Prhatts net nurrilingn Iu Varliantrut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Horse or Logos. Monday, April 22. Australian Constitution Bill; Question by Lord Monteagle—Importation of Foreign Cattle; Select Committee granted to the Duke of Richmond—Carrick-on-Shannon Union ; Select Committee nominated.

Tuesday, April 23. Salaries of Officers in the House of Lords—Alterations in Pleadings Bill, read a second time—Titles of Religious Congregations Bill, read a second time—Agricultural Distress ; Petitions and Conversation—Schools District Contributions Bill, read a third time and passed.

Thursday, April 25. Titles of Religious Congregations Bill—Alterations in Plead- ing Bill, and Pirates (Ilerul-money) Bill, passed through Committee. Yriday, April 26. Formal business of no interest.

HorsE or Commons. Monday, April 22. Savings-banks; Notice of a Bill by Sir Charles Wood—Stamp-duties Bill; Sir Charles Wood's Explanations—Australian Colonies Bill, in Committee; progress reported—Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill, recommitted, considered, and reported—Metropolitan Interments Bill, read a second Id/me—Railways Abandonment Bill, read a second time—Naval Prize Balance (Ad- vances) considered in Committee; Resolution to make good from Consolidated Fund the deficiencies of the Naval Prize Balance—Official Salaries ; Lord John Russell's Committee nominated.

Tuesday, April 23. Railway Companies' Clearing Association Bill, read a first time—Oreennich Hospital Impro ement Bill, report—Weights and Measures Bill, read a first time—Deceased Persons (Ireland) Bill, [to amend the law for administer- ing personalty,] read a first time—Savings of the Middle and Working Classes ; Mr. Sianey's Select Committee nominated—Fees (Court of Common Pleas) considered in Committee; Resolution authorizing the Treasury to grant compensations. Wednesday, April 24. Juvenile Offenders Bill, thrown out at the second reading —Vestries and Vestry-Clerks Bill, read a second time—Affirmation Bill, thrown out on the question to go into Committee—Small Tenements Rating Bill, as amended, considered in Committee—New Writ for Lyming,ton, in room of Colonel Keppel, Chiltern Hundreds.

Thursday, April 25. Greenwich Hospital Improvement Bill, in Committee—Kid- derminst r Election Committee report that Mr. Best was duly elected—Notice for adjourned debate on Mr. lieywood's University Reform Motion, that a Royal Com- mission will be unconstitutional; Mr. James Stuart—Stamp-duties: Sir Charles Wood again adjourns his Bill, for " further consideration "—Australian Colonies Government Bill, in Committee—Securities for Advances (Ireland) Bill; adjourned debate on second reading ; second reading carried, by 186 to 41—Naval Prize Balance Bill, in Committee—Fees (Court of Chancery) Bill, road a first time. Friday, April 26. Distressed Unions Advances and Repayment of Advances (Ire- land) Bill, considered in Committee; Bill reported—The King's-Road-Eaton-Square grievance—Stamps on Marine Assurances; Mr. M•Gregor's Motion for Abolition, negatived by 156 to 89—Financial Policy of Ministers reviewed by Mr. Disraeli, and defended by Lord John Russell—In Supply, Navy Estimates postponed—Savings- bank Statement to be made on Monday, and Ecclesiastical Bill to be taken after- wards—Mr. Roebuck's Select Committee on Sir Thomas Turton's Defalcations nomi- nated.

TIME-TABLE.

The Lords.

The Commons.

Hour of Flour of

How of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday 511 5h 3unt Monday

Mt 12k 45m

Tuesday 7h 35m Tuesday — 121, 30m Wedneoday No Sitting. Wednesday Noon .... 5h 50m Thursday Ith Oh 50m Thursday 41t 121145m Friday — 511 22m Friday — .... 121s 12m

SR-tinge this

Week, 4; Tow, 5h 17m Sitting. this Week, 5, Thne,4011 Sm — this Session, 41; — 84h dm

- tl.ia Sestalon,54 ; -416h Tin AUSTRALIAN Cosrsnrunoxs.

The matters chiefly discussed by the House of Commons in Committee on the Australian Colonies Bill, were the suffrage, the constitution of the Legislative Councils, the disposal of the Crown's waste lands, (which by the bill is vested in the Federal Assembly,) and the endowment of religions.

Mr. VERNON Ssirrn called attention to the disregard of promises made in 1842 by the Colonial Office to a numerous, respectable, wealthy, and intelligent class of the population in New South Wales : the claims of the "squatting" or pastoral interest to a voice in the representation have been entirely passed over. Mr. HAWES fully admitted that the lease- holders, "or squatting interest" as they are called, ought to bo repre- sented.

The Government had hesitated to introduce a clause to that effect, because they had informed the colonists that they did not menu to make any serious alteration in their constitution without previous communication with them and obtaining their consent. He thought it far better to leave the existing Legislative Council to make the necessary alterations themselves, because, m the popular members wore as two to one to the official members, if there were any real pressure upon them from any considerable body of their con- stituents, bearing upon any point of reform which they wished, the repre- sentative members were numerous and able enough to carry it. Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH said, that the Legislatures of Van Diemen's Land and South Australia would, practically, have the power, without reference to the Colonial Office, of introducing universal suffrage and a no-property qualification. Why was not the same power given to New South Wales ? Mr. Hewes said hero, as before, that it was desired to leave these matters to the colonists; but any plan they enact will still, as now, have to be sanctioned by the Crown. Sir WILLIAM Mormswoarn objected, that this necessity would involve a delay of full two years from the passing of the act here before the colonists could derive any actual advantage frppi it. Mr. HUME and Mr. ANSTET saw no hardship in that. --fn referempo the number of nominees in the Chambers, Mr. ANSTRY expressed an with- drew an amen gent which he had proposed, on understanding that when tnion that even one nominee is too many. He with- the retort should be brought up, Mr. Mowatt would move an amendment to reduce the pr6Portion of nominees to one-fourth of the number of the Legislative, Council. The subject of the sale of waste landiwes mooted by Mr. Joins EVELYN DEISISON ; WIZO criticized tha existing law aa fixing the upset price of land'at too high's rate,.and.stated hiaolijectiOns against vesting the power of managing anicontrollingland-saleain a body the Federal Assembly) whiolithe believed woulai never exist The-proposed constitution of that body will give- New SouthiWides a greatly preponderating influence— twelve votes out of the aggregate twenty-three; such influence will most likely be used to reduce the price of land throughout the Colonies to a scale more in accordance with the opinion prevalent in that particular colony. Lord JOHN Russell. historically recounted the phases which the price-of-land question has gone through; mentioning as he proceeded, that the evils of uncertainty and varying price had been " brought before the public with great ability by Mr. Wakefield." At last the Imperial Legislature passed the 5th and 6th of Victoria c. 36, -to fix a.oertain.and uniform price for waste lands. The Government is desirous to preserve the uniformity thus established ; but if the Legislature of each colony may act freely under the temptation to undersell the others by lowering the price of its lands, these evils will again spring up. However, after reconsideration, Lord John admitted that there are many valid objections to the plan he proposed of giving the control of waste lands to the Federal Legislature : the Government does not think it likely that this Federal Legislature will be very soon brought into operation ; and. he confessed, therefore, that he thought " the better course would be not to introduce into this bill any provisions on the subject, and thereby to leave the question of. wastelands as it at present stands." Lord John agreed that the promotion of immi- gration into the Colonies should be kept in view in the future consider- ation of plans for managing waste lands. This announcement respecting the Federal Assembly was received with gladness by Mr. DivErr,. Mr. ADDERLEY, Sir WILLLWAT MOLESWORTH, and Sir JAHFS GRAHAM ; and Mr. Han-as explained, that the formal mode of carrying out the intention will be to wait till the Committee come to clause 32, and alter that clause so as to take away the proposed power. An episode to the general discussion of these matters occurred- in the shape of suggestions made by Mr. ROEBUCK, that the 6xample of the American Congress should be followed in defining the limits of all places under the Imperial jurisdiction and the Colonialjurisdiction respectively. Definite and not very wide- limits should be assigned to our existing colo- nies in Australia, so that the tracts. of land intervening between each of those colonies might be atthe disposal of the Imperial Government. Belong as there was a possibility that any individual colony could lay claim to a large extent of waste lands, so long would there be grounds for quarrels and disputes respecting the tracts which might lie outside the proper but yet un- defined limits of a colony. If timely measures of this kind be taken, we may see what amount there remains for and available as an appanage for the poor of this country. In planting colonies, the Government of: Great Britain ought not to proceed as if they were establishing something subject and inferior to this country; but, on the contrary, they ought to rsgard such colonies as an extension of England. He would put this case. Sup- pose it were thought desirable to plant a new colony—is any one at pre- sent prepared to say what land lying between Sydney and Port Phillip could fairly be declared to belong to neither ? are there defined limits to Sydney and Port Phillip ? He earnestly entreated the Government to take the common precaution of defining the boundaries of those settlements, and not give up. all intervening spaces to the existing colonists. In British North America we did not possess now the power of taking any such precau- tions•' but he hoped that in Australia they would not be neglected till it be too late.

Sir Wirmiscit Morrawoarn, Sir JAMES Gammas, Mr. WATPOLB, and others, agreed that this suggestion of Mr. Roebuck was most important and valuable in its promise of preventing future confusion and dispute; and Sir JAMES GRAMMA thought Government ought seriously to consider a proposal so well worthy of their consideration. Lord Jomts RUSSELL concurred in the importance of the subject, but reminded the Committee, that there at present exists a power, under the act of 1842, by which the Crown may issue letters patent to prescribe the limits of the colony of New South Wales.

Another suggestion by Mr. ROEBUCK, to establish something like a su- preme court of judicature for questions between the Colonies, Lord Joins RUSSELL said ho would consider, The subject of religious endowment was discussed,. on the motion of Mr. Caen es LUSEINGTON to omit from clause 17 such portions as pro- vide that her Majesty's sanction must be given to every bill altering the sums allotted for the sustentation of public worship. Mr. Lushington objected to this proviso, as trenching on religious liberty ; whilst at the same time it casts on the colonists the imputation that they are disposed to neglect the interests of public worship. In New South Wales 28,000/. is set apart for the purposes of religious worship ; in Victoria, 6,000/. ; in Van Diemen's Land, 15,0001.; making a total of 49,0001 This sum is distributed amongst four churches in the Colonies—namely, the Church of England, the Roman Catholic Church, the Presbyterian Church, and the Wesleyan Church; and the object of the clause now under the con- sideration of the Committee is to prevent the Colonies (except with the con- sent of the Crown) from reducing the sum raised by themselves for the sup- port of these churches, or making a fresh distribution of it. The colony of Victoria has already declared its intention to resist this attempt to constrain its free action in local concerns ; and if the bill should go out with the clause in it, a violent opposition might be expected to arise. The colonists are not likely to forget the noble resistance which the Dissenters of North America made to the unjust acts of a former English Government, and he implored Lord John not to goad them on to follow that example.

Mr. LABOUCHERB resisted the amendment—

Formerly the Established Church possessed exclusive privileges is these Colonies; a circumstance which was likely to create religious discord; but since the present arrangement had been established the greatest satisfaction had prevailed. He objected to the establishment of a dominant church in the Colonies ; but he was equally opposed to the voluntary principle, and would do nothing to encourage it. Religious instruction had been widely diffused under the existing arrangement, and the Committee would act wisely in leaving it undisturbed.

Lord Joan RUSSELL amplified these grounds of resistance, adding a qualification— There had been no perceptible degree of complaint hitherto. At the same time, if it should appear hereafter thatthis system was to be-no longer agree- able to the colonists, then he thought it would be advisable that the Crown should have the matter before them.

Mr. ROEBUCK and Mr. Mao= enforced Mr. Lushington's views ; and Mr. Krause SEYMER declared himself on the same side, because he had " no great partiality for a system which endowed four churches." Mr. itItsTBY supported the status quo. Mr. FRANCIS Scow actdbd Lushington's statement of Colonial discontent on the subject ; and thereby evoked the declaration, by Mr. HAWES, that hs had "never heard of any dissatisfac- tion on the subject."

On a division, Mr. Lushington's amendment was rejected, by 203 to 54. Shortly afterwards the House resumed, received the report of pro- gress, and gave leave to the Committee to sit again on Thursday.

At the Pother sitting in Committee, on Thursday, the matters discussed were a restriction in clause, 17 on the power of altering judicial salaries ; the revived subject of colonial boundaries, in connexion with Earl Grey's promise that convicts shall not be sent into New South Wales ; and the General Assembly proposed in clause 30. The restriction on reducing judicial salaries was opposed by Mr. Roe- Bums altogether ; but he consented to an improvement of the clause, by the,omission of words which placed any savings made at the disposal of the Queen.

The boundary question in connexion with the non-extension of convict- hen was recalled to attention by Mr. DENISOrry The- colony of New South Wales, unless some positive boundary be assigned, extends indefi- nitely to the Northwards;. yet Earl Grey has promised, that if the Le- gislature object no more convicts shall be sent to any place within their boundaries ; this might in future prevent any district to the North being set apart for convicts. Lord JOHN RUSSELL explained, that the bill ex- pressly gives power to detach territories from New South Wales, and erect them into separate eolonies. Thus, Moreton. Bay may be made a separate colony ready to receive convicts, if New South Wales be averse.

The novelty of a Federative Assemby was opposed by Mr. VERNON SMITH, as unlikely to be of use, and as quite uncalled-for by that Colo- nial opinion on which Government so much insists when defending the single Chamber. Lord JOHN RUSSELL adhered to these clauses, because they are permissive only : a general desire for a Federative Assembly may yet spring up in two or three years, and then it might be incon- venient to lack the powers. Customs-duties varying at the ports of the respective colonies would be an evil much to be avoided. Mr. Rosetree objected to the frame of the clauses, as entirely setting aside the great principle of federation—equality. They should act in all these matters upon the principle that progress is at work in Australia—a new and great world is forming there, which requires prospective legislation. Mr. Disaxerz concurred in Mr. Roebuck's objections; and added, that his ob- jections proceed from a sympathy with I.ord. John's prescient theory of federation, to which. the omission of the essential quality of federation —equality—is antagonistic: Lord Jesse Russean would take this ap- parent departure from equality into serious consideration, with a view to some proposition meeting the views of Mr. Roebuck and Mr. Disraeli. But Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH recurred to MT. Vernon Smith's objec- tions against the principle of the Assembly ; and Me. ADDERLEY en- forced the general objections by additional and detailed criticism of the clauses, which, he maintained,, will practically he compulsory. Sir WILLIAM MOLESWORTH took a division on the clause ; and: it was carried, by 64 to 10.

The bill was then reported.

PARLIAWITARY MORTGAGES or IRISH ENCUMBERED ESTATES.

The debate, adjourned from the 15th instant, on the Securities for Ad- vances (Ireland) Bill, was resumed by Lord Neeswith a repetition at mush length of the objections urged. against this bill, both as an independent measure and as a measure to eke out the unsuccessful Encumbered Estates Act.

On the first point, he contended that the scheme of creating a numerous peasant proprietary is Utopian—the Irish are too shrewd not to know that it is more their interest to live under landlords than to be themselves the pro- prietors in fee of small patches of land ; and he repeated assertions that estates are being sold by the Encumbered Estates Commission at disastrous and ruinous prices—a year and a half's purchase, and so on. On the second point, he urged, objections in the interest of the unencumbered proprietors of Ireland. These certificates will become the only security on which money can be raised ; it will not be possible to raise money on any other guarantee. There is no parallel to the scheme except in the issue of assignats by the French Government in 1790 ; and the stimulus of a vicious currency is now to be applied for the sole purpose of changing one set of encumbrances for another

Mr. FRENCH followed up the latter class of objections with complaints contrasting the kindly consideration shown by Government for distressed cotton-merchants, bankers, and Colonial planters, with the severity to Irish landlords : 11,000,000/. has been lent to the former, on the Govern- ment credit ; but in few or no cases has any money been offered to strug- gling Irish interests. He advocated the establishment of land-banks on the Prussian model. Mr. BAILLIE desiderated information as to what fall on Exchequer Bills may be expected. when 10,O00,0001. worth of mortgage paper, of the nature of Exchequer Bills, shall be forced on the market ; and he asked whether Government is prepared to extend a similar bill to Scotland and England? If it is profitable is Ireland, it cannot be refused to Scotland, where land is coming into the market under the pressure of the times.

Sir Tome RO3TrLLY repeated these explanations as to the working of his bill which he has already several times made; showing how much its provisions are misrepresented, and exposing the exaggerated representations made in. respect to the sales of estates at ruinously, low prices.

It was stated that an estate in Mayo, bringing in a rental of 400?., had been, sold for 600/. under the Encumbered Estates. Act : the facts, as com- municated by one of the Judges of the Commission, are these. The estate consisted of 7,878 rocky acres ; when the estate was sold, only 234 acres were tenanted, at a rent of 1781. ; leaving 7,600 acres untenanted, on which an imaginary value of 4241. was set to make up the rental of 6001. But the 1781. rent was nominal, for the tenants never paid anything. In the Ord- nance valuation the lot is valued at 228d. a year;. and as there is a head- rent of 200/., the yearly profit would be only 281. a year. For such an in- come 6001. was a sufficient price. As to the financial effect of the debentures, there is no more need for the Chancellor of the Exchequer to interfere here than in the cases of debentures issued by the railway companies to raise 3,000,000/. or 4000,0001. without injurious operation on the money-market. In reference to the suggestion of greater facilities to the unencumbered for borrowing, Sir John Hominy threw out a half promise: If a plan could be adopted by which every person desirous of borrowing money should consult the Commissioners, and. after their investigation obtain a Parliamentary title to his land and so obtain money upon debentures, he' should approve of it : but it would require more extensive machinery than this bill contemplated ; and, moreover, if they wished to proceed. safely, it would. be wise and pru-

dent in the first place only to apply the measure to the case before them, and if it answered it might then be extended to others.

The bill received support from Mr. FAGAN ; from Mr. Santsia--whose opinion on all questions- concerning land the O'GonstaN MAHON vouched to be of universal authority in Ireland; from Mir. lime= Ream= ; from Mr. Gm:tees—who now wished to make perfeet the Encumbered. Estates Act, which he originally opposed ; and from Mr. inane WORTLEY, after very considerable study of the measure both professionally and as one of the directors of a society whose business it is to lend money on good landed security.

On a division, the second reading was carried, by 186 to 41.

STAMP-DUTIES Bryn.

Sir CHARLES WOOD explained the modified intentions of the Govern- ment on the question of the Stamp-duties since he was, defeated on Sir Henry Willoughby's motion respecting the amount of duty on bonds and mortgages, which proposed to take Is. on every 501. of loan instead of 2s. 6d on every 501.—one-tenth per cent instead' of one-fourth per cent. if the lower rate were carried out through the whole scale, the loss of re- venue would be so great that he must abandon the bill altogether. He pro- posed a compromise. He would abide by the vote as to the La. on sums under 501. After the first 501., he proposed to increase the duty by steps of Is. 6d. per 25/. till 2001. should be reached ; at that step the duty would be the same sum of Ms. that it would be under the reduced scale which Sir Charles himself proposed. After sums of 2001. he proposed to go on by his own scale to 100,000/. At that sum he would stop—relinquishing his desire to go on in an indefinite series; so that his maximum duty would be 250/. "On the question of settlements and capitalized annuities he did not propose to insist" ; but there are some stocks now exempt which should be included in the bill and be called on to pay.

On Thursday, Sir CHAR-LES WOOD said he had learnt that there are so many objections to his last plans, as above explained, that he could not proceed with the bill on Friday without further consideration. He post- poned the bill for a week, to consider whether it is possible to reconcile the vote of the House with the amount of revenue which it is necessary to obtain.

Aomerurinset Dieraess.

A discussion on agricultural distress was raised in the House of Lords by the Earl of HARDWICKE, on presenting petitions from parishes in Cambridgeshire on the daily decreasing price of produce with the increasing depression and distress.

Lord Ilardwicke begged to remind their Lordships of facts altogether overlooked,—that the importation of large quantities of corn last year luta thrown a considerable portion of the land out of cultivation; and that the consumption of flour in London does not increase in proportion to the low- ness of price. The House had been assured at the beginning of the session that the then low prices would not last : in one sense that is true, for they have fallen considerably lower since that time. How much further is this to go ? The extreme distress gave him hope that some measure of relief will shortly be adopted.

The Earl of MAesiesnrity followed up these remarks with statistical confirmations. The agricultural body, relying on the statements of mem- bers of the Government that the lowness of prices was but temporary, kept back their stocks, and now encounter an increased importation and a further loss on prices. He moved for returns showing the countries from which the importations have taken place.

On the same side, the Duke of RICILMOND warned the Government, that the great body of farmers cannot and will not continue to pay the taxes now imposed, if their interest is to be singled out for plunder. They are prepared to sweep away a great body of the taxation of the country, if their grievances are not redressed. The right reverend Prelates should learn too that the farmers complain most desperately that they have to pay tithes to the working clergy on an average price of 56s., when they have to sell their wheat at an average of a pound less. There will be plenty of agitation before long.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE admitted the fairness and Parliamentary propriety of moving for all the facts connected with the case : they should be laid on the table ; and there had better be added an account of the sales in this country. He was not prepared to say that Parliament were to be called upon to review the policy they had adopted ; and when it was proposed to do so, he would state the reason on which he resisted it. Lord STANLEY said, he had heard with great satisfaction the other day, that this measure is not to be considered as " un fait accompli"—an irre- vocable step, from which it would be folly to imagine a recession—but merely an experiment in progress, upon which we ought to have all practical information. He was glad to gather that the noble Marquis assumed the present amount of price to be an exceptional amount of price, not likely to continue— The Marquis of LAsssnowee—" An exceptional state of things." Lord STANLEY—" Yes, an exceptional state of things,—alluding to this low price." It is to be inferred that Government thinks an unmitigatedly low price not an advantage : the noble Marquis calls that state of things ex- ceptional, for the purpose of diminishing the objections to it. It is lower than they contemplated, expected, or desired ; and they look for a rise. But how long are we to wait their expectations ? how many more hundreds of our countrymen are to be ruined before they are convinced ? We were to wait six months—March was pointed out : the ides of March have come and gone, and the ides of April have come and gone ; and now, within three months of a new har- vest, we have greater importations instead of less, falling price& instead of the expected rise. The demand of a nation will cause unlimited production ; and, as with all other products consumed on a vast scale—cotton, tea, &c.—corn will be produced at a continually decreasing cost, and a aenstant glut will be felt here of all the corn from all the markets of the world. It is impossible that the cultivation of the Lothians combo usaintained. At no distant period, but within a limited time, conviction must be forced that we can go no fur- ther in our present course, that to stand still will be ruin, and that to recede from the experiment will be our only salvation. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE declared that he had never used the words which the noble Lord had put into his mouth.: he did not state then, nor at any former time, that the HOMO would be bound at no distant period to re- view the whole of this question.

Lord STANLEY—" No, no." But the measure being spoken of as an ex- periment in progress, and prices being mentioned as too low and not likely to last, it was inferred that the prices are not what were expected from the experiment, and not desirable. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE repeated, that ha had simply said the pre- sent is an exceptional state of things ; and the inference from that ia, that the House ought not to act rashly. hastily, or speedily come to any conclu- sham If the noble Lord's conclusion is, that the policy should be reviewed, be should bring the matter directly under consideration : but this &squire.-

tion raised some little doubt as to his intention ever to do so in any more plain and distinct form than that of interjectional arguments and suggested inferences from papers not on the table.

Earl GREY utterly denied that Parliament could make itself responsible for the state of prices. Lord BEAUMONT declared his surprise at the cow- ardice of Free-traders : according to them, the cheaper they got the corn, the more they would save ; then why don't they say we want these low prices ? and why don't they congratulate themselves ? The Duke of RICHMOND gave notice, that he should follow his own course, and keep on attacking free trade: he would present forty petitions on Friday.

SALARIES OF THE OFFICERS IN THE HOUSE OF LORDS.

The Duke of ItrenmoND called attention to the report lately laid on the table from the Committee on the Salaries received by the Officers of their Lordships' House, and moved that it be printed and distributed. While recommending that salaries should be given sufficient to secure the services of useful and efficient men, the Committee think the remuneration of the doorkeepers extravagant to the utmost degree. The salaries are paid out of fees, which would otherwise go to the fee-fund. One of these persons died in the autumn. Between 1836 and 1849, the four least profitable years yielded 7231., 724/., 401/., and 772/. ; the four highest years 834/.,

2,5701., and 1,5941. It could not be denied that such a rate of remuneration is extravagant in the highest degree. Indeed, one of these gentlemen, who is from age incapable of performing his duties, obtains a deputy to perform them—and he does it remarkably well—for 1501. The Committee think these fees should be commuted to "a sum calculated upon the amount received during the seven years when their salary was lowest." They drew up a scale on this basis. But they would not have performed their duty if they had not also drawn up another scale by which those who may he hereafter appointed will receive a far smaller amount of remuneration. They propose as a general principle, that the servants of the House of Lords shall in future receive no fees, but fixed salaries—with the single exception of the fees paid to the Clerk of the Crown for the issue of writs of summons.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE thought the House should be grateful to the Committee for the pains taken in a matter so much affecting the dignity and character of the House. Extravagant fees lead to the per- formance by deputy of duties which should be performed personally. He concurred in the principles recommended. Motion agreed to.

PUBLIC SALARIES.

Lord Jonx RUSSELL has procured the nomination of the following Members to constitute his Select Committee on Official Salaries—

Lord John Russell, Mr. Wilson Patten, Mr. Bright, Sir John Yarde Buller, Mr. Cobden, Mr. Beckett, Mr. Napier, Mr. Home Drummond, Mr. William Evans, Sir William Molesworth, Mr. Henley, Mr. Ellice, Mr. Ricardo, Mr. Walter, and Mr. Deedes.

ThsrvEnsrry REFORM.

Mr. HErwoon's motion was framed in these terms-

" That all systems of academical education require from time to time some modification, from the change of external circumstances, the progress of opinion, and the intellectual improvement of the people. That in the an- cient English and Irish Universities, and in the Colleges connected with them, the interests of religious and usefuflearning have not advanced to an extent commensurate with the great resources and high position of those bodies : that collegiate statutes of the fifteenth century occasionally prohibit the lo- cal authorities from introducing any alterations into voluminous codes, of which a large portion are now obsolete ; that better laws are needed to regu- late the ceremony of matriculation and the granting of degrees, to diminish the exclusiveness of the University libraries, to provide for a fairer distribu- tion of the rewards of scientific and literary merit, to extend the permission of marriage to tutors of Colleges, and to facilitate the registration of electors for the Universities : that additional checks might be considered with reference to the continued extravagance of individual students; and that the mode of tenure of College property ought to be ameliorated, particularly in Ireland. That as it is her Majesty's right and prerogative to name Visitors and Commissioners to inquire into the ancient Universities and Colleges of Eng- land and Ireland, an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will be graciously pleased to issue her Royal Commission of inquiry into time state of the Universities and Colleges of Oxford, Cam- bridge, and Dublin, with a view to assist in the adaptation of those impor- tant institutions to the requirements of modern times. The opening debate on this motion was not marked by any interesting novelty of statement or reasoning.

Mr. IlErwoon ran over the often-reviewed faults in the present Uni- versity system,—the evils of celibacy, which is in many cases enforced on Fellows by statutes which cannot be altered without the assistance of the Legislature ; the defective arrangements regarding libraries ; the want of harmony between the tutorial and professorial systems ; the antique en- dowments for purposes unsuited to the changed circumstances of later times ; the subscription-tests, which while a farce and humbug, are a grievance upon large classes ; the defects in discipline, especially in rela- tion to the cost of the student's career; and the bad administration of immense collegiate wealth, whether you look to the legitimate demands of the living, or to the expressed intentions and desires of the departed donors. Upon the question of right, Mr. Heywood averred that the charters of the Universities expressly make those bodies accountable to Parliament ; while precedents in the time of Henry the Eighth and his successors show that the right has often been exercised.

Sir Rental. INGLIS opposed the motion with the standard objections ; admitting at the outset, with more explicitness than formerly, that Par- liament has the right to inquire, and Government the right to interfere, if a case for inquiry and interference be made out.

But not even a prima facie case has ever been made out. The University of Oxford, at all events, has been a great reforming body ever since the year 1830 ; and only that very moment he had learnt from a friend at his side, that " the new statute for appointing a school of Modern History and Juris- prudence had today been earned in Convocation by 127 votes to 47." (Great cheering.) The wealth of the University is confounded with that of the Colleges : all the wealth of the University of Oxford is dependent on the fluctuating profits of the University press. Interference with the College property could be no more justified than interference with the funds of the Comp:mica in London, in order to further national education. If possession for three hundred years does not give a valid claim, no length of possession can give security. ' The evil of extravagance among the students Is not one that Parliament can cure : the expenses are not necessarily great-901. is enough, and 1401. an abundant allowance ; but if eons of parents worth from 2,000/. to 200,0001. a year seek money, nothing will prevent it from getting into their hands. If a young man were brought up well, the hopes of his parents would not be disappointed ; if his education and moral culture were neglected, no restriction they could invent would check his headlong career.

The real object of the mover's long bill of indictment is concealed in the eighth count, which refers to facilitating the registration of electors.

The State has given to the Universities what may be termed " a monopoly of education," and the Universities "have repaid the loan, by passing, as it were, through a sieve, those youna.' men who are admitted to holy orders." The real design of the motion is to the admission of Dissenters into the Universities : Sir Robert trusted that Lord John Russell will pause before he consents to any step tending towards such a result.

Mr. NAPIER stood forth against the motion on behalf of Dublin Univer- sity and Trinity College. By the alterations effected there since 1833, the course of study has been so modelled that at the present moment it could not be exceeded by any University :n the world. Prizes are given for the modern languages; there is a department of civil engineering with a lecturing professor, and a lecturer on agricultural subjects ; in fact, no single branch of sound education, religious or secular, is now omitted. Mr. C. S. FORTESCUE supported the motion, as a sincere friend to the Universities ; Colonel THOMPSON, in justice to the Dissenters ; Mr. SAD• LEIN and Mr. FAOAN, as excluded Catholics.

The debate was proceeding to this point with declining interest, when Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave it a totally new aspect, by a speech which re- jected the proposal before the House, on account of its form, but main- tained the justness of its principle, and concluded with the announcement that Ministers already intended to advise the Crown to appoint a Com- mission.

Lord John acknowledged his great disadvantage in the discussion, from having no personal knowledge of the merits as regards those two great Uni- versities which are mainly the subjects of the motion. He saw no case for adopting any course which should wear the shape of a bill of indictment, or for considering those Universities the objects of accusation by a majority of the House ; and especially he thought, the question of admitting Dissenters —which Lord Stanley once supported with reasons never yet answered— should be kept apart from the main object of the motion. But to inquiry into the system of education Lord John thought Sir Robert Inglis could make no objection on principle ; while there are many precedents for such a proceeding,—with all due respect for the Archbishops and Bishops, a coin- mission of inquiry into the state of the Church of England; one on the Scotch Universities ; one into the endowed schools for the education of the poorer classes, under Lord Brougham's act. Lord John quoted communica- tions of correspondents and the personal information of professors—Sir James Stephen at Cambridge, for instance. On these authorities he argued, (as Mr. Heywood had before argued,) that "there is a very considerable defect, con- sisting in the restrictions imposed by the original foundations and deeds of en- dowment of separate Colleges' ' since they prevent an advantageous combination of "that which has hitherto been the distinctive characteristic of our Univer- sities, namely, the study in the Colleges by tutorial instruction," with in- struction by lectures, from the professors who are named to teach the im- portant sciences. "What you ought to expect from the introduction of lectures in modern history, from the introduction of lectures on chemistry and political economy, is, that young men shall have, in the Colleges,suffi- cient instruction upon these subjects to enable them to derive all the V'enefit of the lectures which they would hear from the professors." But the pro- fessors, educated for another system, are unable or disinclined to carry the young men on in these parts of learning and in addition, the young men do not attend in sufficient numbers, or sufficiently often, to reap the full benefit. The object of effecting this combination does not appear difficult of attain- ment; but it cannot be reached by the Universities themselves—the Colleges have not generally . the power to alter their statutes. The only reason against interference is respect to the wills of the founders. Such a reason could hardly withstand a great and important public good ; but the change which took place at the Reformation was a change which had already en- tirely set aside the will and intention of the founders. Considering, too, that the object of the founders was to promote religion and sound learning, there is not much importance to be attached to the ob- jections against any plan clearly calculated to further those ends. An inquiry by a Royal Commission into the best mode of making more com- plete and efficient the changes introduced by the Universities themselves, would be eminently serviceable. "It is my intention, therefore," said Lord John, "not to vote for the motion introduced by the honourable gentleman, which I hope he will not press upon the House ; but it is certainly. our in- tention to advise the Crown to issue a Royal Commission to inquire into the state of the two Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. I am glad no such commission was issued some eight or ten years ago, because, seeing the state in which the studies at the Universities were—seeing how inadequate they were to the then state of knowledge—there would have been some appear- ance of hostility in issuing a commission of inquiry at that time ; but at present, if persons are appointed who have belonged to those Universities, who have themselves been educated at them, and who maintain regard and reverence for those seats of education, and if the inquiries they are directed to make are made in a friendly spirit, I own I can see nothing but advam• tags from such inquiries. I should hope, while the House need not come to a decision upon the motion that is now before it, that the Commission which will be appointed with the view of aiding and assisting the Universities in the noble object of reform which they have before them, would be received by them as a token of the interest which the Crown takes in their welfare, and in the means of making them still more useful and still more learned than they have ever been before." The announcement thus made called forth Mr. Goeunnar with pro- testations against the attempt to coerce the Universities in the course they are voluntarily pursuing. If the Crown would deal with the Universities as it had hitherto dealt with them, in confidence, in consultation and concurrence, they would pro. c.ied to adopt further improvements which each might suggest ; but unless that complete concurrence were secured, the noble Lord would repent his course. If he attempted, by a violent exercise of authority, to force on the Universities a Commission, in itself of doubtful legality, and which was great said by eat lavgers to be certainly illegal, the noble LOrd would involve himself and the bodies whom he sought to benefit in a course of contentious hostility, which would be anything but favourable to his objects. Believing that the Commission would be comparatively useless, and certainly mis- chievous, he should give the noble Lord's proposal his decided opposition.

Mr. ROUNDELL PALMER said, that the course which the debate had taken rendered it necessary that much more time be given for discussion; and he moved the adjournment of the debate. An inquiry with respect to the Colleges would certainly be illegal. It was the very same thing which dames the Second attempted to do ; and the resistance of the College (Magdalen) to which he had the honour to belong, was an event which had always been spoken of in history as redounding to the honour of that body.

The ArronsEv-GmrintAL gave explanations. If the Commission were executive, to compel the examination of statutes, documents, and witnesses, it would not be lawful unless authorized by an act of Parliament. But it is admitted that those who object to give infor- mation may resist the inquiries and refuse the information. The proposed Commission will examine willing witnesses, and collect voluntary mforma- tion, to lay it before the Government and the House, in order that, if ne- cessary, the Legislature may found a bill on it. The Commission has been resolved on with strict propriety, and without the slightest doubt of its ex- pediency.

Mr. BEST offered to support the Universities through thick and thin. Mr. HENLEY thought, that with the small edge of the Dissenting wedge once inserted, it would be easy to predict what would be the next move. Colonel Surrnone denounced another shuffle "—another " base Ministe- rial trick "—in the " transparent dodge " of this " dirty Commission."

In reply to Mr. Scum.; Lord Joan Rossini, said, he doubted whether it would be convenient to include Trinity College Dublin in the inquiry. The House then agreed, by 273 to 31, to adjourn the debate.

JUVENILE Comm : PUNISHMENT : Rirronmeriox.

In moving the second reading of the Juvenile Offenders Bill, Mr. MONCKTON MELEES explained, that two of the objects he proposed to attain by it were—first, an increased liability to be thrown on the parents of juvenile offenders; and secondly, the establishment of a reformatory asyilu:n.

The

English law is distinguished by its severity to the offences of children : it has laid down no distinct rule as to the age at which a child may be con- victed, except that no legal conviction can be had of an offender under seven or eight years old ; but even that rule is little adhered to, for Lieutenant Tracy has had under his charge ten boys under eight years old, and one under five. Mere children have been put to death under circumstances of great cruelty. The proportion of juvenile criminals to adult criminals, in 1848, was 14,023 to 152,253 ; and this immense proportion assumes a worse aspect when you learn the enormous proportion of recommitments. In Liverpool, they were 66 per cent, and 24 per cent were recommitted four times. Culprits have been committed eighteen, twenty-four, twenty-five, and twenty-nine times. One boy of fourteen, who had been committed twenty- four times, was five times discharged, twice imprisoned for a fortnight, once for a month, once for two months, six times for three months, and sentenced to four months' imprisonment and to be twice whipped. What must the penal education of such criminals cost Liverpool ? Upon the lowest motives of economy, would it not be wise to improve the system ? Parents actually drive their children abroad to steal, pointing out the property to be stolen, and refusing food till the theft is effected. How can such children be treated as criminals and as enemies to society ? With them crime is a profession like that of the soldier or doctor ; the chances of conviction being ex- actly, those of the soldier's chance of a wound or the doctor's chance of catching infection. The children call the prison their "school," and desig- nate theft by the name of "work." The older prisons, such as Newgate, are perfectly incapable of promoting reformation in young criminals; and the new ones provide such comparative comforts as to become real homes to the criminal. The notion of shutting up a child for twelve months in a se- parate cell could only be justified in the case of very active intelligence and spiritual instruction, like that given in Reading Gaol by Mr. Field : Mr. Mines would not trust the greater part of chaplains with the cellular con- finement of children for the space of time necessary to make it effective. His bill proposed that no male child above fourteen should receive corporal punishment; and female children should be reprimanded and discharged : the males should be punished at the station, without taking them to prison,

system that has worked well in Edinburgh. He proposed to make parents more responsible, by enabling Magistrates to summon parents who by evil treatment or evil example lead their offspring to commit crimes ; an innovation suggested by high legal authorities,—Mr. Matthew Davenport Hill, Mr. Bullock the Judge, Mr. Russell the Prison-Inspector, Mr. Rush- ton the Liverpool Magistrate, and Lieutenant Tracy. The practice is found to work well in Scotland under Sir William Rae's Act. A permissive provision is made, under which Magistrates may establish industrial schools for offenders after the first conviction. Institutions of this character have for years had admirable effects in France, (at Mettraye,) Belgium, and Holland; and more lately in England (in the Philanthropic Societies near London and Warwick) and at Aberdeen. A very remarkable diminution of crime has been effected at Aberdeen by Mr. Sheriff Watson's educational refuge. Mr. Poynder has calculated that the cost of juvenile criminals through the country is 545,0001., and the cost is gradually increasing.

Sir GEORGE GREY dissected Mr. Milnes's bill, with the object of show- ing its unpractical character.

The first part supersedes Sir John Pakington's bill, with the difference that it is wholly silent with regard to details. The proposed power for Magis- trates to abstain from committing on the first offence, is already enjoyed by them, and sometimes exercised. The proposed jurisdiction over adults gives grave and serious powers to any two Magistrates ; and the summary powers to send juvenile offenders into the Army or Navy could not be exercised in this country—a person so forced on the Army would not be amenable to the Mutiny Act. The cost of the proposed schools is to fall wholly on the coun- try. The schools hold out great advantages to criminal children and their parents. Such schools had better depend on private charities, like the Philanthropic Institution, which acts on the principle but without any os- tentation. The machinery of the bill is perfectly impracticable. A Com- mittee is sitting up-stairs, and the House had better wait for their labours.

Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND moved that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Its promoter is said to be a great poet : certainly it contains as great deal of imagination, but neither rhyme nor reason. Mr. SYIARMAN CRAWFORD seconded the amendment.

The bill was supported by Mr. SIMEON with practical argumentation ; and by Mr. HEADLAM, who defended it from Sir George Grey's criticism on mere details : Mr. TRELAWNY supported its principle, but not the de- tails. Sir Joirie PAEINGTON begged to say, he was no party to the bill : as it stood it could not be carried out. Colonel THOMPSON was afflicted to note, that while corporal punishment is losing its hold in the Army, it is creeping into the civil service.

Mr. MONCETON Mmens rose to withdraw his bill ; but was assailed by noises which he could not understand : he sat down, rose again, and was again put down. In the end, amidst much confusion, the formal motion for grounding the amendment was carried without division, and the amendment was then carried substantively. Thus the bill was lost.

AFFIRMATION BILL.

It had been understood that the main discussion of the Affirmation Bill should be taken on the motion for going into Committee : Mr. PAGE WOOD therefore briefly supported his motion to take that step by a speech enumerating the cases of grievance which have suggested his attempt at legislation.

The bankrupt Halstead—a man of so good character that at last a measure of general effect was passed with the real intention of meeting his case—was imprisoned four years and a half on account of his conscientious scruples. Harwood, a prosecutor, was imprisoned, and the prisoner suffered to escape. Another man was committed to gaol for ten days on refusal to swear in a ease where the offender would not hay been p rushed so severely. An n- dependent minister saw a Lascar rush on his child and attempt to violate her ; he refused to swear ; the Judge and Jury were contented with the child's evidence alone, and the Lasear was convicted ; but if he had killed the child on the spot, he would have escaped harmless from the court. A lady refused in court to swear, and consented togive evidence not on oath before arbitra- tors, agreeing to pay costa of the arbitration; those costs ate up her income for nearly three years, and during that time she had to live on her friends. Mr. Wood mentioned, that of the seventeen lawyers who voted on the former occasion fourteen voted with him ; and both the late and the present Lord Chief Justice are on his side. At present, Quakers, Moravians, and Sepa- ratists, may avoid taking the oath : now, although he has made very minute inquiries after Separatists, he has never been able to discover either a con- gregation or a single member of that sect.

Mr. GOULBURN opposed the measure, upon the old grounds, and push- ed the principle of his opposition to its extreme consequence : rather than add to the existing absurdities which the House has already passed, he would retract, and repeal that odious law of which so many people al- ready take advantage. He moved that the bill be committed that day six months.

Mr. Wood had the support of Mr. Cocxnunn and Sir EDWARD Bux- TON ; Mr. Goulburn was joined by Mr. NEWDEOATE. On a division, the amendment putting off the Committee was carried, by the inconsiderable majority of 148 to 129. The supporters of the bill received the announce- ment of the numbers by which it was lost with much cheering.

METROPOLITAN INTERMENTS.

The Metropolitan Interments Bill was read a second time on Monday, without any expressed opposition to its principle, but with some indication of contest on details in Committee. Lord DUDLEY STUART, Mr. BRIGHT, and some other Members, requested more time than the fortnight or so which Sir GEORGE GREY proposed to give for considering the bill : but no concession was made, and the Committee is fixed for Friday the 3d of May.