THE TT ALF-HEARTED LIBERALS. T HE Right Hon. W. N. Massey
has never, so far as we can remember, been a very " robust " Liberal. Indeed his leaning has always been very marked to what is best described as the Liberalism of the ten-pounders, or shopocmtic Liberalism. It was a speech of his just after he became the chairman of Committees, which turned the scales against the Reform Bill of 1860,—no doubt without exciting any great resentment in the heart of our then Prime Minister, Lord Palmerston. After Mr. Massey's return from India, the movement of all move- ments which he could sincerely take up, and by which also he could best recommend himself to the hearts of the small borough constituencies, was the movement for the total repeal of the Income-tax,—in other words, a movement for the relief of the middle-class at the expense either of the wealthiest or the poorest tax-payers, or both. It was, indeed, the measure specially advo- cated by Mr. Massey, the one, we mean, the support of which gained him, in all probability, his seat for Tiverton, that perhaps suggested, and in any case received the emphatic sanction of, Mr. Gladstone's memorable address in January last to the electors of Greenwich, wherein he appealed to the country on the strength of a promise to abolish the Income-tax ;—an appeal which not only failed, but which, implying as it did that the nation, and not Parliament, was the proper authority to settle the details of a Budget, seemed to us to have deserved to fail ; indeed, this appeal was in our estimation by far the greatest blunder of Mr. Gladstone's political life. But Mr. Massey and his colleague at Tiverton cannot afford to find fault with that blunder, though Mr. Massey himself at all events is perfectly willing to criticise the mistakes of the Radicals. The electors of Tiverton were exceed- ingly anxious for the repeal of the Income-tax, and no doubt they returned Mr. Massey and Sir John Amory with all the more enthusiasm because the Prime Minister had selected as the very question on which he asked the declaration of the nation's wishes, the one on which they had previously demanded that the Liberal candidate should take a very pronounced line. Well, now that Mr. Massey is Member for Tiverton, and has never- theless adequate proof that the country feels no enthusiasm erg, but still share the responsibilities of householders ? Give it to We confess that there seem to us to be a sufficient number them, and you must give it to all grown-up persons of either sex, of ideas which the Liberals might, and which only Liberals and so you will be landed in universal suffrage. And worse still, could, keep steadily before the country as the formative Fin: he remarks, erase the distinction between the county and the ciples of a future policy to come into action whenever the borough suffrage, and you lose all excuse for keeping the boroughs country is ready for it, as it will be so soon as it sees that, separate political units ; you must merge them in the country at under the guidance of Conservative traditions, our existing large, part out the whole country into equal electoral districts, institutions contract, instead of expanding, the amount of and then what becomes of the influence of a little place like sympathy they evince with the " dim, common populations." Tiverton ? That was an axgument which, no doubt, went For instance, why do we hold to our belief that somehow home to the hearts of the men of Tiverton, as they listened to or other the agricultural labourers should be admitted as soon Mr. Massey last Saturday. But the upshot of his speech was as possible to the franchise Because we believe their life to this,—that Liberalism has at present no particular creed and no be now the only really wretched life, the only life wretched particular prospects. It must wait upon Providence, and hope without any fault on the part of those who lead it, within the for Conservative blunders like the Endowed Schools' Bill of British Islands ; and because we do not think that the British last Session. Mr. Massey says, "I do not at present see an Constitution was made for the benefit of income-tax-payers opening in the cloud which hangs over us, though any wind only, but for all. No doubt it is very true that in the of public opinion may quickly dissipate the cloud and disclose main the remedy for the evils of the agricultural labourer's the light.. But at present I do not see the signs of any such life is a remedy for which legislation can do but little. wind." No, of course not ; because if we gather Mr. Massey's If the tenant farmer is once made as secure of the fair meaning rightly, it is not really a wind to sweep away the clouds returns to his capital and labour as he may possibly, (not he is looking for, but rather a very gentle wind to blow the probably) be made even by Conservatives, the labourer will clouds over to the Conservative side of the political sky, and have the remedy in his own hands, so soon as Union funds are then, to drop, so as there to leave them. It is impossible to sufficient to secure the alternative of a prosperous emigration for draw a real distinction of any kind between Mr. Massey's views the supernumerary hands. But the question of representation and those of such a Conservative as Sir Stafford Northcote, is independent of that of legislative remedies. It is a ques- except, indeed, that it is quite possible that the Chancellor of tion of social knowledge. Experience shows that there is no the Exchequer does not wish for a total repeal of the Income- security for full discussion and for the knowledge which tax. What Mr. Massey means is that if the Conservatives comes of it, like the Parliamentary field of responsible and only make blunders enough, public opinion will favour the public debate. We venture to assert that the artisans and return of Liberals to office to govern the country more wisely, the Trades Unions have learnt more moderation since they but on the same principles. And that is, we suspect, the only received the concession of electoral power—since every one who hope of a good number of weak-hearted Liberals like Sir had to discuss matters with them recognised them as a power in Henry James and Mr. Massey, who wish to see the keen the State—than they had learnt in the previous twenty years. Conservative statesmen out of power, but do not wish to see Suppose that the Agricultural Labourers have a deep conviction
mild Conservative principles out of favour. that some particular Parliamentary measure would be a cure for Now we quite agree, and have always agreed, that the their misery,—will they ever be persuaded that it is a mere quack Conservative reaction was a genuine one,—that the nation has remedy, till they have seen it discussed with the deference due more or less turned Conservative for the time, and wishes to to men who can turn a county election It is not because improve the administration and even legislation as far as possible we believe that legislation alone will effect anything very im- without further talk at present of any fundamental changes,— portant for the rural labourers, but because we believe that they that the people are out of heart about ' heroic measures,' and will never recognise what it can and what it cannot do, that have persuaded themselves that it is better to work with the they will never come to measure their rights and their duties most unsatisfactory machinery than to run the risk of making new. properly, without taking part in choosing the National Parlia- But we cannot see at all why Liberals should be half-hearted ment, that we protest so earnestly against the narrowness because Conservatives are in a majority. When the Liberals which refuses to the labourers on the soil what has been were in a majority, the Conservatives were not half-hearted. granted to the labourers in the workshop.
On the contrary, they were a great deal more whole-hearted Again, in ecclesiastical and educational affairs, we believe than they are now. They talked of everything that the Liberals that hearty Liberals, and hearty Liberals alone, can trace out did as a policy of blundering and plundering, and by dint of the policy of the future. And we say this in spite of agree- repeating their fanatical statements often enough, they got the ing with Mr. Massey that Church Disestablishment is not country to agree with them at last. Why should not Liberals to be desired, and disagreeing thoroughly with the Bir- -if they be Liberals—show as much faith in their Liberalism mingham League in its wish for secular education. But while while the country rejects it, as the Conservatives undoubtedly we heartily desire to save the Church, we as heartily desire to did in Conservatism while the country rejected it? We suppose liberalise it,—to see its elaborate and obsolete tests so trench- the real reason must be said to be that the Liberals have been antly dealt with that it may really become what it ought already accustomed hitherto to rely habitually on the opinion of the to be, a true Church of the people and of the poor, a Church masses, while the Conservatives have been accustomed to dis- which cares more for the Christian life than for fine theo- trust habitually the opinion of the masses. But if that has logical distinctions, a Church which does not trip up the been so in the past, Mr. Disraeli has taught us all that it can most earnest men at the very threshold by demanding hardly be so in the future. The " Residuum " are at least as assent to no fewer than thirty-nine groups of difficult proposi- likely to have Conservative prejudices, as the squires or the tions many of which are completely obsolete for the mind of country clergy. The Liberals are just as likely as the to-day, a Church which will pursue more anxiously the edu- Republican party in the -United States to be in a minority cation of the poor than the mere indoctrination of the poor, and for many years together. And if, while they are out whom the common people will hear gladly. In short, true of power they are also to be out of heart, to have no ob- Liberalism should look to the reform and simplification of the jects in view, nothing to put before the country, nothing to Church as the only possible means of keeping the Establish- cling to as a political faith,—why, we think they might just ment. It is all but hopeless for a Church such as we now have, as well become Liberal-Conservatives out of hand, and do hampered by mental restrictions which were no restrictions to
for the most important article in the creed which made him what they can do in that capacity to liberalise the Conserva- Member for Tiverton, he looks round for other subjects on which tives, instead of dispiriting the Liberals. With very sincere it seems more probable that Tiverton and the country at large respect for the honesty of Mr. Massey, who seems to us will agree than they did on the Income-tax ; and he finds such a a perfectly consistent politician, and remains, indeed, now subject in his now almost historical dislike of Reform ; and this dis- much what he was in 1860, we cannot help thinking that, if like he finds a good opportunity to express, in relation to the pro- there were not such a violent prepossession against a man who posal to extend hormehold suffrage to the counties. Like Sir Homy passes from one side of the House to the other, the function James, he sees a hundred difficulties in such a course, and feels of a Liberal-Conservative is precisely,the one which he is best much comforted by the reflection that Tiverton, like Taunton, fitted to discharge. As a Liberal-Conservative, he would add can be made to see them too. Extend household suffrage to a new weight to the influence of men like Lord Derby and Sir the counties, and you have no excuse left for not extending it Stafford Northcote, as compared with Lord Salisbury and Mr. to the women, for women are at least as competent to judge Gathorne Hardy. As a Liberal, he only discharges the f unc- on political topics, remarks Mr. Massey, as the rural labourers ; tion of convincing the country more and more that the Liberals but extend this suffrage to the women who are householders, have no aims of their own, that they are mere Conservatives and how can you deny it to women who are not, indeed, household- with a wrong label.
erg, but still share the responsibilities of householders ? Give it to We confess that there seem to us to be a sufficient number them, and you must give it to all grown-up persons of either sex, of ideas which the Liberals might, and which only Liberals and so you will be landed in universal suffrage. And worse still, could, keep steadily before the country as the formative Fin: he remarks, erase the distinction between the county and the ciples of a future policy to come into action whenever the borough suffrage, and you lose all excuse for keeping the boroughs country is ready for it, as it will be so soon as it sees that, separate political units ; you must merge them in the country at under the guidance of Conservative traditions, our existing large, part out the whole country into equal electoral districts, institutions contract, instead of expanding, the amount of and then what becomes of the influence of a little place like sympathy they evince with the " dim, common populations." Tiverton ? That was an axgument which, no doubt, went For instance, why do we hold to our belief that somehow home to the hearts of the men of Tiverton, as they listened to or other the agricultural labourers should be admitted as soon Mr. Massey last Saturday. But the upshot of his speech was as possible to the franchise Because we believe their life to this,—that Liberalism has at present no particular creed and no be now the only really wretched life, the only life wretched particular prospects. It must wait upon Providence, and hope without any fault on the part of those who lead it, within the for Conservative blunders like the Endowed Schools' Bill of British Islands ; and because we do not think that the British last Session. Mr. Massey says, "I do not at present see an Constitution was made for the benefit of income-tax-payers opening in the cloud which hangs over us, though any wind only, but for all. No doubt it is very true that in the of public opinion may quickly dissipate the cloud and disclose main the remedy for the evils of the agricultural labourer's the light.. But at present I do not see the signs of any such life is a remedy for which legislation can do but little. wind." No, of course not ; because if we gather Mr. Massey's If the tenant farmer is once made as secure of the fair meaning rightly, it is not really a wind to sweep away the clouds returns to his capital and labour as he may possibly, (not he is looking for, but rather a very gentle wind to blow the probably) be made even by Conservatives, the labourer will clouds over to the Conservative side of the political sky, and have the remedy in his own hands, so soon as Union funds are then, to drop, so as there to leave them. It is impossible to sufficient to secure the alternative of a prosperous emigration for draw a real distinction of any kind between Mr. Massey's views the supernumerary hands. But the question of representation and those of such a Conservative as Sir Stafford Northcote, is independent of that of legislative remedies. It is a ques- except, indeed, that it is quite possible that the Chancellor of tion of social knowledge. Experience shows that there is no the Exchequer does not wish for a total repeal of the Income- security for full discussion and for the knowledge which tax. What Mr. Massey means is that if the Conservatives comes of it, like the Parliamentary field of responsible and only make blunders enough, public opinion will favour the public debate. We venture to assert that the artisans and return of Liberals to office to govern the country more wisely, the Trades Unions have learnt more moderation since they but on the same principles. And that is, we suspect, the only received the concession of electoral power—since every one who hope of a good number of weak-hearted Liberals like Sir had to discuss matters with them recognised them as a power in Henry James and Mr. Massey, who wish to see the keen the State—than they had learnt in the previous twenty years. Conservative statesmen out of power, but do not wish to see Suppose that the Agricultural Labourers have a deep conviction
the mind of the sixteenth or seventeenth century, to continue to be the trustee of the English nation for religious teaching in our own day.
And again, as regards Education. Though we have no belief in a popular education without religion, we do say that, for the purpose of educating children, the Christian teaching needed is simple and unsectarian in the highest degree, and that the violent effort made by the Clergy to keep the elementary schools in the hands of the Church is an error of the grossest kind. There is hardly a county in England where the clergy are not attempting to foil the provisions of the Education Act by transferring Church schools to School Boards for the purposes of the secular teaching, while reserving the religious teaching to themselves, and making it so strictly and denominationally Anglican, that the school is as much stamped with its old theological character as it was before. In many cases even the hours of dogmatic Anglican teaching are consecutive with the hours of School-Board management, and of course the effect is to make the Dissenters distrust such schools, and feel that they are being tricked by the apparent transfer to the School Board. That is not, in our view, a truly national or a Liberal policy. It is in the narrowest sense a Conservative and denominational policy. Instead of proposing to work the Education Act in a large and national spirit, it strives to work it in a sectarian and exclusive spirit. We shall see no fusing of the various sects in the nation into one great society, all the elements of which may circulate freely, according to their capacities and tastes, between the lowest and the highest grades, while this kind of petty and exclusive spirit is at work behind our institu- tions. Liberals, whether they adopt the somewhat narrow cries of the Nonconformists and the Birmingham Leaguers or not, ought at least to try heart and soul to eradicate the in- justice which has given occasion to these cries. And this will never be done by men who, like Mr. Massey, can see no hopeful prospect for Liberalism, except in some change of popular opinion which is to expel Conservatives from office and reinstate Liberals in it. Liberals have no proper function in the world, unless they desire to spread new convictions, and to apply those convictions practically. If they have no such convictions, and so long as they continue to have none, we see no reason why power should not stay where it is.
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