SCOTLAND.
Several Scottish Members have recently been enlightening their con- stituents,—Mr. Craufurd at Ayr, and Mr. Dunlop at Greenock, viva owe ; Mr. Laing, Member for the ,"Northern Burghs, by means of a written ad- dress from London. The two former dealt chiefly with the past ; Mr. Dunlop looked to the future only on one point—the Neapolitan expedi- tion, which he condemned, as not likely to be productive of benefit to Eu- rope. Mr. Laing's written address also in part goes over the past.
It begins by commenting on the spirit engendered by the contest with Russia, when "Whigs, Tories, and Radicals, seemed to vie with one another in asserting principles which, if carried out, must have had the in- evitable effect of entailing on Europe a second edition of the Thirty Years War." Mr. Laing, in company with Mr. Bright, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Dis- raeli, and Lord John Russell, claims to be among those who, happening to have some acquaintance with the public opinion of Europe, were then "the only advocates of principles now embodied in treaties and assumed as axioms." A year ago, he felt a mistrust of Lord Palmerston's Government ; but now he feels • grateful to them for having had the sense and courage, when it tame to the point, to fling all the bluster of their supporters overboard, and conclude, in concert with France and Austria, a safe and honourable peace on moderate terms."
On the American dispute, he is of opinion that it reflects little credit on diplomacy. " The ablest note of Lord. Clarendon speaks with a feeble force compared with a Stock-Exchange List or Price Current, which tells the people of a civilized country by breakfast-time next morning that their pro- perty is depreciated 10per cent because their Government has committed a folly over night." He thinks, that in future wars, we shall rely exclu- sively on our own resources, so great have been the trouble and annoyance occasioned by our mercenary legions. Next he treats of the principle of nonintervention, which he advocates warmly. "I am satisfied, from a pretty extensive acquaintance with lead- ing men on the Continent, that if by any means we could bind over the Times, the House of Commons, and the Foreign Office, to hold their tongues for ten years together about foreign matters, the cause of rational liberty abroad would be more advanced than byany other means that could possibly be devised."
As regards Naples, he put the question in the form of a dilemma— "Either the misgovernment of a foreign state is a legitimate casus bell or it is not. If it be, let us go to war with France to oblige her to free her press, with America because she flogs her niggers, and with Russia because she sells her serfs, and not go fishing in Neapolitan waters for a revolution to punish King Bomba because he sulks when the Foreign Office scolds him."
On home matters Mr. Laing arrives at certain conclusions. If we want education, we must educate ourselves—that is practically decided, at least for the next ten or twenty years. A "quiet opportunity" should be taken to remove some of the glaring anomalies of the Reform Bill. But neither on Education, nor Maynooth, nor Parliamentary Reform "is public opinion so clear and unanimous as to overcome the vie inertias which happily op- poses itself to all political changes." His formula for expressing "the principal duty of the Legislature at the present day" is very succinct ; it ls—" to pass the Estimates " ; to "combine efficiency with economy," and raise taxes "in the least objectionable mode." " We are passing from the scale of establishments and expenditure of a great war into that of a pence which, with any reasonable system of foreign policy, promises a long dura- tion. The experience of that war has shown us that in many important re- spects our naval and military institutions had during the previous peace de- generated into a dangerous state of inefficiency. It has shown, moreover, that the causes of that inefficiency did not consist in any degeneracy of the national spirit, in any want of the finest raw material in the world, of men and regimental officers, or in any undue economy on the part of the Legislature. On the contrary, while the late war showed, I think con- clusively, that we can never take a leading part in great military opera- tions on the Continent without keeping up a standing army equal to those of the great military powers, and, as a consequence, resorting, like them, to the conscription, it showed also, that for all legitimate purposes of an insular power, essentially pacific and maritime, we possessed superabundant re- sources, which only required a reasonable organization to be made quickly available. The fleet of gun-boats which formed the most formidable weapon of offence ever forged against a Continental enemy was almost entirely the creation of a single winter ; the army which left the Crimea, according to all accounts in a state of high efficiency, was mainly remade from new materials in a few months ; the Land 'Transport Corps, the Army. Works Corps, and other administrative branches of the service, were all called into existence in even a shorter period. The moral I draw is that we ought not to go on, for forty years perhaps, spending large sums annually, in keeping up excessive fleets and armies, which are not wanted, and which in case of need can be created in a few months ; but rather apply ourselves to main-
taining a moderate numerical force, with all its administrative branches complete and efficient, and so arranged as to admit of ready expansion in
case of emergency. With such establishments, we shall be able to re- turn to the standard of expenditure which prevailed during the last few years before the war, and to get rid of the best part of 15,000,0001. a year of additional war-taxation. Nothing seems to me more important than that in this agreeable operation we should proceed on sound principles, and establish a solid system of finance, which shall raise the requisite revenue in the best manner. Experience has shown that in financial matters two and two do not always make four, and that you may in some cases increase taxes without increasing revenue, while in others you may proceed in an almost indefinite course of reduction, increased consumption replacing the revenue with every remission. "Among the present duties, there are some which are specially ob- jectionable. That on paper, for instance, is at once an impost on know- ledge and on raw material ; 'that on insurance is a tax on providence; the excessive duty on wine encourages the use of spirits and discourages com- merce with Fiance ; _the remaining du on timber is opposed to the prin- ciples which have led, with such signally beneficial results, to the free ad- mission of all raw materials ; the tax on tobacco is so excessive as to hold out a promising field for the experiment of reducing the duty, in the hope of regaining revenue in a short time by increased consumption. 'Many of the remaining items of our tariff are not worth the interference which they occasion with trade ; and many items of the assessed taxes are not worth the annoyance they create, and might be simplified and consolidated. " The possibility. of these and other useful financial reforms hinges mainly on the decision taken about the Income-tax. If we part with all our surplus in relieving direct taxation, it is clear that we shall not have it for the far more fruitful and beneficial purpose of making remissions of in- direct taxes, which experience shows may be expected in a few years to re- pay themselves and enable us to recommence the process. The due adjust- ment between direct and indirect taxation is the keystone of our practical system : it cannot be determined by any abstract theory, but must be dealt with as a practical question ; and all I contend for is, that the fiction of a temporary income-tax should be abandoned, and that it should now be eare- fully revised, so as to render it as little objectionable as possible, and per- manently embodied as part of our financial system. When we once make up our minds to recognize the Income-tax as permanent, we shall find that we get rid of most of the perplexing difficulties which prevent us from mak- ing any distinction between permanent and precarious incomes under the temporary fiction."
Edinburgh is in the throes of a stirring municipal contest. The "re- ligious element" is mixing fiercely in the strife, mingled with the public- house question.
"It has pleased a certain section, ruled by a certain man," says the Scotsman, "to lay aside every question but the somewhat irrelevant one What is your religion ? '—and questions are raised in the newspapers be- longing as above, as to what church, nay, even what pew, this or that can- didate frequents, and whether he is a full communicant and regular at- tender."
The . journalist implies—for he is now very cautious—that there is a determination as fkr as possible to elect only Free Churchmen and sup- porters of the Fors Mackenzie Act.
The dinner of the Lochaber Agricultural Society produced an interest- ing incident, recorded by the Edinburgh Courant. " A gentleman, apparently a tourist, arrived at the hotel just as the party were to sit down to dinner; he asked, and was immediately granted permis- sion to join: throughout the evening he made himself particularly agree- able, and his health was proposed as the Stranger,' and very cordially drunk. On rising to return thanks, he said—' In the course of my life I have seen some rough days and many pleasant ones. I have lived ten months in a snow-house without once warming myself at a fire ' - I have had my mocasins cut off my legs with a hatchet ; I have had to kill my own food with my own gun, and I have been reduced to the necessity of living on bones : but all these things are easily forgotten when I meet such a pleasant party as is now around me. As I am an entire stranger to you all, and as I received so much kindness from you, it is but fair that you should know who I am : my name is Rae, and you may have heard it associated with the Franklin Expedition.' At this announcement the astonished party started to their feet and gave Dr. Rae a most enthusiastic reception. The cheering lasted several minutes ; after which, Dr. Rae showed some of the articles which had indicated the probable fate of Sir John Franklin and his party. They consisted of a piece of gold and two silver watches, a small anchor, several coins, a spoon, with a crest engraved on it, Fre. Dr. Rae had been on a visit to Mr. Edward Ellice, M.P., at Glenquoich, and was on his way to Castle Menzies."
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