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FRAN-cm—A good deal of anxiety had been felt in Paris, lately, respeet- ing the adjudication of the Paris and Lyons Railroad; the Government somewhat procrastinating. The principal companies making tenders had combined, and had offered to take the railroad for forty-one years and ninety days. They declared that if the adjudication were not made on Monday, they would return the deposits to the shareholders—give up the enterprise. It was also represented to the Minister of Commerce, that the locking up of the surplus deposits after that period would cause inconveni-

ence, and indeed ruin, to many persons, who must meet their periodical engagements in trade. The Minister acted on that compulsion. The Moniteur of Monday accordingly announced that the railroad had been ceded to the amalgamated companies represented by MM. Charles Laffitte, Ganneron, and others.

The only other subject that occupies the French papers is the Ministerial crisis in England, which has been watched with much interest. The resig- nation of Lord John Russell was known in Paris on Tuesday, and was announced by the Journal des Debuts with these remarks-

" From the first day the Ministerial crisis in England was made known, we believed and we declared, that, in the actual state of parties, Sir Robert Peel was the only man who united all the elements necessary for carrying on the Govern- ment. When it first became probable, and afterwards certain, that Lord Jahn Russell would attempt to form an Administration, we followed and expounded the progress of his successive efforts. Lord John Russell has in fact realized the opinion entertained by the whole world. He became Prime Minister for one day, and then retired before obstacles which he ought to have foreseen." At the Bourse, the speculators for a rise were rejoiced: the news of Lord Palmerston's return to the Foreign Office had created a "gloom"; an op- portunity not neglected by the said speculators: the news that he would not return dispelled the gloom, and completed the opportunity for the manceuvre.

Even in the Chamber of Deputies the change is expected to make some difference. M. Sauzet, the Ministerial candidate for the Presidency, was to have been opposed by M. Dufanre; but with the diminished prospect of some incidental damage to the present Government in Paris, the Opposition have become less unanimous, and are now divided between N. Dupin and M. Odilon Barrot.

&um—Queen Isabella the Second opened the session of the Cortes On the 15th instant. Her Majesty arrived in state, with the Queen Mother and the Infanta Luisa. It was remarked that the young Queen looked in excellent health; Queen Christina, old and haggard; and the Infanta, "in- teresting." The speech delivered by the Queen gave a flourishing account of the kingdom. It announced the ratification of the treaty with Morocco. Negotiations with the Holy See continue. The Royal desire is expressed to protect navigation and commerce—to give life and animation to agricul- ture and industry-. At home order and respect for the laws had been

tired for the people, t:ed and worn out by revolt, were anxious to enjoy the full benefits of peace under the shade of the throne and under the protection of the national institutions. The good effects of the late- change in the organic laws were beginning to be felt; and useful refer= had been accomplished in various departments of the Government. Severel

measeres are foreshadowed; among them, one to endow, in a permanent and solid manner, public worship and the clergy.

While the Queen is uttering these flattering representations at Madrid, at Barcelona the Captain-General is strengthening the military posts, and converting public buildings into fortified places, with loopholes, and pro- visions for a month; the garrison and batteries are put in readiness for war service, the citadel provisioned for six mouths; and in short, preparations are made as if the military authorities meant to sustain a siege against the civil inhabitants.

UNITED STATES.—The packet-ship Sea, which left New York on the 5th instant, arrived at Liverpool on Monday.

Congress assembled at Washington on the 1st. It was considered that both Houses were " Democratic "; the party having a majority of two to one in the House of Representatives; and counting upon a majority of six

in the Senate,—on the presumption, however' that certain vacancies in the Senate would be filled up with Democrats. The President's message was

delivered on the 2d. It is a document of immense length; but also, as compared with recent messages, of unusual plainness and interest. In the subjoined account of it we pass very hastily over some parts which have no interest for the English reader, and devote the larger space to those which most nearly concern this country.

After a brief introductory preamble, Mr. Polk enters on foreign affairs; which occupy about three-fifths of the message. He begins with a general statement. "In calling the attention of Congress to our relations with Foreign Powers, I am gratified to be able to state, that though with some of them there have existed emit your last session serious causes of irritation and misunderstanding, yet no actual hostilities have taken place. Adopting the maxim in the conduct of our foreign affairs to ask nothing that is not right, and to submit to nothing that is wrong,' it Ls been my anxious desire to preserve peace with all nations, but at the same time to be prepared to resist aggression and to maintain all our just rights."

e proceeds at once to report progress in the annexation of Texas. " The Chargé d'Affaires of the United States in Texas, under instructions of the 10th of March 1845, presented these sections of the resolution [passed by the twc Houses of the Congress at Washington] for the acceptance of that Republic. The Executive Government, the Congress, and the People of Texas in Convention have successively complied with all the terms and conditions of the joint resole tion. A constitution for the government of the State of Texas, formed by a Con- vention of Deputies, is herewith laid before Congress. It is well known also that the people of Texas at the polls have accepted the terms of annexation, and rati fled the constitution. • • * Nothing remains to consummate the event but the passage of an Act by the Congress to admit the State of Texas into the Union upon an equal footing with the original States." Mr. Polk recapitulates the differences with Mexico, and announces that diplo- matic relations with that country have been resumed; a distinguished citizen of Louisiana was then on his way to Mexico as Minister for the United States.

To the Ore,gon question great space is devoted; the writer going back to the negotiations of 1818, '24 and '26; all unproductive of results. When he came into office, he found the negotiations in a state which he thus describes. "On the 26th of August 1844, the British Plenipotentiary offered to divide the Oregon territory by the 49th parallel of North latitude, from the RockyMountains to the point of its intersection with the North-easternmost branch of the Columbia river, and thence down that river to the sea; leaving the free navigation of the river to be enjoyed in common by both parties—the country South of this line to belong to the United States, and that North of it to Great Britain. At the same time, he proposed, in addition, to yield to the United States a detached territory North of the Co- lumbia, extending along the Pecific and the Straits of Fuca. from Bullfinch's Harbour inclusive, to Hood's Canal, and to make free to the United States any port or ports South of latitude 49 degrees, which they might desire, either on the mem land or on Quadra and Vancouver's Island. With the exception of the free ports, this was the same offer which had been made by the British and rejected by the American Government in the negotiation of 1826. This proposition was properly rejected by the American Plenipotentiary, on the day it was submitted. This was the only proposition of compromise offered by the British Plenipoten tiary. The proposition on the part of Great Britain having been rejected, the British Plenipotentiary requested that a proposal should be made by the United States for 'an equitable adjustment of the question.' " He was induced to make another effort to settle this long-pending controversy in-the spirit of moderation which had given birth to the renewed discussion. "A proposition was accordingly made, which was rejected by the British Plenipoten- tiary, who, without submitting any other proposition, suffered the negotiation on his part to drop; expressing his trust that the United States would offer what he saw fit to call some further proposal for the settlement of the Oregon question, more consistent with fairness and equity, and with the reasonable expectations of the British Government.' The propositions thus offered and rejected repeated the offer of the parallel of 49 degrees of North latitude, which had been made by two preceding Administrations, but without proposing to surrender to Great Britain, as they had done, the free navigation of the Columbia river. The right of any

foreign power to the free navigation of any of our rivers' through the heart of our country, was one which I was unwilling to concede. It also embraced a provision to make free to Great Britain any port or ports on the Cape of Quadra and Van-

couver's Island South of this parallel. Had this been a new question, coming under discussion for the first time, the proposition would not have been made. The extraordinary and wholly inadmissible demands of the British Government, and the rejection of the proposition made in deference alone to what had been done by my predecessors, and the implied obligation which their acts seemed to impose, afford satisfactory evidence that no compromise which the United States

ought to accept can be effected. With this conviction, the proposition of compro- mise which had been made and rejected was' by my direction, subsequently withdrawn; and our title to the whole Oregon territory asserted, and, as is be- lieved, maintained by irrefragable facts and arguments.

"The civilized world will see in these proceedings a spirit of liberal concession 011 the part of the United States; and this Government will be relieved from all responsibility which may follow the failure to settle the controversy. All attempts at compromise having failed, it becomes the duty of Congress to consider what measures it may be proper to adopt for the security and protec- tion of our citizens now inhabiting, or who may hereafter inhabit, Oregon, and for the maintenance of our just title to that territory. In adopting measures for this purpose, care should be taken that nothing be done to violate the stipulations of the convention of 1827, which is still in force. The faith of treaties, in their letter and spirit, has ever been, and I trust will ever be, scrupulously observed by the United States. Under that convention, a year's notice is required to be given by either party to the other before the joint occupancy shall terminate, and before either can rightfully assert or exercise exclusive jurisdiction over any portion of the territory. This notice it would, in my judgment, be proper to give; and

I recommend that provision be made by law by giving it accordingly, and

terminating in this manner the convention of the 6th of August 1827. It will become proper for Congress to determine what legislation they can

in the mean time adopt without violating this convention. Beyond all question, the protection of our laws and our jurisdiction, civil and cri- minal, ought to be immediately extended over our citizens in Oregon. They have hadjust came to complain of our long neglect in this particular, and have, in consequence, been compelled, for their own securityand protection, to establish a Provisional Government for themselves. Strong in their allegiance and ardent in their attachment to the United States, they have been thus cast upon their own resources. They are anxious that our laws should be extended over them; and I recommend that this be done by Congress with as little delay as possible, in the full extent to which the British Parliament have proceeded in regard to British subjects in that territory, by their act of 2d July 1821, For regulating the fur trade and establishing a criminal and civil jurisdiction within certain parts of North America.' By this act Great Britain extended her laws and jurisdiction, civil and criminal, over her subjects engaged in the fur trade in that territory. By it the Courts of the Province of Upper Canada were em- powered to take cognizance of causes civil and criminal. Justices of the Peace and otherjudicial officers were authorized to be appointed in Oregon, with power to execute all process issuing from the Courts of that province, and to sit and hold courts of record for the trial of criminal offences and misdemeanours,' not made the subject of capital punishment, and also of civil cases, where the cause of action shall not ' exceed in value the amount or sum of two hundred pounds.'" The grant to the Hudson's Bay Company was made subsequently to this act; and it expressly stipulated that it should not operate to the exclusion "of the subjects of any Foreign States who, under or by force of any convention for the time being between us [Great Britain] and such Foreign States respectively, may be en- titled to and shall be engaged in the said trade. " It is deemed iMportant" pro- ceeds Mr. P Polk, " that laws regulating trade and intercourse with the Indian tribes East of the Rocky Mountains should be extended to such tribes as dwell be- yond them. The increasing emigration to Oregon, and the care and protection which is due from the Government to its citizens in that distant region, make it our duty' as it is our interest, to cultivate amicable relations with the Indian tribes of that territory. For this purpose, I recommend that provision be made for establishing an Indian agency, and such sub-agencies as may be deemed ne- cessary, beyond the Rocky Mountains. For the protection of emigrants whilst on their way to Oregon against the attacks of the Indian tribes occupying the country through which they pass, I reconnnend that a suitable number of stock- ades and blockhouse forts be erected along the usual route between our frontier settlements on the Missouri and the Rocky Mountains; and that an adequate force of mounted riflemen be raised to guard and protect them on their journey. The immediate adoption of these recommendations by Congress will not violate the provisions of the existing treaty. It will be doing nothing more for American citizens than British laws have long since done for British subects in the same territory." He also recommends a monthly overland mail. "It is submitted to the wisdom of Congress to determine whether, at their present session, and until after the expiration of the year's notice, any other measures may be adopted, con- sistently with the convention of 1827, for the security of our rights and the go- vernment and protection of our citizens in Oregon. That it will ultimately be wise and proper to make liberal grants of land to the patriotic pioneers, who amidst privations and dangers lead the way through savage tribes inhabiting the vast wilderness intervening between our frontier settlements and Oregon, and who cultivate and are ever ready to defend the soil, I am fully satisfied. To doubt whether they will obtain such grants as soon as the convention between the United States and Great Britain shall have ceased to exist, would be to doubt the justice of Congress; but, pending the year's notice, it is worthy of consideration whether a stipulation to this effect may be made consistently with the spirit of that convention. The recommendations which I have made as to the best man- ner of securing our rights in Oregon, are submitted to Congress with great de- ference. Should they, in their wisdom, devise any other mode better calculated to accomplish the same object, it shall meet with my hearty concurrence. At the end of the year's notice, should Congress think it proper to make provision for giving that notice, we shall have reached a period when the national rights in Oregon must either be abandoned or firmly maintained. That they cannot be abandoned without a sacrifice of both national honour and interests, is too clear to admit of doubt."

Stating that official correspondence on the subject of Oregon is laid before Congress, Mr. Polk makes the following more .general remarks. 'The rapid extension of our settlements over our territories heretofore unoccupied, the addition of new States to our confederacy, the expansion of free principles and our rising greatness as a nation, are attracting the attention of the r owers of Europe; and lately the doctrine has been broached in some of them, of a balance of power' on this continent, to check our advancement. The United States, sincerely desirous of preserving relations of good understanding with all nations, cannot in silence permit any European interference on the North American con- tinent; and should any such interference be attempted, will be ready to resist it at any and all hazards. It is well known to the American people, and to all nations, that this Government has never interfered with the relations subsist- ing between other Governments. We have never made ourselves parties to their wars or their alliances; we have not sought their territories by conquest; we have not mingled with parties in their domestic struggles; and, believing our own form of Government to be the best, we have never attempted to propagate it by intrigues, by diplomacy, or by force. We may claim on this continent a like exemption from European interference. The nations of America are equally sovereign and independent with those of Europe. They possess the same rights, independent of all foreign interposition, to make war, to conclude peace, and to regulate their internal affairs. The people of the United States cannot therefore view with indifference attempts of European powers to interfere with the independent actions of the nations on this continent. The American system of government is entirely different from that of Europe. Jea- lousy among the different sovereigns of Europe, lest any one of them might become too powerful for the rest, has caused them anxiously to desire the esta- blishment ot what they term the balance of power.' It cannot be permitted to have any application on the North American continent, and especially to the United States. We must ever maintain the principle that the people of this con- tinent alone have the right to decide their own destiny. Should any portion of them, constituting an independent state, propose to unite themselves with our confederacy, this will be a question for them and us to determine, without any foreign interposition. We can never consent that European powers shall interfere to prevent such a union, because it might disturb the balance of power,' which they may desire to maintain upon this continent. Near a quarter of a century ago, the principle was distinctly announced to the world in the annual message of one of my predecessors, that the American continents, by the free and mde- pendent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power.' This principle will apply with increased force should any European power attempt to establish any new colony in North America. In the existing circumstances of the world, the present is deemed a proper occasion to reiterate and reaffirm the principle avowed by Mr. Monroe, and to state my cordial concurrence in its wis- dom and sound policy."

The President touches upon a variety of small questions,—certain concessions due to the commercial marine of Prussia, Spain, Holland, and France, of the nature of port-regulations; trifling alterations of particular customs-duties; and some other matters connected with the Foreign department, of no interest to us.

He gives this general summary of the state of the Republic's finances. "The imports for the fiscal year ending on the 30th June last were of the value of 117,254,564 dollars, of which the amount exported was 15,346,830 dollars; leav- ing a balance of 101,907,734 dollars for domestic consumption, The exports of the same year were of the value of 114,646,606 dollars; of which the amount of domestic articles was 99,299,776 dollars. The receipts into the treasury daring the same year were 29,769,133 dollars 56 cents; of which there were derived from customs, 27,528,112 dollars 70 cents; from sales of public lands, 2,077,022 dollars 30 cents; and from incidental and miscellaneous sources, 163,998 dol- lars 50 cents. The expenditures for the same period were, 29,968,206 dollars 98 cents; of which 8,588,157 dollars 62 cents were applied to the payment of the public debt. The balance in the treasury on the 1st July last was 7,658,306 dollars 22 cents. The amount of the public debt remaining un- paid on the 1st October last was 17,075,445 dollars 52 cents. Further pay- ments of the public debt would have been made in anticipation of the period of its reimbursement under the authority conferred upon the Secretary of the Treasury by the acts of 21st July 1841, 15th April 1842, and 3d March 1843, had not the unsettled state of our relations with Mexico menaced hostile collision with that power. In view of such a contingency, it was deemed prudent to retain in the treasury an amount unusually large for ordinary purposes." Measures are recommended for the speedy extinction of the debt.

The attention of Congress is invited to a sweeping modification of the Tariff. " The object of imposing duties on imports should be to raise revenue to pay the necessary expenses of Government. Congress may, undoubtedly, in the exercise of a sound discretion, discriminate in arranging the rates of duties on different articles; but the discriminations should be within the revenue standard, and be made with a view to raise money for the support of Government." What, asks Mr. Polk, is a revenue standard ? "The precise point in the ascending scale of duties at which it is ascertained from experience that the revenue is greatest, is the maximum rate of duty which can be laid for the bond fide purpose of collect- Mg money for the support of Government. To raise the duties higher than that point, and thereby diminish the amount collected, is to levy them for protection merely, and not for revenue." It does not follow that the highest duty even within the "revenue standard" should be imposed, nor that the taxation on all articles should be of an uniform or "horizontal" rate: articles consumed by the poorer classes should be exempt, or very slightly taxed; and incidental protection should be given as much as possible to domestic industry," agricultural or ma- nufacturing. It remains to be inquired how far the tariff of 1842 is consistent with these

principles. That many of the precisions of that act are in violation of the car- dinal principles here laid down, all must concede. The rates of duty imposed by it on some articles are prohibitory, and on others so high as greatly to diminish importations, and to produce a less amount of revenue than would be derived from lower rates. They operate as protection merely.' to one branch of domestic in- dustry, 'by taxing other branches. By the introduction of minimums or assumed and false values, and by the imposition of specific duties, the injustice and in- equality of the act of 1842, in its practh al operations on different classes and pursuits, are seen and felt. Many of the oppressive duties imposed by it, under the operation of these principles, range from 1 per cent to more than 200 per cent. They are prohibitory on some articles, and partially so on others; and bear most heavily on articles of common necessity, and but lightly on articles of luxury. It is so framed that much the greatest burden which it imposes is thrown on labour and the poorer classes, who are least able to bear it; while it protects capital, and exempts the rich from paying their just proportion of the taxation required for the support of Government." The act of 1842 was passed by a majority of only one vote in the Senate; and at that time many of its supporters asserted the ne- cessity of modifying it. Mr. Polk disclaims any intention of being unfriendly to the manufacturers.

And with these preliminaries he makes his proposition. "I recommend to Congress the abolition of the minimum principle, or assumed, arbitrary, and false values, and of specific duties; and the substitution in their place of ad va- lorem duties, as the fairest and most equitable indirect tax which can be im- posed. By the ad valorem principle, all articles are taxed according to their cost and value; and those which are of inferior quality, or of small cost, bear only the just proportion of the tax with those which are of superior quality or greater cost. The articles consumed by all are taxed at the same rate. A sys- tem of ad valorem revenue-duties, with proper discriminations and proper guards against frauds in collecting them, it is not doubted, will afford ample incidental advantages to the manufacturers, and enable them to derive as great profits as can be derived from any other regular business. It is believed that such a system, strictly within the revenue standard, will place the manufacturing interests on a stable footing, and insure their permanent advantage; while it will, as nearly as may be practicable, extend to all the great interests of the country the incidental protection which can be afforded by our revenue-laws. Such a system, when once firmly established, would be permanent, and not be subject to the constant complaints, agitation, and changes, which must ever occur when duties are not laid for revenue but for the protection merely' of a favoured interest."

He next turns to another important subject, reviving the "Sub-Treasury" scheme. "By the Constitution of the United States it is provided that no money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law.'" Hence Mr. Polk infers, that the framers of the Constitution contemplated the safe keeping of the public money in a public treasury created by law, and under responsible control. Private banks could not have been intended; and in practice, the United States Bank and the State Banks have proved faith- less. "Entertaining the opinion that the separation of the monies of the Govern- ment from banking institutions is indispensable for the safety of the funds of the Government and the rights of the people,' I recommend to Congress that pro- vision be made by law for such separation, and that a constitutional treasury be created for the safe keeping of the public money. The constitutional treasury recommended is designed as a secure depository for the public money, without any power to make loans or discounts, or to issue any paper whatever as a cur- rency or circulation."

Another scheme. Of the lands offered for sale in the several States, 39,105,575 acres have been in the market for more than twenty years; 49,638,634 acres, Moon years; 73,074,600 acres, ten years; 106,176,161 acres, five years. Much of this is inferior and unsaleable at the minimum price, and will be so while large territories are still unoccupied. "With the view to the sale and settlement of these inferior lands, I recommend that the price be graduated and reduced below the present minimum rate; confining the sales at the reduced prices to settlers and cultivators, in limited quantities. If graduated and reduced in price for a limited term to one dollar per acre, and after the expiration of that period for a second and third term to lower rates, a large portion of these lands would be purchased; and many worthy citizens, who are unable to pay higher rates, could purchase homes for themselves and their families." Some plan is also hinted at to prevent "combinations of purchasers," by which capitalists defeat poorer settlers.

Several other internal measures of minor importance are glanced at,—improved management of mineral lands; promotions in the army, military surveys, &c.; favourable state of relations with the Indian tribes; increase of the steam-navy; modification of postages to enable that department to pay its expenses; establish- ment of mail-steamers to communicate with foreign countries; and redistribution of,public offices, including the establishment of an Attorney-Generalship on the same footing as the other heads of departments.

Mr. Polk closes his message with a tribute of respect to the memory of General Jackson, "the most eminent citizen of the country, who during the sum- mer that has gone by has descended to the tomb."

MExrco.—Accounts from Vera Cruz to the 6th November report that the special Minister from the United States had arrived, and had submitted to the Mexican Government the following propositions as the basis of a new amicable convention between the two countries: they were under discus- sion in the Senate- 1. The Rio del Norte to be the boundary. 2. An indemnity of 5,000,000 dollars. 3. Upper California to be ceded to the United States as far down as the bead of the Gulf; the river Gila, which empties into the Colorado of the West, to be the boundary.

RIO DE La PLara.—The Queen's ship Resistance, which landed troops at Monte Video and left that place on the 1st of November, arrived at Ply- mouths on Saturday. There had been no decided change, but the situation of Roses was becoming more critical: the people of Paraguay are said to have declared a war of independence against him; and the British and French Admirals contemplated a blockade of the whole coast of Buenos Ayres.

INDLL.—The Bombay overland mail of the 15th November brings little intelligence worth notice. The Governor-General was moving more ra- pidly towards Delhi: he left Agra on the 29th October, and was expected to reach Delhi on the 15th November. Within the Punjaub matters re- mained without any decisive change. The Queen Mother had managed to. pacify the soldiery for a time by small payments of money; and she had_ retired to the fortress of Umritser. Gholaub Singh had been offered the post of Vizier; but he declined to accept an offer which would place him. at the mercy of the licentious soldiery. The fate of Peshora Singh was still in doubt. Meanwhile, the British Army remained collected on the frontier, ready to act. Sir Charles Napier had set out from Kurrachee to Hyderabad, "on a tour": some suppose that he was to head the invasion. of the Punjaub.

There are multiplied reports of intrigues in Indore, Gwalior, Oude, and the Nizam's territory,—all very vague and uninteresting.

From Burnish we learn that the Emperor had at last been dethroned. The Prince of Prome, his eldest son, provoked by Tharawaddie's cruel and arbitrary conduct, had revolted, had been subdued, and beheaded. But Tharawaddie became more outrageous, and was evidently mad: a general revolt was excited, Tharawaddie was removed from the throne, and confined; and his youngest son, Shoadoonge-Mentha, was ap- pointed Regent, under the guardianship of two chiefs. One, Mekkara- meng, the Prince's uncle is said to be a man of talent, and is a member of the Asiatic Society [of Bengal?]

A strange crime had been committed at Bombay. A Manilla man, in a fit of jealousy and drunkenness, had run amuck in the streets, with his drawn knife; and before he was knocked down and secured, he killed five- persons and wounded seventeen!