Correspondence
The Average American and the Debts
(Though the situation has in some respects changed since this letter was written, it presents a point of view which demands consideration.)
[To the Editor of THE SPECTATOR.] know England well, and I think I can say that I know this country equally well. I am sure I know it much better than those Englishmen, whether in the Diplomatic Service or out of it, who see America through the variously tinted glasses of Washington. I know Washington, and I know how easy it is to gain false impressions there of almost everything. Out here on the Pacific Coast, three thousand miles away from Washington, but tremendously in touch as we are with the rest of the country and with the Far East, it is possible to get a view in something like true perspective.
One great fact stands out clearly, and should be understood clearly in England. It is this : that the depression has hit this country—east, west north and south—so hard that any suggestion of any addition to national burdens rouses indigna- tion as nothing else can. The statement constantly heard and constantly emphasized that any remission of Debt to foreign countries would add just that amount of indebtedness to the American people is final for the average American citizen. There is no use reasoning with him. There is no use telling him that the only medium in which these Debts can be repaid is the medium in which they were originally contracted— namely, goods. Accustomed as he is to his own vast country, the average American thinks no further than this : that if ho lends a friend $5.00, that friend, if he is honest, will repay him on the due date $5.00 The whole question is now out of the field of politics and absolutely in the field of psychology. The American people, hard pressed themselves, are stolid and sullen on the issue. Any attempt at evasion will only confirm and consolidate this mental attitude. On the other hand, any evidence of a whole-hearted determination to " do the right thing," no matter what the difficulties and hardships involved, would meet an immediate response.
The first intimation of Great Britain's decision to pay, following the second Stimson Note, relieved the tension throughout the country to an amazing extent. On the street cars, on the train, everywhere, one was conscious of a strong" revulsion of feeling in favour of England. England was being true to herself. She had been the first. to fund her indebtedness, had received the hardest deal of any of the debtors, and was the first to come through at a difficult time. This wave of feeling was almost reversed a few hours after- wards when the mistake was made in London of attaching reservations to this declaration of willingness to pay; thus momentarily robbing it of all its psychological effect. But this unfortunate mistake was largely rectified by the terms of Mr. Chamberlain's statement in the House, and Great Brittiin's determination to " honour her signature " was immediately set forth in blazing contrast with France's virtual default. Will Rogers hit the nail on the head, as he so often does, when he wrote, " England never stood higher in American opinion than to-day. That was the cheapest hundred million they ever spent."
If I could talk to the Foreign Office in London now I would be inclined to say, " For heaven's sake, have done with France on this question." France, as far as America is concerned, is down and out. The Lafayette buncombe of the War now no longer operates and the disillusionment is complete. I notice that in his speech before the Chamber Herriot made a great point of maintaining " our solidarity with England," which from " cordiality " was becoming a " veritable fraternity." Misfortune makes strange bedfellows, but I personally feel very strongly that England would do well to seize this oppor- tunity which the gods are providing to get rid of this particular bedfellow, and cut loose from this particular fraternity on the Debt question.
Does this sound Machiavellian ? If so, it is so only on the surface. The hole of the pit whence they are digged is the same for Great Britain and the United States. Their language is the same ; their traditions are the same ; their sense of honour is the same. The points of unity between England and France, and France and the United States are all on the surface. England and the United States go down together. France and all other nations for that matter to a greater or less extent are quickly left behind. To-day we have gotten down to bedrock. England without France would act and react rightly on this issue, and such right reaction would have a tremendous repercussion in this country. If there is the states- man in England or if he arises in time to take this matter in hand, England and America can settle the debt question without difficulty and so lead the way out for all the world.
I must, add one word about Mr. Chamberlain's unfortunate reference—immediately cabled out here—in the House of Co/MTIODS to " arguments which might not appeal to the Middle West, but would appeal to the more responsible and more informed sections of opinion in the United States." To anyone who knows the United States the unfairness and unsoundness of such a statement must be apparent. In some respects the Middle West is the best-informed section of the country, but even if it lived and moved and had its being in a maelstrom of moronism the dictate of wisdom would be that such a remark should never be made. Could not someone get up in the House and pay some well-considered but emphatic tribute to the intelligence and practicality of the Middle West ? Even the most dyed-in-the-wool Easterner recognizes these qualities.—I am, Sir, &c.,
YOUR CORRESPONDENT IN THE FAR WEST.
San Francisco
Previous page
