27 JULY 1850, Page 5


A Common Hall was held on Monday, to elect a Sheriff in place of Mr. Caldecot, who has declined to serve, and paid the fine of 100/. Mr. Hodgkinson, shipowner, and Mr. C. S. Butler, a Middlesex Magistrate, were proposed. The show of hands was in favour of the first, but some Mends of the latter unexpectedly demanded a poll. The poll commenced immediately, and would have continued through the weak; but Mr. Butler disclaimed his nomination, and Mr. Hodgkinson has been re- turned.

After a three-days debate, the Court of Common Council has resolved to adopt the report of the Market Committee in favour of retaining Smith- field Market on its present site, or placing it, somewhat improved, on a site closely adjacent to the present one. The majority in favour of retaining the market was 89 to 13. A proposition to negotiate with tho Govern- ment in a spirit of compromise was negatived without division.

A meeting of the electors of the City of London was held at the Lon- don Tavern on Thursday, under a summons by Baron Rothschild, to con- fer with his election committee on the course rendered proper by the Government surrender of the Parliamentary Oaths Bill. Mr. John Abel Smith presided ; half-a-dozen other Members of Parliament, and a largo number of leading merchants and bankers, were among those assembled. Baron Rothschild abstained from imputing motives, and could allow for unforeseen circumstances ; but that did not lessen his disappointment and regret.

Lord John Russell had never been left quiet on the question : he said that there was a better hope of success if the bill were brought in at the end of the session. They were delayed by the petition against the return, by Mr. Page Wood's Committee, a long debate on foreign politics, and last of all by an unfortunate death—the death of a man who of late years had been the best friend of civil and religious liberty. That death upset everything in the House of Commons. It was very natural if the Ministers lost their ad- viser, that they should be anxious to get rid of Parliament, and have a few quiet months before next session. "We have been their victims."

The Chairman professed his entire, undoubting confidence, in Lord John Russell's sincerity and attachment to the cause • but he could not conceal that there is either on his part or on the part of some other per- son" an ignorance of the vast importance of the measure and of the public feeling on its behalf. Lord Dudley Stuart protested against fur- ther shilly-shallying, and was for having the question tried whether the Member can be precluded from his seat,—a sentiment loudly applauded. Mr. Chisholm Anstey declared that legislation would be a blunder : Baron Rothschild should go and demand his seat ; a motion should be made that he take the seat without the oath, and then a motion that the oath,be administered without the offensive formula "upon the faith of a Christian." Mr. Anstey had the highest authority in the country on points of privilege, for saying that this would be the safe and proper course ; while it would be the speediest, questions of privilege having pre- cedence of all others.

This suggestion was approved of, and supported by Mr. T. Hankey and others' but Mr. Wire suggested, and Mr. Hawes moved, that in the mean time adeputation should see Lord John Russell, and urge him to support the seating of Baron Rothschild. Mr. Travers and others thought this course would not be fair to Lord John Russell. Some members of his Cabinet are suspected to be adverse, and Lord John ought not to be forced into a difference with them. It was at last resolved simply, "That Baron Rothschild proceed tomorrow to the House of Commons to claim his seat."

Baron Rothschild stated, that personally he was for prudent and con- ciliatory measures ; but he had determined to abide by their decision. "I have said that, and my word is as good as my bond.' The meeting separated with much excitement.

The banquet given by members of the Reform Club to Lord Palmer- ston, to celebrate the affirmation of his foreign policy by a majority of 46 in the House of Commons, passed off on Saturday without any remark- able demonstration. The company was only a part of the Club—the first skimming, it would seem ; for the favouring account says that it was "strictly limited to the first two hundred noblemen and gentlemen who had signed the requisition inviting the noble Lord to a public dinner." The feasting was provided by Messrs. Bathe of the London Tavern. The speeches were on the whole little above commonplace though, of course, the Chairman, Mr. Osborne was pointed and clever—Sir Charles Napier, racy, and invasive of the Admiralty—Mr. Cockburn, not bashful, but de- fiant of the " conspiracy " in the House of Lords with Foreign Courts. After the toast of "The Queen," which was drunk with due Reform Club enthusiasm, the national anthem was sung ; and the company marked with loud applause the allusions to her Majesty's enemies, most empha- tically confounding "their politics" and knavish tricks." Sir Charles Napier returned thanks for the Navy, "in the presence of her Majesty's Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and also in the presence of a large number of her Majesty's Reformers.' He made the company aware that Lord Palmerston was more closely connected with the Navy than they thought. "The noble Lord began Ins career in the Navy. His first political jump, and it was a great one, was to be a Lord of the Admiralty. (Great laughter.) Such a step would take a naval officer fifty years to arrive at. (Continued laughter.) I have not yet arrived at it, and, what is still more probable, I never shall." (Roars of laughter.) [And it seems that Lord Palmerston has continued in the department of the Admiralty—a circumstance throwing light on his peculiar diplomacy.] "I had the good fortune of serving under his Lordship for many years. When I speak of serving under his Lordship it must be understood that the Minister for Foreign Affairs is, I may almost say, First Lord of the Admiralty; because he sends his orders and instructions through the Secretary of State, and the First Lord of the Admiralty directs their execution, and all he has really to do is to order his officers to carry them out." Sir Charles's concluding aspiration evinced a shrewd perspicacity —"Gentlemen, I return you thanks on behalf of the Navy, and I only hope that if ever I have a command again it will be under the noble Lord; and I will answer for it that he will always give me proper and gallant instructions."

Mr. Osborne announced the complimentary object of the meeting with proper references to their noble guest's "varied attainments and accom- plishments, courtesy, and mild bearing in private life" ; characteristics which have won "not merely the applause of a party but the respect and

admiration of a civilized world." Curtailing a well-expressed panegyric, he applied the "lines written by the most varied of modem -writers to

describe the greatest and most accomplished of modern statesmen "—

, With the warm instincts of a knightly heart, That rose at once if insult toucled the realm,

He spurn'd each statecraft, each deceiving art, And faced his foes, no visor to his helm.

This proved his worth ; hereafter be our boast, Who hated Britain hated him the most."

Of course the " application " was ratified with deafening shouts; and to the concluding toast was accorded, with long enduring uproar of delight, "the nine times nine only devoted to celebrated men."

Lord Palmerston duly acknowledged the personal testimony, and then proceeded to accept the great demonstration as an approbation of the policy which had guided the "Government of which he is a member" in the administration of our foreign affairs.

He redeseribed the "principles of policy" which impel him. "The guid- ing object of the policy or the Government with regard to its foreign rela- tions has been the interests of England—(Great cheering) —interests which

begin in the wedlbeing of this country, and which in their progress com-

prehend the wellbeing of every other country." "Gentlemen, we are emi- nently a travelling, and inquiring, and a commercial nation. There is no part of that great ocean that occupies so vast a portion of the globe; on whose

bosom our ships and our merchandise are not found to float. There is no land, however distant, or however near, however civilized, however barbarous, in which Englishmen are not found, either for the purpose of recreation or of health, in the pursuit of science or of commerce, or in the

nobler and higher vocation of shedding in the regions of darkness the light of our Christian faith. (Deafening plaudits.) I contend,

gentlemen, that those fellow subjects of ours are entitled, wherever they may be, to think that they are under the guardianship of the watchful eye of this country; and that the arm of England will either protect them from wrong, or, if wrong should be done, will be powerful to obtain for them

redress.' (Tremendous and prolonged applause.) Disclaiming the policy which had been unfoundedly ascribed to him of going forth like knight-

errante of civilization to force institutions on other countries, exciting them to discontent, and encouraging them to disturbance, he did maintain, that when we see nations sensible of the evils under which they are suffering, endisivouring rationally, temperately, and calmly to improve their condition, they deserve "at least the sympathy" of England. Indeed, he declared his conviction, that if other powers, differently impressed by opinions, should endeavour to interfere, in order to prevent the development of liberty, that the Government of England will always be supported and backed by the people of England "in throwing our weight into the scale, and endeavouring thus to restore the balance " : and this species of inter- vention [whatever it may be guessed to be] can be often practised "without endangering the continuance of our peaceful relations." " Do not let the people of this country imagine that every angry word that

may fall from other Governments will be immediately followed by a blow. (Loud cheery and laughter.) Do not let the people of this country believe that every angry demonstration—every exhibition of dissatisfaction, diplo-

matic or otherwise, that may come Irma Governments whose policy and views may be thwarted by the views and policy of England—will necessarily lead to hostilities. Anxious as the people of this couutry are—and, to their honour be it spoken, I believe no other people are more anxious for the pre- servation of peace, or more desirous to avoid war with any country whatever —yet, believe me, that no other country is a bit more desirous, and for the beat of all reasons, of going to war with England, than England can be of going to war with it. Gentlemen, this consciousness of strength, this feel- ing of national power, ought never to tempt the Government or the people of England to-do anything that is unjust or wrong. But it ought, at least, to bear us up in pursuing the course of justice and honour, and must induce us not lightly to give way to apprehensions which may be founded on no real ground."

Repeating his expressions of gratitude, he assured his hearers—especially his Parliamentary friends—that in any act of my public life, in which I

may feel hesitation or doubt, the recollection, not only of the kindness you have exhibited today, but of the handsome and generous support which I have received at your hands in moments of great personal and official diffi-

culty—will encourage me and support me always in th: performance of my public duty " : while the country is so represented, and is animated by such generous feelings, "depend upon it there can be no danger that any Government of England will shrink from the performance of its duty, nor will there ever be peril for the fortunes of our country." Lord James Stuart vouched that Lord John Russell informed a depu- tation who invited him to be present that evening, that the state of his health alone would disappoint him, but that he "highly approved of this demonstration." Lord Camoys, in the absence of the Earl of Yarborough, from illness, acknowledged the toast of the loyal minority in the House of Peers. "On this occasion, he would say, Thank God, we have a House of Commons," The new Solicitor-General applauded this sentiment—

It was to the majority of the House of Commons that they owed the fact that they had at the present moment a Liberal Government at the head of affairs of this country, and that they had the assurance that the domestic and foreign policy which had distinguished that Government would be still maintained, notwithstanding all the arts and mancenvres of its opposers. But the charge agahmt the noble Lord was not brought forward in a place where the noble Lord could be found ; and Mr. Cockburn "therefore felt that they did not do the House of Lords justice when they believed that the majority of that House—the majority who voted in favour of the reso- lution condemning the policy of the Government—was a majority consisting of those who would not have been open to conviction and the truth, if the truth had been made manifest to them as to the House of Commons." Alas! even in the House of Commons there were those who have mixed with the triumph something of regret ; "those remarkable heretofore for their adherence to popular opinions, who fell off from them and deserted them on that occasion—' Among the faithful, faithless only they'—who, gratifying individual crotchets, or, if he might be allowed to say it, indi- vidual vanity—and, under the idea of maintaining their own consistency, sacrificing that consistency, betrayed the interests of the people of hagland, and the cause of civil and religious liberty, of civilization and humanity throughout the world, and who will have to answer to the people of Eng- land and their constituencies on some future occasion:'

Mr. Maurice O'Connell and Baron Rothschild were among the later speakers, The party did not break up till nearly one o'clock on Sunday morning.

The long-announced meeting of clergy and laity, in protestation against the Gorham decision, was held on Tuesday, in St. Martin's Hall, Long Acre. In point of numbers it was a remarkable demonstration. Though the meeting consisted mainly of clergymen, two thousand persons were present at the opening of proceedings, and ultimately the crowding was so inconvenient that a large detachment was conducted by some of the lead- ing gentlemen to Freemason's Hall, there to hear in duplicate the speeches and proceedings of the parent assembly. Mr. Hubbard presided. The Episcopal Bench was represented by the Bishop of Bath and Wells ; the dignified clergy by Archdeacons Manning, Wilberforce, Thorpe and Bar- tholomew; Parliament, by Viscount Fielding, Marl Nelson, Lord John Manners, Mr. A. B. Hope, Mr. Simeon, and Mr. Prosser. Among the mass of clergymen were observed the Reverend Sir George Prevat, Mr. Sewell, Mr. Palmer, and Mr. Cl. A. Denison. The interest taken by the Dissenting community was manifested by the presence of Mr. Thomas Binney, and some others of the leading ministers.

The specific object of the meeting was to initiate a course of action cal- culated to relieve the Chun% from its embarrassments, to purify its min- istrations, and to clear its doctrine from the reproach put upon it by the decision of the Privy Council in the Gorham case ; and this end was at- tained by the adoption of certain protests and other proceedings. Mr. Hubbard warned his sympathizing clerical hearers against the dan- ger of the temptation now held out of a disunion with the Church—

They might be anxious to prove how far above all worldly goods they held the truth of God, and they might long to test the sincerity of their own hearts by a voluntary surrender of their emoluments ; but let them remem- ber that they could not relinquish the temporal revenues without renouncing the spiritual obligations of their cures, and that if they deserted then folds grievous wolves might enter in and rend their flock.

Earl Nelson regretted that more of their Bishops were not present— Their position is difficult ; but they have not been doing nothing, their silence does not affect their vitality, and it is the clergy of the Church who must compel them to action. While doing all they can to preserve the faith, and to hold on the union of the Church and State, the clergy must yet be prepared—and let the people know it—they must be prepared to ac- cept the poverty and persecution of the early Church for the sake of her purity. The clergy must be prepared, if need were, to give up their emolu- ments; and the laity must be prepared, if need were, for increased self-de- nial to make up the deficiency so caused. Mr. Hope was more cautious, but not less earnest—

The State might throw them out, but they would never throw out them- selves. They would never put themselves in a position that would lead to such a result. They merely pressed their petition for the Synodical action of the Church ; and they were determined to press it day after day, till, by the constant dropping of their petitions, they had worn the hard and stony hearts of the Government to yield to their request. If they took up env other course, they might run into dangers they did not at present see. It was easy to go into the arena and make bold and swelling speeches, and, in the style of the late unhappy agitator of the sister island, whose works had perished with him, exclaim, Hereditary bondsmen," &T. ; but lie trusted that his case would operate rather as a warning than as an example to the Church. The prononncers of the Gorham decision had thrown discredit upon the catholic faith of the universal church, and insulted the mother-church of England, to whose cause they were wedded, and for whose cause, if need were, they were ready to give their lives. Mr. Sewell besought that every allowance should be made for the Bishops, pressed down with heavy cares and scarcely able to give time to consider the subjects on which they are asked for a hasty decision. Arch- deacon Manning complimented the meeting on their self-restraint—all open expression of feeling had by understanding been repressed ; and warned it against being led by the arguments of crafty and shifty men, to think that the recent decision of the Privy Council does not vitally aired the position of the Church. There were only two points to consider— the law of the land, and the position of the Church respecting it. The law has been tested in every court. The first public answer as to the consent of the Church is given by the present meeting.

Such were the main features of the speeches. The formal proceedings consisted of the adoption of a protest against the specific errors counte- nanced by the Privy Council in the Gorham case, and against the compe- tency of the Council to judge in spiritual matters - a petition to the Queen imploring her Majesty that all questions touching the doctrine of the Church of England be hereafter referred to the spiritualty of the Church of England, and that she will be pleased to remove the impedi- ments which now obstruct the exercise of the ancient Synodical functions of the Church ; and an address to -the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, • declaring solemnly that the addressers never may nor will " acquiesce " in the Gorham decision, whatever its legal validity, and praying the Arch- bishops to help their petition to the Crown. An appeal to brethren in the Church at large, urging them to join in protesting against the recent judgment, and help in procuring the restoration to the Church of judg- ment In spiritual matters, was signed by the great majority of the as- sembly. The proceedings in the supplementary meeting wore the duplicate of those at the larger one. One extract from Dr. Pusey's speech indicates the general tone— It might be said that they had arrived at the junction of two roads, each leading in a contrary direction. If they took the one they would probably lose all that they most prized; and if they pursued the other they would, perchance, gain much of what they had previously lost. Upon one point there could be no doubt or hesitation. It was clearly impossible that things should continue in their present state. The temporal power having assumed to itself authority- to determine upona question of faith, it was for Church- men to say whether they were prepared to submit to such interference. If the State thought proper not to allow to the -Church that liberty which was her undeniable right' the time might arrive when they would be entitled to call upon the state at least to set the -Church free from the state.

The proposal to raise a national memorial to the late Sir Robert Peel now receives the organized support of a large portion of the political and social rank in the Metropolis. The meeting held in Willis's Rooms on Tuesday, over which the Earl of Aberdeen presided,—the Duke of Wel- lington declining the chair on account of his serious "indisposition of deatness,"—was attended by Lord Hardinge, the Earl of Ripon, Lord Wharnoliffe, the Earl of St. Germans, Earl Bathurst, Lord Ashburton, Lord Monteagle, Lord Ashley, Lord Ebrington, and several other noble- men ; by Baron Brunnow, Sir James Graham, Sir James Weir Hogg, the venerable Mr. Estcourt, former Member for Oicford University, Mr. Sidney Herbert, Admiral Bowles, and Mr. Wilson Patten, with many other Members of Parliament and persons of distinction. Very brief speeches were made by the Chairman, the Duke of Wellington, Lord Ashley, Lord Ashburton Mr. Estcourt, and Sir William Caton. It was resolved that a Committee be formed to collect subscriptions, and to con- sider the best means of carrying out the object of the meeting. In the Arches Court., on Saturday, the Bishop of Exeter signified obedience to the monition Of that court, and brought in the presentation of Mr. Gor- ham to the living of Brampford Speke ; thus virtually submitting to the de- chaion of' the Privy Council in the appeal promoted by Mr..Gorharn. With the presentation, he endeavoured, through his counsel, to put in a formal protest; but Sir Herbert Jenner Fust rejected the protest as altogether ir- regular. Thadoeument has been published ill the newspapers. It repudiates the judgment of the Privy Council, as null and utterly 'without effect in foro conscienthe : it appeals therefrom, in all that concerns the catholic faith, to "the Sacred Synod of this nation when it shall be in the name of Christ as- sembled as the true Church of England by representation." The protest closes -with this declaration— Whereas the said George Cornelius Gorham bath not retracted or disclaimed his " heretical doctrines," "any Archbishop or Bishop, or any official of any Archbishop or Bishop, who alkali institute the said George Cornelius Gorham to the cure and go- vernment of the souls of the parishioners of the said parish of Briunpford Spike, within oUr diocese aforesaid, will thereby lona the sin of supporting and favouring the Said heretical doctrines; and we do hereby renounce and repudiate all communion with any one, be he whom he may, who shall so institute the said George Cornelius Gorham as aforesaid."

At Bow Street Police Office, on Wednesday, Edwin Bates, described as an " Artist," was charged with sending threatening letters to Prince Albert, with intent to extort money. The Honourable Colonel Charles Grey, equerry to the Queen, produced divers letters sent by the accused to his Royal High- ness. They were not read aloud ; but the Magistrate perused them, and Bates admitted that he had written them. They would seem to have been solicitations for money, on account of the writer's distress, with declarations that any ill result -springmg from the man's -demands not being granted would be chargeable on the Prince. Bates denied that he had any ill-feel- ing towards the Royal Family, and pleaded that he was insane ; mentioning circumstances to prove it, and referring to divers doctors who knew it. The Magistrate ordered him to find sureties to keep the peace for twelve months; and in default he was locked up.

the Mansionhouse, on Thursday, Dixon Dawson alias John Johnson was charged with uttering a forged cheek for 1001. Dawson was a Green- wich pensioner; he had been in the employ of Mr. Hawes the soap-boiler. In the name of John Johnson be sent a letter by post to Lubbock's, contain- ing a check pmporbing to be drawn by Miss Hawes •' the fraud was detected, and led to the forger's arrest. A similar check for 150/. was found on him, with other suspicious papers. Dawson's wife alleged that he insane. Committed. - Giacomo Stella an Italian, and Callisinx, a Frenchman, having been suc- cessful in the California " diggins," brought to London gold-dust and bars of gold said to be worth 8,0001. They took apartments at Wernech's lodg- ing-house in Lambeth Street, Whiteehapel, and prepared to sell their gold. On Monday night, they went to Vauxhall Gardens, accompanied by Mrs. Wernech, having looked up their treasure in their rooms. On returning early on Tuesday morning, they found that their TO0/118 had been entered and the gold earned off; two waiters and "touters," Christian a German and Pitt a Dutchman, laid also decamped. Immediate notice was given to the Police, and a reward of 100/. offered for their apprehension.

On Wednesday, three men—Vanderhost, Tonnes.% and Homann—with the wife of the latter, were charged, at the Thames Police Office, with having been concerned in the robbery ; and they were all remanded for a week.

Robert Goldsworthy, a bill-discounter, has been committed for trial, by the Marlborough Street Magistrate, on a charge of forging and uttering a bill for 2001.; the bill purported to be accepted by a Mr. John Gerard Leigh, but he swore the signature was not his.

At the Westminster Polies Office, on Wednesday, Mr. John Patrick Somers, M.P. for Sligo, charged Charles Bentley with assaulting him. The invettigation extended to a great length. The defendant is a "cricketer and butcher.," and son of the keeper of the Westminster Scholars' crieket-ground in Vincent Sqisre. On the evening of Tuesday week, Mr. Somers was passing through the square, accompanied by a friend ; Mr. Somers had a dog with hire.; the gate of the enclosure was open, and the dog ran in and rolled in the grass. Mr. Somers and his friend entered to fetch him can. Bentley was keeping the gate, and he was very insolent and violent towards Mr. Somers because he had entered. After some squabbling, and attempted as- saults by Bentley, Mr. Somers went out of the enclosure, and the gate was shut. While he was standing by the rails explaining to some passen

how he had been treated, Bentley unexpectedly ran up and struck through the rails a severe blow in the face, hurting his eye, causing his nose to bleed, and preventing his appearing in the House of Commons for some time : the blow would have felled him, but that he was saved by a person who stood near. Bentley also applied a vile epithet to Mr. Somers ; the Westminster scholars and a gentleman who was with them, it was alleged, aiding in the abuse of the complainant. The Magistrate resolved to send the case to the Sessions, and held Bentley to bail. Sometime after, a gaoler and the gentleman mentioned above attended to deny that they had used. fOul language to Mr. Somers.

Masterman, the youth who is charged with attempting to strangle his master, Mr. Finer, a surgeon, has been committed for trial : but the Wor- ship Street Magistrate has permitted bail to be put in.

The butler of Mr. Cooper, a gentleman living at Brixton, had been killing birds to protect the fruit on the wails; and he reentered the house with the fowling-piece loaded with shot. Mr. Cooper's son Henry, a youth of six- teen, took up the gun and jestingly pointed it at his sister ; the housekeeper renningtrated at the danger of the play; at that moment the piece went off, and the yourig lady and the housekeeper were wotmded : the latter, it is feared, will not recover, and Miss Cooper will be disfigured for life, the shot having lodged in her neck and face.