingency a plan by which Russia and England should dispose beforehand of the provinces ruled by the Sultan—a system altogether arranged; still less a formal agreement to be concluded between the two Cabinets. It was purely and simply the Emperor's notion that each party should confidentially state to the other less what it wishes than what it does not wish; what would be contrary to English interests, what would be contrary to Russian interests ; in order that, the case occurring, they might avoid acting in op- position to each other.

"There is in this neither plans of partition nor convention to be binding on the other Courts. It is merely an interchange of opinions, and the Em- peror sees no necessity of talking about it before the time. It is precisely for that reason that he took especial care not to make it the object of an official communication from one Cabinet to another. By confining himself to speaking of it himself, in the shape of familiar conversation, to the Queen's representative, he selected the most friendly and confidential form of opening himself with frankness to her Britannic Majesty ; being desirous that the result, whatsoever it might be, of these communications, should re- main, as it ought to be, a secret between the two Sovereigns.

"Consequently, the objections which Lord John Russell raises to any con- cealment as regards the other Powers, in the event of a formal agreement being entered into—of which there is at present no question—fall to the ground ; and consequently, also., the inconveniences disappear, which he points out as calculated to contribute to hasten the occurrence of the very event which Russia and England are desirous of averting, if the existence of such an agreement should become prematurely known to Europe and to the subjects of the Sultan.

"As regards the object of this wholly confidential interchange of opinions, the possible downfall of the Ottoman empire, doubtless that is but an uncer- tain and remote contingency. Unquestionably, the period of it cannot be fixed, and no real crisis has arisen to render the realization of it imminent. But, after all, it may happen ; happen even unexpectedly. Without men- tioning the ever-increasing causes of dissolution which are presented by the moral, financial, and administrative condition of the Porte, it may proceed gradually from one at least of the two questionsmentioned by the English i Ministry n its secret despatch. In truth, it perceives in those questions only mere disputes, which would not differ in their bearing from difficulties which form the ordinary business of diplomacy. But that kind of dispute may, nevertheless, bring on war, and with war, the consequences which the Emperor apprehends from it,—if, for instance, in the affair of the Holy Places, the amour propre and the menaces of France, continuing to press upon the Porte, should compel it to refuse us all satisfaction, and if, on the other hand, the religious sentiments of the orthodox Greeks, offended by the concessions made to the Latins should raise the immense majority of his subjects against the Sultan. is regards the affair of Montenegro, that, ac- cording to the late accounts, may happily be looked upon as settled. But at the time that the Emperor had his interview with Sir Hamilton Seymour, it might be apprehended that the question would take a most serious turn. Neither ourselves nor Austria could have allowed a protracted devastation or forced submission of Montenegro ; a country which, up to the present time, has continued actually independent of the Porte, a country over which our protection has been extended for more than a century. The horrors which are committed there—those which, by Ottoman fanaticism, have a short time since been extended over Bulgaria, Bosnia, and the Herzegovine—gave the other Christian provinces of the Porte only too much reason to anticipate that the same fate awaited them. They were calculated to provoke the general rising of the Christians who live under the sceptre of the Turkish empire, and to hasten its ruin. It is not, then, by any means an idle and imaginary question, a contingency too remote, to which the anxiety of the Emperor has called the attention of the Queen his ally.

" In the face of the uncertainty and decay of the existing state of things in Turkey, the English Cabinet expresses the desire that the greatest for- bearance should be shown towards the Porte. The Emperor is conscious of never having acted otherwise. The English Cabinet itself admits it. It ad- dresses to the Emperor, with reference to the numerous proofs of moderation which he has given up to the present time, praises which his Majesty will not accept, because in that he has only listened to his own overbearing con- viction. But, in order that the Emperor may continue to concur in that system of forbearance, to abstain from any demonstrations—from any peremptory language—it would be necessary that this system should be equally observed by all the Powers at once. France has adopted another. By menace, she obtained, in opposition to the letter of the treaties, the ad- mission of a ship of the line into the Dardanelles. At the cannon's mouth she twice presented her claims, and her demands for indemnity at Tripoli, and afterwards at Constantinople. Again, in the contest respecting the Holy Places, by menace she effected the abrogation of the firman, and that of the solemn promises which the Sultan had given the Emperor. With regard to all these acts of violence, England observed a complete silence. She neither offered support to the Porte nor addressed remonstrances to the French Govern- ment. The consequence is very evident. The Porte necessarily concluded from this that from France alone it has everything to hope as well as every- thing to fear, and that it can evade with impunity the demands of Austria and of Russia. It is thus that Austria and Russia, in order to obtain justice, have seen themselves compelled in their turn, against their will, to act by intimidation, since they have to do with a Government which only yields to a peremptory attitude ; and it is thus that, by its own fault, or rather by that of those who have weakened it in the first instance, the Porte is urged on in a course which enfeebles it still more. Let England, then, employ herself in making it listen to reason. Instead of uniting herself with France against the just demands of Russia, let her avoid supporting, or even appear- ing to support, the resistance of the Ottoman Government. Let her be the first to invite the latter, as she herself considers it essential, to treat its Christian subjects with more equity and humanity. That will be the surest means of relieving the Emperor from the obligation of availing himself in Turkey of those rights of traditional protection to which he never has re- course but against his will, and of postponing indefinitely the crisis which the Emperor and her Majesty the Queen are equally anxious to avert. "In short, the Emperor cannot but congratulate himself at having given occasion for this intimate interchange of confidential communications between her Majesty and himself. He has found therein valuable assurances, of which he takes note with a lively satisfaction. The two Sovereigns have frankly explained to each other what in the extreme case of which they have been treating their respective interests cannot endure. England understands that Russia cannot suffer the establishment at Constantinople of a Christian Power sufficiently strong to control and disquiet her. She declares that for herself she renounces any intention or desire to possess Constantinople. The Emperor equally disclaims any wish or design of establishing himself there. England promises that she will enter into no arrangement for determining the measures to be taken in the event of the fall of the Turkish empire, without a previews understanding with the Emperor. The Emperor, on his side, willingly contracts the same engagement. As he is aware that in such a case he can equally reckon upon Austria, who is bound by her promise to concert with him, he regards with lees apprehension the catastrophe which he still desires to prevent and avert as much as it shall depend on him to do so.

"No less precious to him are the proofs of friendship and personal con- fidence on the part of her Majesty the Queen, which Sir Hamilton Seymour has been directed on this occasion to impart to him. He sees in them the surest guarantee against the contingency which his foresight had deemed it right to point out to that of the English Government."

Nos. 8 and 9.—Sir G. H. Seymour to Lord Clarendon. (March 9.) Sir Hamilton Seymour took exception to the passage beginning "Let England, then, employ herself," &c. ; and denied that England had acted in the manner implied. In a conversation with Count Nessekode on the pas- sage in the memorandum, Sir Hamilton was informed that he had miscon-

ceived its purport : all that the Emperor desired was, that her should Majestts Government ould make some effort to open the eyes of the French in ters to the false course pursued by M. de Lavalette. The passage must be considered as expressing a hope, and not as implying a reproach.

No. 10.—.Lord Clarendon to Sir G. H. Seymour. (March 23.)

Lord Clarendon replied to the despatches containing the conversations with the Emperor on the 20th and 21st February. Her Majesty's Government had he wrote, anxiously and deliberately considered the opinions of the Em- peror; and although they adhered to the policy laid down by Lord John Russell, yet they would gladly comply with the Emperor's wish that the subject might be further and frankly discussed. The word of his Imperial Majesty would be preferable to any convention that might be framed. Her Majesty's Government persevered in the belief that Turkey still possesses the elements of existence ; and were glad to learn that the Emperor consi- dered himself even more interested than England in preventing a Turkish

catastrophe; for on his policy would depend the hastening or the indefinite pponement of that catastrophe. " Nothing can be more fatal to the vitality of Turkey than the assumption of its inevitable decay." • " But on the supposition that, from unavoidable causes, the catastrophe did take place, her Majesty's Government entirely share the opinion of the Emperor, that the occupation of Constantinople by either of the great Powers would be incompatible with the present balance of power and the mainte- nance of peace in Europe, and must at once be regarded as impossible, that there are no elements for the reconstruction of a Byzantine empire ; that the systematic misgovernment of Greece offers no encouragement to extend its territorial dominion ; and that as there are no materials for provincial or communal government, anarchy would be the result of leaving the provinces of Turkey to themselves, or permitting them to form separate republics. "The Emperor has announced, that sooner than permit a settlement of the question by any one of these methods, he will be prepared for war at every hazard ; and, however much her Majesty's Government may be disposed to agree in the soundness of the views taken by his Imperial Majesty, yet they consider that the simple predetermination of what shall not be tolerated, does little towards solving the real difficulties, or settling in what manner it would be practicable, or even desirable, to deal with the heterogeneous mate- rials of which the Turkish empire is composed.

"England desires no territorial aggrandizement, and could be no party to a previous arrangement from which she was to derive any such benefit. England could be no party to any understanding, however general, that was to be kept secret from other P3wers : but her Majesty's Government believe that no arrangements could control events, and that no understanding could be kept secret. They would, in the opinion of her Majesty's Government, be the signal for preparations for intrigues of every description, and for re- volts among the Christian subjects of the Porte. Each Power and each party would endeavour to secure its future interests ; and the dissolution of the Turkish empire would be preceded by a state of anarchy which must aggra- vate every difficulty, if it did not render a peaceful solution of the question impossible.

"The only mode by which a solution could be attempted would be that of an European Congress : but that only affords an additional reason for de- siring that the present order of things in Turkey should be maintained, as her Majesty's Government cannot without alarm reflect on the jealousies that would then be evoked, the impossibility of reconciling the different am- bitions and the divergent interests that would be called into play, and the certainty that the treaties of 1815 must then be open to revision, when France might be prepared to risk the chances of an European war to get rid of the obligations which she considers injurious to her national honour, and which, having been imposed by victorious enemies, are a constant source of irritation to her.

"The main object of her Majesty's Government—that to which their ef- forts have been and always will be directed—is the preservation of peace ; and they desire to uphold the Turkish empire, from their conviction that no

great question can be agitated in the East without becoming a source of dis

i - cord n the West, and that every great question in the West will assume a revolutionary character, and embrace a revision of the entire social system, for which the Continental Governments are certainly in no state 01 prepara- tion.

"The Emperor is fully cognizant of the materials that are in constant fermentation beneath the surface of society, and their readiness to burst forth even in times of peace; and his Imperial Majesty will probably, there- fore, not dissent from the opinion that the first cannon-shot may be the sig- nal for a state of things more disastrous even than those calamities which war inevitably brings in its train. "But such a war would be the result of the dissolution and dismember- ment of the Turkish empire; and hence the anxiety of her Majesty's Go- vernment to avert the catastrophe. Nor can they admit that the signs of Turkish decay are now either more evident or more rapid than of late years. There is still great energy and great wealth in Turkey ; a disposition to im- prove the system of government is not wanting ; corruption, though unfor- tunately great, is still not of a character nor carried to an extent that threatens the existence of the state ; the treatment of Christians is not harsh, and the toleration exhibited by the Porte towards this portion of its subjects might serve as an example to some Governments who look with contempt upon Turkey as a barbarous power. "Her Majesty's Government believe that Turkey only requires forbear- ance on the part of its allies, and a determination not to press their claims in a manner humiliating to the dignity and independence of the Sultan— that friendly support, in short, that with states, as with individuals, the weak are entitled to expect from the strong—in order not only to prolong its existence, but to remove all cause of alarm respecting its dissolution."

No. 13.—Lord Clarendon to Sir G. H. Seymour. (April 5.)

Lord Clarendon records that her Majesty's Government had received the memorandum of the Emperor of Russia, "with feelings of sincere satisfac- tion, and as a renewed proof of the Emperor's confidence and friendly feel- ing"; and he desires that the correspondence might be closed.

No. 14.—Sir G. H. Seymour to Lord Clarendon. LApril 20.)

Sir Hamilton Seymour had one more confidential interview with the Em- peror. It took place after dinner at the Palace, on the 18th April. This interview was confined to friendly expressions of satisfaction that 'the rela- tions of the two Courts stood upon a better basis now that a clear understand- ing had been obtained as to points which, if left in doubt, might have been productive of misintelligence " ; and to some criticisms on Lord Clarendon's despatch of the 23d February. The Emperor said the British Government, misled by inaccurate reports, took a too favourable view of the state of the Christian population of Turkey,—especially pointing to Bulgaria : if he had not continually interfered to prevent it, he said, "the Bulgarians would have been some time since in insurrection."

No. 15.—Sir G. H. Seymour to Lord Clarendon. (April 21.)

The.correspondence concludes with a despatch from Sir Hamilton Seymour, enclosing the following paper, drawn up by the desire of the Emperor.

[Translated from the French.]

"The Emperor ham, with lively satisfaction, made himself acquainted with Lord Clarendon's despatch of the 23d of March. His Majesty congratulates himself on perceiving that his views and those of the English Cabinet en- tirely coincide on the subject of the political combinations which it would be chiefly necessary to avoid in the extreme case of the contingency occur- ring in the East, which Russia and England have equally at heart to pre- vent, or, at all events, to delay as long as possible. Sharing generally the opinions expressed by Lord Clarendon, on the necessity of the prolonged maintenance of the existing state of things in Turkey, the Emperor, never- theless, cannot abstain from adverting to a special point which leads him to suppose that the information received by the British Government is not alto- gether in accordance with ours. It refers to the humanity and the tolera- tion to be shown by Turkey in her manner of treating her Christian sub- jects. "Putting aside many other examples to the contrary of an old date, it is, for all that, notorious that recently the cruelties committed by the Turks in Bosnia forced hundreds of Christian families to seek re- fuge in Austria. In other respects, without wishing on this occa- sion to enter upon a discussion as to the symptoms of decay, more or less evident, presented by the Ottoman Power, or the greater or less degree of vitality which its internal constitution may retain, the Emperor will readily agree that the best means of upholding the duration of the Turkish govern- ment is not to harass it by overbearing demands supported in a manner humiliating to its independence and its dignity. 'His Majesty is disposed, as he has ever been, to act upon this system; with the clear understanding, however, that the same rule of conduct shall be observed, without distinction, and unanimously, by each of the Great Powers' and that none of them shall take advantage of the weakness of the Porte to obtain from it concessions which might turn to the prejudice of the others. This principle being laid down, the Emperor declares that he is ready to labour, in concert with England, at the common work of prolonging the existence of the Turkish empire, setting aside all cause of alarm on the subject of its dissolution. He readily accepts the evidence offered by the British Cabinet of entire confi- dence in the uprightness of his sentiments, and the hope that, on this basis his alliance with England cannot fail to become stronger.

"St. Petersburg, April 3 (15), 1853."