NEWS OF THE WEEK rpHE Emperor Napoleon on Thursday addressed

such of the 1 soldiers at Chalons as had served in the Italian war. He bade them "keep always in their hearts the remembrance of their battles," for the "history of French wars is the history of the progress of civilization." The "military spirit is the triumph of noble over vulgar passions." "Fidelity to the standard is devotion to one's country." "Continue as in the past, and you will maintain that military spirit so necessary for a great people." Considering that this speech is made ten years after the Italian war, that no incident has given rise to it, and that nothing calls for a display of the military spirit, its tone cannot be deemed "eminently pacific." Note that the Franco-Belgian Commission, which has been sitting these three weeks, can get nothing settled, and that references about unexpected demands have been made to Belgium.

In about half our impression of last week we were able to give the results of the division in the Lords, which was an unexpectedly large majority (33) in favour of the Government, —contents, 179; non-contents, 146. 325 Peers voted, and 18 more paired, giving one of the largest votes ever taken in the House of Lords. Considering that on the Suspensory Bill the numbers were,—contents, 97; non-contents, 192; majority against the Bill, 95; showing a total vote of 287, it will hs, obvious enough how great a number of Peers had passed over to the side of the Commons,—many of them influenced by Lord Salisbury's powerful speech,—and how considerable a number recorded their votes this year who absented themselves last year. The analysis of the division shows a majority in all ranks for the Bill, except (of course) Bishops, and, oddly enough, Viscounts who show 12 against the Bill to only 8 in its favour. Amongst the Barons there were 101 in favour of the second reading to only 44 against it, or considerably more than two to one. In all other ranks the division was much nearer equality, except, of course, among the Bishops. The Bishop of St. David's alone among the ecclesiastics II ad courage to vote for the Bill. The Archbishop of Canterbury, whose speech distinctly pointed to a vote in favour of the Bill, abstained, as did his Grace of York, and the lay Bishop of the Evangelicals, Lord Shaftesbury. The majority of the older families among the Peers for the Bill was very remarkable. The new blood was more Conservative.

The final night's debate produced no speech of the first order. The Duke of Argyll, who spoke during the dinner-hour, made by far the beet speech which had proceeded during the whole debate from the bench of Ministers, and indeed a really good and weighty speech among many poor ones. He insisted chiefly on the fact cast in the teeth of Ministers by the Opposition, that Mr. Gladstone's bold policy on the Irish Church, whether undertaken to reunite the Liberal party or not, had in fact transformed a mere rope of sand into one of the most powerful and united parties of recent times ; and asked how that could have happened had not the opinion of the country been ripening for years in the direction of this measure. He pointed out that in the last Parliament Mr. Gladstone's genius and popularity had exercised no magical influence towards cementing the party till this question came up. On

the Reform Bill he was quite helpless. "It was a Parliament which had no faith in any principle, no enthusiasm in any cause, and no fidelity to any leader." Mr. Gladstone's policy produced chaos out of order, and a well drilled and organized body out of an assembly thoroughly disorganized. It was like the influence of a magnet in collecting together the dust of steel. If so, it was no personal influence of Mr. Gladstone's, it was the force of different currents of opinion uniting together to carry a popular policy which produced the transformation. The Duke went on to argue very powerfully for the Bill on its merits. He was the only one of the Ministry in the Lords who took a really high tone, and threw the whole weight of his character into his argument.

The rest of the debate was not exceedingly noteworthy. Lord Russell made a speech indicating as much revival of energy as Lord Derby's had seemed to indicate decay. The Bishop of Lichfield (Dr. Selwyn) was as usual vigorous and illogical, but he made a curious and important detour from the line of his main argument in favour of an attempt to identify Irish farmers with the land by enabling them to acquire its fee simple, pleading in favour of it his experience of the small Irish proprietors in New Zealand. Lord Westbury made a virulent speech against the measure (for which, however, he voted), calling himself "the voice of one crying in the wilderness," and dwelling at great length on the melancholy dissolution of those corporations sole, the Irish Bishops. 'There wag much laughter during his speech, at, perhaps, more than with him. The Lord Chancellor's reply was lucid, dignified, and very effective. Never was Mr. Gladstone's choice for the Chancellorship more signally justified. And to him, again, Lord Cairns replied in a very dreary, narrow, equity-lawyer's speech, even more unlike that of an aristocratic party leader than any of Lord Malmesbury'a,--for he at lead has something of the slouch and hauteur of one accustomed (though incompetent) to lead,—especially the slouch. Lord Granville said little in reply, for the morning sun, or at least as much of it as could penetrate the grey clouds of a chill June day, was already lighting up "the tapestries of the House of Lords ;" and, moreover, he was aware that he was about to win, and said so.

The Times will have it that the Viceroy of Egypt ought to be received as a national guest, and we should like to know why. Because he entertained the Prince of Wales magnificently ? That is a reason why the Prince should pay him every possible honour, but no more a reason for a national reception than similar courtesy from Prince Jerome Napoleon would be. Because he is a Sovereign ? That would be sufficient reason ; but, then, is he ? As we understand the arrangement, the Pasha or Khedive is no more a Sovereign than the Duke of Argyll was when he possessed his hereditary jurisdiction. He is the highest Pasha of the Turkish Empire, and irremovable ; but he is a subject still, sends yearly tribute to Constantinople, cannot sign a treaty, cannot alienate land, and cannot refuse his suzerain's call to follow him in battle. There is every reason for paying him every honour, but none for recognizing his independence by conceding him the honours reserved to independent Sovereigns. They might be granted, no doubt, as matter of grace ; but as the Sultan has protested, it is necessary to adhere to the usual code.

As yet most of the amendments to be proposed in the Lords are in the direction of concurrent endowment. Lord Grey, for example, has a notice on the paper to amend the preamble by omitting the words which forbid the application of the surplus fund to religious uses; and Lord Russell, with his wonted courage, gives notice of another, which would authorize the purchase of churches, manses, and graveyards for all three sects. Both Peers have our most cordial adhesion, we distinctly believing that Ireland is Catholic, and that a Catholic country has a right to endow Catholicism if it likes ; but they are crying for the moon. The House of Commons will not vote for any such project, and we shall be lucky if we can get decent houses for the clergy of all denominations. That is, just possible, and only just, though we do endow colleges for ingruction in the Koran and -the Veds. Another amendment, by Lord Shaftesbury, to apply the fund in small loans to peasants, is wise and kindly, but will be rejected by the Lords themselves. There remain amendments by the Third party, headed for the nonce by the Archbishop, which will, we believe, involve in some form a demand for a susteutation fund, such, as it is argued, has been given to Maynooth. We suspect, as the Catholics are in a reasonable, not to say conciliatory, mood, as becomes men who have won a just verdict, the compromise will be there.

The offer of justice to Ireland is already producing its natural effect. The Orangemen are marching about Ulster in huge armed bodies, and threaten demonstrations for July so serious that Mr. Chichester Fortescue promises watchfulness, and if necessary, repression. The Catholics however, take no umbrage, and their best organ, the Dublin Evening Post, exhorts them to take none, even in July, but to abstain from all interference, not out of contempt, but out of good-humour and forbearing friendliness for brother Irishmen. The world moves, slow as our progress may be. Be it observed the Orangemen are not anxious about the amendments, but would put all their clergy on £2 per week to-morrow, if by so doing they could keep up their ascendancy.

Marshal Serrano has taken the oaths as Regent of Spain, and has appointed General Prim Premier and Minister of War. General Prim tells the Cortes he shall suppress disorder with firmness, "aye, even with cruelty," and will make any economies but such as are sure to be unproductive. Moreover, the State must obtain "pennies which do not cost other pennies to get." That is interpreted to mean that the Government will propose new taxes instead of further loans, but it may also mean that it will increase existing taxes. In the mouth of a financier it would mean that, the collection of a sixpence costing as little as the collection of a penny ; but then Prim is not a financier.

The Queen should make Archbishop Manning a Peer. He can have no children, he would be welcomed by the Lords, and he would supply a great want, that of somebody within the Legislature entitled to speak on behalf of the Catholic Church. Sir George Bowyer used to perform that function, but since his rejection by Dundalk there is no one who can say clearly that this or that compromise is possible. We dare say Lord Granville knows whether the priesthood would accept manses, but we want the information at first band, and the reasons for the decision.

The Earl of Albemarle made an ineffectual attempt on Thursday to remove a stigma affixed by law to all persons resident in the country who do not own land. They are disqualified by 18th George II., cap. 20, for the magistracy. A county-court judge, for example, who rents his house, cannot be made a magistrate, while the smallest squireen who can just spell can. The Duke of Richmond opposed the abolition of the law on the ground that things were very well as they were, and Lord Portman on the very dangerous argument that, as magistrates managed county finance, magistrates ought. to be selected from men interested in economy. The answer to that is to deprive magistrates of their administrative monopoly. Lord Albernarle's Bill, of course, failed, and we are very glad of it. The Radicals do not want to interest new classes in the support of the great unpaid, as they would have been interested had Lord Albemarle's view been accepted, but to supersede the landowners altogether by trained stipendiaries. A criminal jurisdiction for the county courts,—that is their policy.

The Delegates of the Trades' Unions held a great meeting on Wednesday, in Exeter Hall, in support of the Bill brought in by Messrs. Hughes and Mundella for legalizing Trades' Unions. The proceedings were most satisfactory, but members of Parliament will do well to heed one point. There was an undertone of suspicion about the meeting as to the honesty of the Liberal party. Whenever a workman rose, he pointed out that the workmen had supported the Liberals in the election,—which is scarcely true of Lancashire,—and that they would not be played with, more especially through the old device of delay. They desired a division on the Bill, if only the proposer and seconder voted for it, in order that they might know who were for and against them. The Bill has been adopted by the Unions almost unanimously, and as. it only gives them a corporate standing, it ought to pass. There will, we fear, be trouble about it, unless the Ministry take care.

passion for the Compounder. Batthat fal• .dream of the past, who, likethe phcenix, is springing up anew from the Parliamentary ashes to which Mr. Disraeli consigned it, need not quite refuse to be comforted. Mr. Vernon Harcourt has conceived an even more ardent passion for the Prime Minister's almost cast-off love, and twice this week has descanted at even exorbitant length on a visionary elevation of the Compounder to glories far beyond the very limited range of the official dream. Mr. Vernon Harcourt's battle-cry seems to be not compulsory education,' but that even grander cry, compulsory composition, the landlord rating of small tenements, and residential household suffrage. Mr. Goschen, who represents the Government on the Assessed Rates' Bill, has given at least as much, and in some respects more than anybody expected, after the clause in the Queen's Speech which promised only "to relieve some classes of occupiers from hardships in respect of rating," and intentionally postponed sine die any reconsideration of the whole basis of the Conservative Reform Act. Mr. Goschen has shown that the Assessed Rates' Bill, especially with the new clause added in Committee, will, wherever the vestries wish it, compel the rating of the owners of small houses (of £20 and under in London, and of £.8 and under in the country), and give a very strong inducement indeed for the ador. tion of the compounding principle for small tenements in all sorts of places, without mulcting the tenant of his vote. Mr. Vernon Harcourt was heavily beaten in his attempt to pass what would have been in effect a new reform bill,—by no less than 249 majority, 291 against 42. The House of Commons is fond of the Compounder, no doubt, but not as idolatrous as Mr. Vernon Harcourt.

The Endowed Schools' Commission is to consist of Lord Lyttelton, Canon Robinson, and Mr. Arthur Hobhouse, one of the Charity Commission,—all, we believe, able men, and Canon Robinson (formerly head of the Diocesan Training College at York), an exceedingly able man. But Lord Lyttelton belongs rather to an old-fashioned school as regards education, though as regards age he is still in the fullness of his powers, being only 52. He must be on his guard, keep his mind fully open to the freshest lights on educational subjects, and, moreover, to the freshest lights on the education of the middle classes. Fortunately, however, the Commission is not likely to be too strong for the department which rules over it. We shall have substantial and not merely formal ministerial responsibility for its policy. Mr. Roby, formerly secretary to the Middle-Class School Commission, is to be the secretary to this Commission. There could not have been a better choice.

Count Bismarck has had a great defeat in the Customs Parliament, and a great defeat in spite of enforcing his recommendations by a threat. He had proposed an import tax on petroleum oil, and had declared that if it were not aenepted, the President of the Zollverein would veto other amendments in the tariff of the Zollverein. In spite of this the tax was definitively rejected. Count Bismarck finds all his three Parliaments full of German stiffneckedness, and quite indisposed to submit to dictation even from a Bismarck.

The feeling against Mr. Lowe's proposal as to the Law Courts is evidently very strong, and the Government apparently found that Sir Ronndell Palmer would beat them heavily on a division. Accordingly, Mr. Gladstone has proposed fresh delay. He has moved for a select committee to inquire into the site and charge of the new Law Courts, and has deferred, for a month, the order for the second reading of the Law Courts' Bill, that the coinrnittee may have time to report. It seems that the Government is also to appoint a commission to hear evidence as to the site of the new Law Courts, because it would not be in order to refer the Bill on the subject to the Select Committee till it had been read a second time. Mr. Gladstone admitted freely that public opinion had not come round to Mr. Lowe's plan, as the Government had hoped that it might. But he maintained that the vast schemes of the Commissioners had been finally surrendered, and that now the only alternative is between a reduced plan, i. e., the original plan, on the Carey-Street site, and Mr. Lowe's plan on the Howard-Street site. No doubt that is precisely the alternative, but it scarcely needs any more inquiry to decide between them. The Howard

Street site is scarcely advocated by any one who does not admit that the building to be erected on it will, in the end, need the Strand frontage, and be as costly, or more costly, than the building on the Carey-Street site, as well as a great deal less convenient. In our own opinion, the architectural value of the Carey-Street site is far beyond that of the Howard-Street site, which, as the

7ymes has pointed out, does not admit of a building conterminous with Somerset House, but involves one projecting eighty feet beyond it, throwing it into the background, and cutting it off from the Temple. In economy, convenience, and architectural effect, Mr. Lowe's plan is already defeated.

The King of Prussia opened the new military port of Jahde, -henceforward to be called Wilhelmshaven, on the 19th inst. The port is a huge artificial construction of granite, comprises five harbours or basins 26 feet deep, from 1,200 to 600 feet long, and from 750 to 350 feet wide, three dry docks, and all the establishments necessary for the repair of a considerable fleet. The whole kas cost 11,500,000. The fleet, as at present formed, consists of three ironclads, two cuirassed batteries, ten corvettes, thirty-six gunboats, and some smaller vessels, all armed with the heaviest Armstrongs or Krupps, and manned by 6,000 sailors. The total number of men qualified for a naval conscription is 78,000, of whom 35,000 would be available. The entire fleet costs only 11,550,000 a year. Twice that sum, or /3,000,000, would give -Germany a powerful fleet, and the extra taxation would be about a shilling a head, or four shillings a year for each house.

It is said—we know not on what authority--that one amongst the dogmas to be pronounced a part of Catholic truth in the -coming Council at Rome is that of the personal (bodily) Assumption of the Virgin. We can understand how purely theological -dogmas are supposed to be developed from their first principles in the consciousness of the Church, but we can hardly understand bow these matters of fact can be attested except by special revelation. If this is to be affirmed,—will the Church produce con.current supernatural manifestations of the Virgin to different holy men, communicating this incident of her personal history ? Or how will it be evidenced ? And what, unless Heaven is a specific locality, would it mean?

A meeting was held on Monday, under the presidency of the Prince of Wales, to concert measures for doing honour to the -memory of the greatest scientific man of this generation—the late Dr. Faraday. It was decided to open a subscription list,—no subascription to exceed five guineas,—and to appoint a Committee to consider the best mode of effecting this purpose, which is likely, it is said, to assume the form of a monument in St. Paul's Cathedral. The chief feature of the meeting was a very touching and eloquent tribute to Faraday's memory by a distinguished French chemist, M. Dumas, who seems to have spoken as eloquent -English as if he had been born in England.

The Italian mind is just now agitated by a very discreditable scandal. It is affirmed that the arrangement for a concession of the tobacco monopoly, which is at the basis of the tobacco loan, was obtained by bribing members and persons about the Court. S. Lobbia offered to prove this by documents, whereupon somebody, whether implicated or not nobody knows, tried to assassinate him. He is, however, recovering, and going on with his proofs ; but so great has been the hubbub, that Parliament has been prorogued. Italians always exaggerate scandals, believing everybody guilty of everything, because they do not much care if he is or not; but there would seem to be some foundation of some kind for this story, or otherwise it would hardly have created such excitement in Parliament.

It seems that the prosecution of the defendants in the Overend Gurney case is likely to fall through. The prosecutor, Dr. Thom, being already a heavy loser, is unwilling or unable to expend more money, and applied to the Treasury to carry on the case. The Treasury refused. Dr. Thom then requested the Court of Queen's Bench to let him prosecute in person ; but the Court declined, dreading, no doubt, the muddle into which lay prosecutors are apt to bring their cases. Dr. Thom, therefore, who in fact represents the public in the matter, will be compelled either to drop the prosecution, or continue it languidly and unwillingly. The argument of the Treasury doubtless is, that if Government Prosecutes in this case it ought to prosecute in every other in which a private prosecutor fails ; but "my Lords" forget that national misfortunes justifying even Parliamentary inquiry followed this failure, and were, it is believed, produced by it. Thorough Investigation becomes, therefore, of national, and not merely of private importance.

The Scotch Free Church and the Scotch United Presbyterian Church seem inclined to amalgamate, thus becoming the strongest religious body in Scotland. The clergy of the Establishment, alarmed at this, are disposed to request the Free Church to return, and to facilitate negotiation wish to abolish the grievance on which the Free Church seceded, —the right of patronage. They propose that the ministers should be elected by the communicants and landowners together, that is, in fact, by the communicants, for the " heritors " would be swamped, and, unless communicants, would retire. There are no grave difficulties as to property, for the patronage is worth little ; is not given, as in England, to landlords' relatives, and cannot be sold except with the land ; while the communicants have already a right of objecting to any presentation, which they use, we are bound to add, with a most worldly contempt for scruples. A deputation from the Assembly, therefore, waited on Mr. Gladstone on Friday, to ask for legislation. The Premier listened, and promised inquiry, but asked very pertinently whether if the Free Church came back they would not want their share of the endowments. Dr. Macleod said no ; but Dr. Macleoi must be an unusually trustful man. If the Church of Scotland rejects the control of the laity, why should the laity pay taxes for its support? Would it not be simpler to give the whole of the tithe, instead of half, to the schools, and let the Establishment secure unity by merging itself in the Free Church ? Be it remembered, the sensible Scotch nowhere admit pure voluntaryism. No congregation can dismiss its minister without the consent of the Assembly.

A great effort, recently made by "Mr. Sumner's wing" of the Republican party to include the Alabama question in the programme of the party, has apparently failed. The Republican Convention of Philadelphia on Wednesday voted down a warlike resolution, and accepted one expressing confidence that the Administration "would support the interests and dignity of the nation in respect to its just claims against Great Britain," thus leaving the matter in the hands of the Executive. The Ohio Convention has followed suit, and it seems clear that the body of the party would rather lose the Irish vote than stake their fortunes on the issue of an unjust war. In America, unlike England, the mass is almost always wiser than the individual.

Mr. Home, the medium, has been giving evidence of the usual kind before the Dialectical Society as to an appearance of the hand of Napoleon I. before the present Emperor and Empress of the French in his own presence. The hand leaned over the table, took a pencil on the far side of it, and wrote "Napoleon" in the great Emperor's handwriting. After delivering this autograph, the Emperor, says Mr. Home, kissed the hand, then the Empress kissed it, and then Mr. Home said he should like to kiss it. The hand hesitated about going to the lips of Mr. Home, but,—probably not having been very much used to kisses as yet in the other world, where there must be a great many shades of persons to whom it was a destroying hand, and nothing more, —apparently decided, on the whole, on receiving this unmeaning kiss from Mr. Home's lips, for it came back to Mr. Home after a little wavering, for that purpose, and the kiss was, we conclude, impressed. Mr. Home added that "his information led him to the opinion that precisely as we go to sleep here, so we awake in the other world; Wesleyans were 1Vesleyans, Swedenborgians were Swalenborgians, and Molometans were Mahountans." He did not add, what, however, he doubtless intended, that ' spiritualists ' wake up spiritualists, and,—as we hope,—disbelievers in spiritualism disbelievers in spiritualism,—which would make the thing quite complete. We should then have the satisfaction of finding in the other world that the spirits who are supposed to have stretched back their hands into this world, disbelieve in their own manifestations, and of heartily agreeing with them. Mr. Home added that with certain

persons he at once feels "inharmonious," i.e., not at home, and then no manifestations occur. May we add that he evidently has the power of predicting that feeling, in relation to persons whom he has not met, and objects to meet for the purposes of a séance, —as, for example, the editors of this journal ?

Another witness of spiritualistic feats, Mr. Damrain, mentioned to the Dialectical Society a still more interesting circumstance,— that "spiritual boys go to school and continue to grow until 35,— old men return to that age." We should very much like to witness the latter phenomenon. The return of the shadow on the sun-dial of Ahaz was nothing to it. What a very complicated affair memory must be when a man of 35 recollects what he did at 70, and also at his previous age of 35. Probably they would call the first 35, + 35, and the last — 35. Age in that world has evidently a double sign, like the roots of a quadratic expression.