NEWS OF THE WEEK.
Ie the success of the Oaths Bill in the House of Lords was rendered more probable by the rejection of two important amendments last week, it has been rendered still more probable by the acceptance of an unimportant amendment this week. In the course of the party attacks upon the measure, some Members pointed out, that, as the bill stood, it would be possible to see a Jew sitting on the Woolsack and disposing of church preferments; and although such a vision could only haunt the brain of a party poet, it does seem to have fastened upon the minds of some imaginative persons. Accordingly, on the consideration of the bill after the Committee, Mr. Fitzgerald brought forward a series of amendments intended to prevent a Jew from being appointed to the office of Regent or Lord Chancellor in England, Lord Lieutenant in Ireland, or Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Established Church in Scotland, and to debar a Jaw in any other office from advising the Crown on ecclesiastical subjects. Practically, there was no necessity whatever for such an alteration of the hill, since there is not the slightest likelihood that any gentleman professing the Jewish creed. would be selected for any of the posts named. Literally, however, the bill is rendered more complete by recognizing a necessary disqualification ; and the limitation inserted int& the bill may perhaps assist in allaying any apprehensions still lurking among the Peers. But it was the manner of the acceptance whioh principally increased the chances of success. Lord Palmerston did not name the House of Lords, but his speech was anmistakably addressed to that assembly. It showed how completely his Government desired to smooth the passage of the bill by waiving "any fancied objection," and how he was endeavouring to shape it so as to claim the agreement of the Upper House. His tone implied at once great deference for the wishes of the Peers and the expectation that they would meet him in a similar spirit. They may be inclined to meet the wish of that Minister whom they have evidently regarded as the safest practicable Premier ; and they may rest assured that the measure is not likely to be presented to them in any shape more moderate or less offensive than that in which it is now, notwithstanding Lord B/andford's final stand, sent up by the Commons.
Almost while Lord Palmerston was speaking in the House of Commons, the Prime Minister of the Opposition in the Upper House, Lord Derby, was once more exhibiting that quality which prevents him from retaining any position of power. He possesses the exact reverse of a skilful general's qualities—he is rash in the outset, timid on deliberation. On the order of the day for going into Committee on the Ministers'-money Bill, the Earl of Clan carty analyzed the divisim, showed how the second reading had been carried by proxies, and moved to defer the committal of
the bill for that day six months. Lord Derby was stricken with a sudden impartiality; he could not give up for either party the advantage et* proxiM and, with a fine show of magnanimity,
he declared that he could not subscribe to Lord Clancarty's intimation "that proties might be given on one side and not on the other." He felt be difficulty of enforcing the existing law of Ministers'-money in Ireland after the bill had passed the second reading in a second louse of Parliament ; and "he had fulfilled his responsibility" b; voting against it on the second reading. Clancarty poined out where his chief might attack the Kuusterial phalanx, and cut it up root and branch ; but the chief paused—he reflected—he desisted ; he could not afford to make himself odious by creating fresh agitation in Ireland, and he declined to take the opportunity.
Again, the Divorce Bill has passed the House of Lords in a shape which renders its passing in the Commons probable ; although it will be there thrown into an assemblage of men prepared to import into the discussion, not solely the pure legal considerations or ecclesiastical considerations, but many sectarian views both in religion and morals. It is not a perfect measure, but it is perhaps as considerable an improvement as the representatives of the country could agree upon. It has been well dosoribed as " making that law which was formerly legislation "—as "a law enabling that to be done judicially which for the last two hundred years, with the full consent of all the Bishops on the bench, has been done legislatively." That relief which is now opening to every subject of the Queen who needs it has hitherto been obtained as " privilegium," purchaseable only by the wealthy. The latest amendments have considerably improved the bill. The Lord Chancellor has struck out the provision of imprisonment inserted by Lord St. Loonards. Even at the last, some ultra-conservative amendments were proposed by Lord Malmesbury, by Lord Nelson and the Bishop of Oxford, and by the Bishop of Exeter : the first taking from the new court the power of granting complete divorce ; the second forbidding clerical assistance at the marriage of parties in the adultery ; the third permitting the marriage of parties in the adultery, but only in the shape of a " declaration" by the Divorce Court itself. The second amendment would fall upon the injured husband. as well as the guilty wife. The lust amendment was advanced to relieve the clergyman who might scruple to pronounce the blessing of the Church ; forgetting that judges, as Lord Campbell said, might have their scruples in such cases as well as clergymen. But the most curious part pf it was, that the judge, whose business it is to proclaim the law, was to be instructed to proclaim that certain persons were mirried on the ground of their own simple declaration to that effect. These amendments were so many fotms of the reductio ad absurdum, and they may furnish . useful illustrations to stop some superfluous debate in. the Lower House.
A variety of other subjects have occupied both branches of the Legislature. In the House of Lords, the important step in Lawreform is the introduction of eight bills embodying a consolidation of statutes, being so many instalments of consolidation of the Statute-law. We have yet to see the bills in their present shape. In the House of Commons, Mr. Cowper has made an annual " statement " on Education ; the statement able, but the interest of it almost superseded by the proceedings in "another place." Mr. Lowe has introduced a bill to bring Joint-Stock Banks under the operation of the Joint-Stock Companies Act. Lord Raynham has asked for a Select Committee on Workhouseadministration ; but the House agreed with Ministers that the inquiry would be impracticable this session.
The subject of cotton has been formally discussed, in a debate opened by Mr. J. B. Smith, with a resolution recognizing the importance of the subject and the expediency of encouraging cotton-growth in India ; a debate destitute of new arguments, and standing adjourned till next week. Meanwhile, the sub ject has been actively discussed out of doors ; and other countries have put in their claim to "attention," such as Australia and the West Indies. None of the gentlemen who are calling attention to the matter appear to have hit, upon any expedient for overcoming the local difficulties which prevent a sudden development of cotton-growth, by any help from home, even through Parliament.
But the greatest activity of the Commons has been in Committee of Supply, where there has been a further reaction against uncontrolled expenditure. Sir Henry Willoughby moved to reduce a vote in order to cheek the growing outlay upon the Houses of Parliament ; but an explanation from the Chief Com missioner of Public Works, that he was "doing all he could to restrain the architect," induced the House to leave the matter in his hands. The inconsiderate character of the Aldershott purchase was exposed by Mr. Caird. The economists refused 50,0001. for Finsbury Park ; the vote being resisted by Mr. Williams and other Metropolitan Members, as well as by the Opposition.
The Education Conference has been duly held, and has passed off without any contre-temps. It began with éclat, under the presidency of Prince Albert ; continued its labours in sections, with much system ; got all its reports delivered, eon. centrated in resolutions, and passed by the assembled Conference at the final meeting on Wednesday ; and is to hand over the immediate results of its labours in the form of " papers " to be published by a committee. It has thus proved a machine for adding to the literature on the general subject of education and to the array of statistics. To express the character of the meeting in brief, it was attended by those friends of education who may be said, to cluster round the Prince Consort, the Educational Committee of the Privy Council, and some other distinguished centres ; of persons representing other associations or circles about the country, as earnest in the matter, but inclining more to voluntaryism and societarian efforts ; and of a class combining those who are making • an amusement of didactic or scientific subjects, and those who like to go to any place where they can see royalty and "distinction." The array of visitors was upon the whole impressive, and the Conference is calculated to render the promotion of education fashionable. It will do so by the collected influence even more than by the new information ; and in the book which it will bequeath to the public, the most remarkable contribution will still be the report of that plain, earnest, masterly speech, with which Prince Albert began.
The scene in Hyde Park yesterday ought to mark the beginning of a better cera in our military system, though it was as great an " innovation " as any we have witnessed. Officers and men, sergeants, captains, privates, lieutenants, corporals, and colonels, walked up to receive their Cross of Victoria from the hands of the Queen ; and thus instituted the truest order of chivalry in our day—an order in which chivalrous qualities, not wealth or "rank," constitute the fellowship.
It would appear from the course taken by the French Government after the elections were once in full train, that it had not anticipated the degree of opposition which it has encountered. It seems to have calculated that antagonist factions would be without hope, and would leave the whole matter to be arranged by the officials, the army, and a quiescent majority. It was probably in that expectation that a semblance of freedom had been offered to the electors. No sooner, however, did candidates come forward in Republican or Orleanist interests, than local officers used great exertions to obstruct both candidates and electors ; and the central Government, through M. Billault, issued a circular directing the Prefects and Mayors to explain how useless it would be to permit the success of men who could but intend to revive questions of Republicanism or Socialism negatived in 1852. The success of the Government appears to have been almost without exception in the provinces. -The exceptions in Paris are very serious. Two candidates have been carried against the Ministry ; the success of another is only doubtful ; and while the minority of votes almost equals the majority, nearly a third of the constituency has abstained from voting. A letter from a well-informed correspondent explains the process by which, with the show of fairness on the surface, the agents of Government have the power of completely falsifying the vote on the first day. This power is under much greater restraint in Paris than in other places,—one reason, perhaps, is that greater concentration of political feeling in the capital which has led to the difference between Paris and the Provinces. The Emperor is still upheld by the acquiescence of the great bulk of the nation; but the action of the minority in Paris and in some of the more active towns has proved that political feeling is not dead though it slumbers.
