TOPICS OF THE DAY.
HOW TO AGITATE THE CORN QUESTION.
WIZEN WILKES was told by an antagonist in some civic debate, that the " sense of the Ward " should be taken against him, the witty demagogue reldied, " then Ill take the nonsense of the Ward, and beat you ten to one." The advocates of Corn-laws and restrictions on foreign commerce have acted upon WiLICES'S plan : they have inlisted the nonsense of the nation against its wisdom; and, aided by the ignorant and the prejudiced, have generally con- trived to gain the victory over the friends of improvement and ra- tional innovation. We wish that we could discern symptoms of a speedy termination of these days of blindness. Although it can no longer be denied, that, in spite of the Corn-laws, much poor land is going out of cultivation, and much good land is scourged, to the ultimate ruin of both proprietor and tenant, still "the Agri- cultural interest" refuses to open its eyes to the fact that legisla- tive quackery can no longer bolster up a system founded on prin- ciples demonstrably false. The Corn-bill of 1815, the object of which was to keep up the price of wheat as nearly as possible to 80s. per quarter, was abandoned in 1828, after an abortive attempt in 1822 to render it somewhat more efficient. Then another mea- sure was carried, which, though its principle is not, perhaps, so outrageously unjust as that of the previous one, to the other classes of society, has equally failed to benefit the farmer. It seems, in fact, to have been unwittingly contrived for the purpose Of de- priving him of a high price for his scanty produce in bad sea- sons, as well as an outlet for his surplus in good seasons. The mode of its operation was thus distinctly explained, a fortnight ago, to the Somersetshire farmers, by Mr. BICKHAM ESTCOTT ; whose speech has been assiduously trumpeted by the journals which ad- vocate the continuance of the Bread-monopoly, in ignorance, appa- rattily, of its direct tendency.
Thus, both the enactments which have been framed with the view of' securing a uniformly good price of wheat to the agricul- turists, have produced ruin instead of prosperity ; and it seems like infatuation on their parts to resist the stubborn evidence of this feet. But they do refuse credence to it notwithstanding; and perhaps were never less disposed than at the present time to relin- quish their hurtful monopoly. It is also undeniable, that their influence in the country, in both Houses of Parliament, and in the Cabinet, is very formidable. It is, indeed, decidedly predomi- nant, if the last vote Of the House of Commons is to be taken as the true index of the present opinions of its members. It is clear, therefore, that a very extensive change must be brought about in public opinion, in one way or another, before the Corn-laws can be repealed. The right mode of action, under these circumstances, is to take every opportunity, and use all the means in our power, to enlighten the public mind on the subject. If we can only satisfy the farmers that they have no real interest in maintaining the Bread-monopoly, the battle is almost won. But it is as necessary to secure their concurrence to the repeal of the Corn-laws, as it is for Mr. O'CONNELL to obtain the consent of England to the repeal of the Union.
Such being the case, it is with great satisfaction that we perceive the establishment of Anti-Corn-law Associations in dif- ferent parts of the empire. One of these has just been formed in Glasgow, at a public meet:ng where the Lord Provost presided, and Mr. OSWALD, the Member for the city, took a leading part. The object of this association, as stated in one of their resolutions, is to obtain and disseminate "every possible information on the subject, in the hope that such knowledge will lead to the abolition of the present system, by the easiest and most satisfactory method." With these views, the associators will of course endeavour to cir- culate widely such tracts and pamphlets as Lord FITZWLLIAM'S Ad- dress to the Landowners of England ;* which e e are glad to see has been published in a cheap form, as it contains seine very cogent reasoning on the subject, and some statements of facts which are worth all the argument in the world. The quarter from which they emanate, is also unexceptionable; as no person can suppose that one of the most extensive landed proprietors in the empire can be unduly biassed in favour of the commercial interest. Indeed, the fact that Lord FITZWILLI AM voted for the Corn-bill of 1815, proves that he has only recently been enlightened on the subject himself. On several accounts, therefore, the circulation of this tract would subserve the views of the Anti-Corn-law associators. But there are many persons, whose prejudices it is necessary to attack and overcome, who would be inaccessible to the subdued and mild method of arguing the question adopted by Lord Film Liu AM, and who would be more likely to yield to a lively and intrepid antagonist. If the author ot England and America would turn his attention to this point, and put forth a series of tracts, written in his startling and entertaining manner, we are convinced that be would prove the most formidable opponent the monopolists have yet encountered. His tracts would penetrate and gain attention, and convince, where a more polished but less lively and pungent writer would be disregarded and of no service. He would be ex- actly the person to expose the ignorant selfishness of the landed monopolists, to the victims whom they plunder under the show of protecting. It will be said that "this is all very well as far as the farmers and labourers are concerned. You can show, by the evidence of undeniable facts, and in the words of Lord FITZWILLIAM, that
• Published by Rugawav; price 6d.
the boasted period of agricultural prosperity was to the labourer a season of distress, and the one during which he began to fall from his former station to that lower condition to which we now see him reduced in many parts of England.' You can prove, that from the year le,15 to the present time, the rents have been gene- rally paid out of the capital, instead of the profits of the farmer; and that consequently the Corn-laws have not saved him from ruin. But it is another affair when you come to deal with the landowners. You cannot deny that an artificially high price of corn enables them to tax the rest of the community for their espe- cial gain."—To such representations as these we should reply, that different means must be used towards these men.
Let us in the first place represent to them, that it is very doubt- ful whether in the long-run even they derive the benefit they ima- gine from the operation of the Corn-laws. In England and Ame- rica, we saw at least very plausible reasons for the opinion that they do not. What has been the condition of the English squirearchy since 1815 ? There is abundant evidence that it has been one of continued and increasing embarrassment. In spite of the exertion of a Legislature of landowners, rents have been con- stantly falling ; and the condition of their property—the produc- tiveness of their farms—has been deteriorating rapidly. Let the evidence given before the Agricultural Committee be consulted for confirmation of this statement. Supposing that a considerable portion of the land now used for the growth of corn were con- verted into pasture land, it would probably come to pass, that the rent of their farms per acre would be to a certain extent reduced. That would be the evil which is so much dreaded. But then it should be borne in mind, that another consequence of this altera- tion would be a reduction in the price of bread—we believe an ab- solute reduction, but certainly a virtual one, occasioned by increased facility of purchasing on the part of the great body of consumers, who, by the extension of our foreign trade and the annihilation of much foreign competition, would find their circumstances greatly improved. Then the rent of houses, and of accommodation land in the neighbourhood of towns and villages, would increase; the demand for butcher's meat, and consequently the rent of pasture land, would improve; and the landowners' own expenses—the cost of provid- ing for his household, his dogs, and his horses (the two last being very important and extravagant members of his establishment) would be materially diminished. For these reasons, and for many others which might be named, we consider it more than doubtful, whether, after all, the means of the landowner would be actually lessened by a free trade in corn. Let us then insist upon the severe injury which the Corn- laws inflict upon the merchants and manufacturers, and the millions whom they employ. It is not merely by raising the price of bread, but by limiting and checking our foreign com- merce, that they are so prejudicial to the wellbeing of these classes. Although the., landowners can obtain a monopoly of the bread market in this country, they cannot secure to the men of Manchester, Leeds, Birmingham, and Glasgow, the exclusive privilege of supplying foreign markets with the manufactures of cotton, wool, and iron. Until they can do this, the Corn-laws must have a direct tendency to drive us out of foreign trade. As it is, all the advantages conferred by unlimited capital, unequalled machinery, and it must be added, unequalled powers of endurance on the part of the labourino.b classes, are insufficient to enable us to compete in many articles of extensive use with our Continental opponents. In all manufactured articles wherein labour forms a large proportion of the cost, we are striving against fearful odds. In the manufacture of woollen goods, the wages of labour paid by- the manufacturer amount to 60 per cent. on the total expenditure; in linen yarns, to 48 per cent.; in earthen-ware, to 40 per cent.;_ iii the manufacture of iron, to 50, 60, and even 84 per cent.* The impolicy, therefore, of a system which compels foreigners, who can live so much cheaper than Englishmen, to manufacture for them- selves, is but too manifest These filets are now tolerably well understood; and we ask the landowners of England, whether, in the teeth of this knowledge, the masses of our manufacturing population, with their employers, can be expected much longer to stremyr to the monopoly These gentlemen may rely upon it, that the Manchester people will take the advice tendered them by Mr. POULETT THostsore, and agitate this subject till agitation shall be no longer necessary. Like Ca- tholic Emancipation, and Parliamentary Reform, the Repeal of the Corn-laws is only a question of time. It is for the landowners to consider, whether it were not advisableto yield while it is yet in their power to make terms. It is for the dependents upon settle- ments, the lady dowagers, and the younger sprigs of the Aristocracy, to consider, whether it would not be their true interest to make an "equitable adjustment" of their claims with the pillaged heads of their respective families, before an uncompromising and stern majo- rity of the nation takes the matter into its own. hands. We do not shut our eyes to the inconvenience—to the distress—which the abandonment of the present ruinous system may i in some in- stances bring upon the landowners. But necessity s above law the people of England must be fed; and moreover, the people of England seem determined in many places to feed plentifully, al- though perchance the breeding of hunters and harriers may be stopped the long line of carriages in the Park may be curtailed, and the race of Lord GEORGES and Honourable JOHNS be forced to labour for a living in some reputable trade or profession. The question, in brief, is simply this—whether the high and • Fur statements to this effect, see Lord FITZWILI•IA31.5 pamphlet above referred to
mighty of the land shall be let down a step or two in the world, with safety if not with ease, or be violently prostrated by unre- lenting hands.
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