MR. RUSSELL'S RETURN.

[FROM OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT.]

Washington, 7th April, 1862.

IT is unfortunate that the Americium should combine such an almost morbid desire for English appreciation with such a fatal ingenuity in write of a subject I would sooner have passed over in silence. as to his motives. The common impression is that he was offended at

accompany the army of the Potomac, will doubtless be given in his The impression formed here of Mr. Russell's letters is based much own correspondence. Nothing can be more accurate or temperate more on general ideas than on actual perusal This is the only than his statement, which I have had the pleasure of perusing, and capital I have ever lived in where there was not a single reading-room, which I presume will be published in the Times. There are some or hotel or coffee-house, which took in an English newspaper. The points on which I consider he does more than justice to his adver- American newspapers of late have never copied the Times correspon- series. The fact of his approaching departure to join the expedition dent's letters in full. All they have given from time to time have was, as I can testify, a subject of common conversation in Washington been short and often garbled extracts, quoted with a view to show up society for days beforehand ; and it is almost incredible to use that the misstatements or erroneous prophecies which the editors believe they Secretary of War should not have been aware of the fact, and that, had discovered in Mr. Russell's correspondence. Most unjustly therefore, the delay in informing Mr. Russell that he could not join too, Mr. Russell has the credit here of inspiring, if not of writing, the expedition till he was actually on board the steamer, should not every ill-natured or disparaging remark that appears in the limes on have been purposely intended as a petty slight. There is also, to my the subject of America. Moreover, the New York Herald has pursued mind, something inconceivably small in pretending to exclude all cor- "Bull Run Russell " as it styled him, with a virulence that is rare respondents whatever in order to have a pretext for excluding Mr. even in the Herald. The stories daily circulated about him were ab- Russell, and then, as soon as he was excluded, rescinding the order as surd from their very inconsistency. Sometimes he was stated never far as American correspondents were concerned. That this explana- to have been at the battle of Bull Run; sometimes to have seen the tion of the Secretary of War's conduct is correct may be proved from whole battle and deliberately falsified his account ; and finally to have a statement in yesterday's Tribune, Mr. Stanton's especial organ. " It caused the defeat by creating a panic through the rapidity of his flight turns out," the Tribune writes, " that the order from the War Depart- before the battle commenced. Still, according to the old proverb, if ment, prohibiting all correspondents from accompanying the army you throw mud enough some of it sticks ; and undoubtedly, Mr. under the immediate command of General McClellan, was framed Russell has beeninjured in popular estimation in America by the libels merely for the purpose of :excluding Russell. . . • • Secretary of the Herald. There is a general, though unfounded, impression Stanton's order of prohibition to correspondents has been revoked." among the American people that his whole mission here is to misrepre- Finally, common courtesy to a stranger and a gentleman required that sent their country, to depreciate their victories, and to support indirectly Mr. Russell's letters and requests for an interview should, at least, the cause of disunion, by creating an unfavourable feeling towards the

have been honoured with an immediate reply. North throughout England. The removal, therefore, of Mr. Russell is in

On all these points I should, in my own case, speak more bitterly itself acceptable to the nation; and, with that confusion between brag. than I believe Mr. Russell has done. But, in justice to the Govern- gadocio and courage, so common (and I may add so natural) in an un- meat, it should be understood that the act was Mr. Stanton's individual tried nation, the manner in which Mr. Stanton has brought about his one, not the collective one of the Ministers. The most extraordinary departure appears to the popular American mind rather a fine act of feature to a foreigner about the American Government is the utter devil-may-care dignity. That this is not a pleasing or creditable trait of absence of any "solidarite" between its component parts. It is pos- the American people I admit freely. Still, in judging of it, we ought sible, and from what I learn even probable, that Mr. Stanton's decision to remember (what people at home rarely seem to remember at all), to deny Mr. Hassell the right of joining the army was not communi- that this is a civil war, and different in its whole nature from any war cated to, and certainly was not sanctioned by, any other member of the we have known. Supposing there had been in India during the Ministry. I have reason to know that both the President and Mr. mutiny an American correspondent who was supposed to take the side Seward have expressed regret at the occurrence, though they admitted of the Sepoys, and who threw doubts on the massacres of Cawnpore reluctantly that it was not a case in which they were justified in inter- or on the justice of British vengeance, I ask any candid Englishman fering ; and that the rapidly waning influence of General McClellan was how long he thinks that correspondent would have been allowed to re- exerted in Mr. Russell's favour. The credit or discredit of the act is main unmolested ?* due to Mr. Stanton, and Mr. Stanton alone. The slight, it is also fair [have expressed freely my views with regard to Mr. Russell at the to add, was a slight to Mr. Russell, as correspondent of the Times, not risk of giving offence to my American friends, and therefore I may as an Englishman. Mr. Russell has, I know, repeatedly expressed fairly add, that it will be unjust if the opponents of the North in his sense of the unvarying courtesy and consideration he has hitherto England argue from the fact of Mr. Russell's dismissal either that received in this country, both officially and privately. In common the Government is afraid of the truth being known, or that virtual with every other Englishman who has visited this country during the freedom of the press does not exist in this country. The whole nature war, I can bear witness to the fact that, far from one's character as of the censorship exercised over the press has been much exag- an Englishman exposing one to annoyance, it is in itself almost a gerated-

guarantee for a kind and hospitable reception. Whatever animosity Personally I hold an opinion which is shared in by many Americans,

valuable information to the enemy. Within the last three days, Mr. any loss in military action. This war is a popular volunteer war, Stanton has stated openly that the Federal army "must" be in Rich- not a regular military contest, a fact to which the Government are mond before another fortnight; and, therefore, intelligence communi- but gradually opening their eyes. It is only very slowly in this cated to the Confederates a month after date could hardly be of damage country that in every department new modes of thought and action to the Federal expedition. Moreover, the information received by the are developed so as to suit the genius of the new world. The first Confederates is so accurate and copious, that they have no need to look tendency of the American mind is to try in every case the old re-

fer it in foreign newspapers. The frontier line between Secessia and medics and systems of the old world. That a people's war might be the North is too long a one, and the sympathizers with the South in conducted with a perfectly free press, was too go-a-head an idea for

the Border Slave States are too numerous, for news to be kept from an Anglo-Saxon country to grasp at once, and so there being a war,

passing. A small circumstance passed under my own observation it was supposed that there ought to be a censorship of the press which convinced me of this notorious fact. . I week ago a party of also.

Senators and their friends went down to Fortress Monroe. The fort At the accession of Mr. Lincoln the Telegraph-office, like every stands on a peninsula, so that any unauthorized communication with other institution in this district, was filled with secessionists, and it the mainland would appear to be very difficult. Yet, on the morning was discovered that every message sent by the Government was following our visit, a full report of our party and our doings appeared telegraphed in duplicate to the South. In consequence, the direction in the Norfolk papers. Besides, while the American papers are allowed, Just as long as he liked. Mr. Russell did that very thing; but though sirs- to report progress day after day, it is absurd to suppose that the files olously abused, nobody asked for his expulsion or wished him nway,—ED.3

and the intelligence of the manner, even more than of the fact, of his Like most prophets, Mr. Stanton is more honoured out of his own virtual expulsion from this country, will, if I am not much mistaken, country than at home, and the estimate which I see you have formed,

be eminently distasteful to the English public. The comments—the correctly or not, of the new Secretary of War's ability, is not the "just" comments of our own press on this matter, will not, I fear, prevailing one in Washington. His sole claim to distinction is here promote the growth of friendly feeling towards England on this side supposed to be that he possesses, or is presumed to possess, resolution the water. It is because I am anxious that we should not mix up and energy. Ability of a high order he is not given credit for, and his fair censure on a particular act with unjust attacks on the general reputation for good sense and judgment has been shaken by his con- policy of the American Government with regard to the press, that I duct towards Mr. Russell. There are, of course, all kinds of rumours

write of a subject I would sooner have passed over in silence. as to his motives. The common impression is that he was offended at

Let me say at starting that I trust no word of mine will be under- some comments of the Times correspondent. I have, indeed, been told stood as written in disparagement of Mr. Russell. It is superfluous by one who moves much behind the scenes of American political life, to say that I have the highest admiration for his peculiar literary that the antagonism between the Secretary of War and the Cons- powers. To any one who knows him it is as superfluous to add that mander-in-Chief is much stronger in name than in reality, and that it even a very slight acquaintance, such as mine, is sufficient to create a was owing to some allusion about this state of affairs that Mr. Russell feeling towards him of genuine friendliness. In what I have to say, fell under Mr. Stanton's displeasure. ; For my own part I much doubt therefore, I have no wish to apologize for, or explain away, the treat- the act being due to personal pique. Mr. Stanton is bidding for the meat to which Mr. Russell has been subjected, but simply to state next Presidency, and I believe that the object of Mr. Russell's expul.

what I believe to be the troth. sion was to gain popularity. That the step should be a popular one is The actual circumstances of the refusal to allow Mr. Russell to not altogether unnatural.

accompany the army of the Potomac, will doubtless be given in his The impression formed here of Mr. Russell's letters is based much own correspondence. Nothing can be more accurate or temperate more on general ideas than on actual perusal This is the only than his statement, which I have had the pleasure of perusing, and capital I have ever lived in where there was not a single reading-room, which I presume will be published in the Times. There are some or hotel or coffee-house, which took in an English newspaper. The points on which I consider he does more than justice to his adver- American newspapers of late have never copied the Times correspon- series. The fact of his approaching departure to join the expedition dent's letters in full. All they have given from time to time have was, as I can testify, a subject of common conversation in Washington been short and often garbled extracts, quoted with a view to show up society for days beforehand ; and it is almost incredible to use that the misstatements or erroneous prophecies which the editors believe they Secretary of War should not have been aware of the fact, and that, had discovered in Mr. Russell's correspondence. Most unjustly therefore, the delay in informing Mr. Russell that he could not join too, Mr. Russell has the credit here of inspiring, if not of writing, the expedition till he was actually on board the steamer, should not every ill-natured or disparaging remark that appears in the limes on have been purposely intended as a petty slight. There is also, to my the subject of America. Moreover, the New York Herald has pursued mind, something inconceivably small in pretending to exclude all cor- "Bull Run Russell " as it styled him, with a virulence that is rare respondents whatever in order to have a pretext for excluding Mr. even in the Herald. The stories daily circulated about him were ab- Russell, and then, as soon as he was excluded, rescinding the order as surd from their very inconsistency. Sometimes he was stated never far as American correspondents were concerned. That this explana- to have been at the battle of Bull Run; sometimes to have seen the tion of the Secretary of War's conduct is correct may be proved from whole battle and deliberately falsified his account ; and finally to have a statement in yesterday's Tribune, Mr. Stanton's especial organ. " It caused the defeat by creating a panic through the rapidity of his flight turns out," the Tribune writes, " that the order from the War Depart- before the battle commenced. Still, according to the old proverb, if ment, prohibiting all correspondents from accompanying the army you throw mud enough some of it sticks ; and undoubtedly, Mr. under the immediate command of General McClellan, was framed Russell has beeninjured in popular estimation in America by the libels merely for the purpose of :excluding Russell. . . • • Secretary of the Herald. There is a general, though unfounded, impression Stanton's order of prohibition to correspondents has been revoked." among the American people that his whole mission here is to misrepre- Finally, common courtesy to a stranger and a gentleman required that sent their country, to depreciate their victories, and to support indirectly Mr. Russell's letters and requests for an interview should, at least, the cause of disunion, by creating an unfavourable feeling towards the

have been honoured with an immediate reply. North throughout England. The removal, therefore, of Mr. Russell is in

On all these points I should, in my own case, speak more bitterly itself acceptable to the nation; and, with that confusion between brag. than I believe Mr. Russell has done. But, in justice to the Govern- gadocio and courage, so common (and I may add so natural) in an un- meat, it should be understood that the act was Mr. Stanton's individual tried nation, the manner in which Mr. Stanton has brought about his one, not the collective one of the Ministers. The most extraordinary departure appears to the popular American mind rather a fine act of feature to a foreigner about the American Government is the utter devil-may-care dignity. That this is not a pleasing or creditable trait of absence of any "solidarite" between its component parts. It is pos- the American people I admit freely. Still, in judging of it, we ought sible, and from what I learn even probable, that Mr. Stanton's decision to remember (what people at home rarely seem to remember at all), to deny Mr. Hassell the right of joining the army was not communi- that this is a civil war, and different in its whole nature from any war cated to, and certainly was not sanctioned by, any other member of the we have known. Supposing there had been in India during the Ministry. I have reason to know that both the President and Mr. mutiny an American correspondent who was supposed to take the side Seward have expressed regret at the occurrence, though they admitted of the Sepoys, and who threw doubts on the massacres of Cawnpore reluctantly that it was not a case in which they were justified in inter- or on the justice of British vengeance, I ask any candid Englishman fering ; and that the rapidly waning influence of General McClellan was how long he thinks that correspondent would have been allowed to re- exerted in Mr. Russell's favour. The credit or discredit of the act is main unmolested ?* of the telegraph was taken into the hands of Government. When McClellan assumed command of the army he sent for the corre- spondents of the different American journals, and told them that their being permitted to remain at Washington was conditional on their not sending news of any military movements without permission. There was no revision of a correspondent's letters ; but he wrote on parole and at risk of dismissal. No despatch, however, could be forwarded by telegraph without previous perusal by the Government authorities, and this censorship was very strictly exercised. It was found out, however, after Mr. Stanton's accession to office, that the Tribune was allowed free license to use the telegraph, and on the re- monstrance of the other papers the right of telegraphing at all was removed from the press at Washington, and only such intelligence can now be telegraphed as the War Department thinks fit to communicate. When the advance of the Potomac army became imminent, Mr. Stanton stretched still further the limits of his authority, and required the letters of correspondents to be submitted to Government approval before transmission. This, however, only refers to military matters. On political questions, and on the political bearing of military measures, there is perfect freedom of discussion, as far as the Government is concerned. On one or two occasions some of the Ministers have tried to suppress the publication of comments on political topics not in accordance with their own views, but the press have always resisted the attempt, and with success. No doubt on military movements the censorship is abso- lute. If you look through the New York papers up to to-day, it is only by implication that you could learn the fact that the army of the Potomac had left Washington and sailed down the river a fortnight ago to Fortress Monroe. The fact, I believe, has never yet been stated officially. What use there may be in not mentioning a circum- stance known to every soul in New York who had any interest in finding it out, and known at Richmond as soon as it was known here, is a question hard to answer; but any step which has the appearance of energy is very welcome at this moment to the American people. Nobody who reads the American newspapers can entertain any doubt as to their freedom of speech with regard to the institutions and statesmen of the country. In personal matters there is a reckless license of discussionwhich sometimes makes one regret the absence of a censorship. Whatever interference there is with freedom of the press comes from public opinion. How far a newspaper advocating openly secession views would be tolerated in the North is a point on which it is difficult to form an opinion. At the outbreak of the war newspapers which were supposed to favour secession were refused conveyance by the Government mails, a refusal which proved fatal to their existence. The only prominent instance of mob interference with the press was after the fall of Fort Sumter, when a mob collected round the Herald office, and were only appeased by Bennett's hanging out the Union flag from his windows. I suspect the law would go hard with any editor who laid himself open to the charge of treason by advocating secession outspokenly, and an American jury might possibly award slight damages for any assault on his person or pro- perty. Still, I feel that if there was an invasion of England, I would not give much for the safety of any newspaper which advocated sub- mission to the French. When a people is excited and almost una- nimous there can never be perfect freedom of opinion for a dissentient minority.

It may be urged with some reason that though, at present, there is freedom of the press in political matters, yet the censorship on mili- tary discussions is the first step to a general censorship. This ques- tion is connected with the more general one, as to the possibility of a military dictatorship, which is too wide a one for this letter. Let me only say that the safety of the country from this danger, if it exists at all, lies in the size of the army. The army is too vast to acquire the military "esprit de corps." A Napoleon, with a compact force of one hundred thousand men, might be a source of peril to free government ; but in America there are now six hundred and seventy-two thousand soldiers enrolled, receiving pay from the Treasury, and they have McClellan at their head. "Freedom of the press," wrote Jefferson, "freedom of person, under the protection of the habeas corpus, and trial by juries impartially selected, are the principles which have guided our steps. Should we wander from them in moments of error or of alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps, and to regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty, and safety." This, as far as I can learn, is still the creed of the great majority of Americans.

AN ENGLISH TRAVELLER.