NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE distinguishing feature in the history of Parliament since our last Number, is the declaration which the Duke of CLARENCE made to the Peers, on Tuesday, of his sentiments on the Catholic question. These are, and have ever been, favourable to the claimants ; but his Royal Highness having always been im- pressed with the futility of attempting to settle the question without the aid of Government, he abstained from expressing his opinions, • being firmly deterthined that he should never embarrass the Government by a factious opposition.

• The speech of His Royal Highness is too important, however, to be stated in general terms. Let us hear his words.

" I am glad, my Lords, to see that this measure has now received the sanction of a united Cabinet of his Majesty's Ministers, when for so many years the Government has been divided in its opinions on the measure. I wish, my Lords, that the Ministers had been so united in 1825 ; but the persons who were then his Majesty's Ministers were not united, and we have gone on to the present time. If they had been united in 1804, it would have been a great advantage to both England. and Ireland. From that period, my Lords, my opinion has been invariably favourable to what is falsely called Catholic concession—(Hear, hear 1)—which is not concession to the Catholics, but rather an act for altering their present state of degeadation, and nothing else. When the great measure shall come before your Lordships, I pledge myself to prove, that it is not con- cession to the Catholics, but a removal of degradation and the surest means of cordially rtreitili.- together eight millions of people. (Cheers.)

" Now that I am up, ?shall say, that in reserving myself to state my opinions more at length hereafter on this question, I shall give that sup- port to his Majesty's Ministers which they deserve from every man against the unjustifiable, if I may not say, the infamous attacks, to which they have been subjected. (Hear, hear !) If his Majesty's Ministers are now fortunately united to make some arrangement, I shall help them with heart and hand. The noble duke shall have all the support possible from me, as I cannot suppose that the measure is not the result of deep thought, anxiously intent on the welfare of the country. It will be forty-six years, my Lords, next month, since 1 first had a seat in this House ; and I thank God, during the whole of this time I have never given a vote of which I ought to be ashamed ; but I never have given- 1 never shall give a vote with so much pleasure as the vote I shall give in favour of the measure to be brought in by the noble duke. It is not England only, my Lords, but all Europe—for Europe and the world is interested in the prosperity of England—which will be benefited by his Majesty's Cabinet being united for the settlement of this question. I think, my Lords, that nothing could have been more fortunate than that the noble duke should have been selected by his Majesty to be placed at the head of affairs at such a time. I rejoice that he has taken this step ; and so long as his Majesty's Ministers continue their present course, they shall have my hearty and cordial support."

His Royal Highness next gave vent to the overflowing enthu- siasm of his feelings as a sailor.

" Being professionally educated, I know something of the Catholics, and I should be the most ungrateful of men if I were ever to forget the reception I met with from them. I have seen them in many different situations as I have pursued my professional duties ; and I have always admired the character, the bravery, and the thorough good humour of the Irish people. My own experience of their character has been borne out by that of all the commanders I have ever known. If the venerable Earl Howe could. arise among us—if the gallant Lord Duncan, whose action sealed the fate of the Dutch navy, but whose energies I more admired for having kept his fleet at sea during the mutiny at the Nore, were amongst us—if the brave Earl St. Vincent, whose victories were nume- rous, but to whom I think still more is due for his blockade of Cadiz with his fleet, were now present in this House—and if one, whose memory is even more dear to me than that of any officer who ever served his Majesty, Lord Nelson, the hero of the Nile—if he could raise his head amongst us, and see the dawn of happiness and tranquillity that is at length spreading over Ireland, what enjoyment would they feel? How gladly would they hail the present prospect for that great and gallant body of men who fought with them upon the lower decks of their ships, and who were the main cause of all their victories ! I now turn to a dis- tinguished individual in this House—to an individual to whom, however I might have differed from him upon one point, I am always happy to do justice, and when I recollect how much aid lie has received from the first dawn of his professional career in India, and from the first battle on the Continent, the battle of Vimiera, down to the termination of his glorious course at Waterloo—was so deeply indebted to the Irish for their courage

and support under all difficulties, I cannot wonder at his bag most

anxious to discharge the debt of gratitude he owes that nation, or to serve those by whose aid his many battles were gained. The noble duke, after having fought to establish the peace of this country, is now about to establish a peace of a different sort ; and I am sure that everything which can be done for Ireland consistently with the safety and well-being of the country will be done."

When his Royal Highness resigned the office of Lord High Admiral, he told the Lord Chancellor that he should " never form one of a factious opposition to the Government ; " and he appealed to ifs Lordship to cmtirm his statement. Lord LYNDHURST bowed assent, and the Duke of CLARENCE proceeded.

" It may, I have no doubt, be said, If your opinions were always in favour of concession to the Roman Catholics, why is it that you have not before avowed them ? My reason, my Lords, is this—the settlement of the Catholic question has not until now been made a measure of Go- vernment (Hear !) and although I had been connected in early life with many of the distinguished leaders of Opposition, who espoused the cause of the Catholics, this consideration withheld me from declaring my opi- nions. In the year 1807, when it pleased the Almighty to produce that concurrence of circumstances which called his present Majesty to the Regency of this country, I felt myself bound, under the peculiar situation in which I was placed, to support his Majesty's Government; and having continued to do so until the present moment, I could not, with the opi- nion I held upon this subject, come forward and express my sentiments in favour of the Catholics, as long as the members of his Majesty's Go- vernment were not united upon the expediency of granting the claims of the Catholics. I saw, however, that the policy of granting their claims was every year gaining fresh advocates ; I saw that the disunion existing upon the subject of concession among the members of his Majesty's Government was every year becoming of greater consequence; and I felt that I should do harm, instead of goal, by any interference in a point which must ultimately be conceded, but which I felt never could be con- ceded with security or with propriety, unless through the medium of the ministers of the Crown. So convinced am I indeed of the propriety of this course, that if the noble duke had come down to your Lordships' House, and declared that he had formed a Government unanimous in their opinions that the claims of the Catholics should be resisted, I feel I must have adhered to the same line of policy. My opinions upon the propriety of concession to these claims might and would have remained unaltered, but I should have always felt it to be my duty to resist their being factiously brought forward ; for until the opinions of the members of the Government were united upon the subject, I could not bring my- self to believe that the proper time was arrived for an attempt to accom- plish the object of our wishes. Now, however, I thank God, the day is altered, and 1 trust we shall all join heart and soul in the furtherance of those measures contemplated by the noble duke, but which I not beine in the secret cannot pretend to describe. I hope, hbwevere they wilt prove, when laid. before the House, to be infinitely 'less objectionable than some noble lords seem to imagine.

" I trust that in the interval betWeen the passing of the bill which we are to consider to-night and the announcement of those measures by which the noble duke purpOses to effect this most desirable object, that the Right Reverend Prelates will apply themselves seriously, deliberately, and without the mixture of any unseemly passion or prejudice, to the consideration of the condition in which we are now placed, and what would be the result of its continuance. (Cheers.) I trust in this delibe- ration they will call to their mind that they are the appointed ministers of peace., I trust they will also call to their recollection, what might he the situation of Great Britain if those events whiCh are every day taking place upon the continent of Europe, and which begin to assyuamneyapil soas.. ap-

pearance of still greater interest to this country, should, by

bility, give rise to such difficulties as would involve us in another war. I would ask the Right Reverend Prelates whether they can, conscien- tiously, bring themselves to oppose that measure which may place us in a situation to avoid all hostilities in the present situation of Europe ; and whether, knowing that by opposineb it they may he the means of in- troducing hostilities abroad and enmity at home, they could then dare to call themselves the ministers of peace." (Much cheering.) This unequivocal declaration by the Heir Presumptive—as firmly delivered as it was strongly expressed—made an evident impression on the Peers, and gave great umbrage to the Duke of Cumberland.

The Duke of CUMBERLAND expressed the astonishment he felt when lie heard factious motives imputed to those who were hostile to the Catho- lics ; and his still greater astonishment at the unfair attack made upon him personally, and upon others, by the application of the term " in- famous " to their opposition. His conduct had been, he thought, always fair and open, and honourable and candid, upon this question, both in that House and out of it.

The Duke of SUSSEX said, that the Duke of Clarence had applied the terms of reprehension to the opposition in general—not to any one oppo- nent in particular. If the Duke of Cumberland applied the words of con- demnation to his own conduct, that was his own taste. When, however, a Message came from the Crown, recommending to Parliament the con- sideration of the question of Catholic disabilities in a constitutional way, and in such a manner as may be found. consonant with the safety and security of the Protestant Church and the rights and liberties of the people, it certainly was not extraordinary that his brother should express his surprise at the course pursued in opposition to his Majesty's declared wishes and intentions, and that he should characterize that conduct as base and infamous.

The Duke of CLARENCE denied that lie either did or could apply the expression which had been alluded to in reference to his illustrious rela- tive; but the fact was, his illustrious relative had spent so much of his life abroad, that he had quite forgotten what was due to the freedom of debate in this country. (Hear, hear !) We have quoted one speech for its importance; we quote another

-spoken on Thursday ley 144 Wu4scais & Xurlishire mmiber- .

for the vast entertainment it seems to have yielded to the House of Commons.

" It was my determinatiOn to have supported the Ministers selected by my Royal Master—for what is good enough for my Royal Master is good enough for me. (Laughter.) That is my principle—to support Ministers, be they who they may—whether Whigs or Tories—provided only that they acted consistently. (Laughter.) Such has been my course hitherto,

and such would it continue to be, were it not that my conscience cannot approve of the measure now recommended in the Speech from the Throne. If my conscience could approve of it, I would act upon the principle that I have hitherto done—namely, consider what was good

enough for my Royal Masterwas good enough for me(continued laughter); and would continue to support the Government on this occasion; but

my conscience won't allow it. Let it not be supposed that I have any animosity to Roman Catholics ; no such thing. I know many Roman Catholics, and have a great respect for them. But what I say is, that it is inconsistent with common sense that Roman Catholics should legislate for a Protestant Constitution. I say, Isn't it ? A Protestant Constitu- tion cannot exist as a Protestant Constitution if they are permitted to do

so ; and if his Majesty's Government—that is, the Ministers of my Royal Master—force on this subject, I for one will not pull with them. (Laugh- ter, mingled with murmurs of disapprobation.) What! are gentlemen so

feverish on this question, that they cannot bear to hear the opinions of those who differ from them ? This was a question and a time at which

every man who had the good of his country at heart should speak out, and manfully resist a measure which was in effect to enable the King to build up a stepping-stone to his scaffold with his own hands. (Much laughter, and cries of " Oh I Oh I ") Before the barrier was broken down which separated the Catholics from the Church and State, I hope the two Houses of Parliament will have the fear of God before their eyes. (Renewed laughter.) Surely honourable members do not forget former days. Surely they do not forget the blood of their ances- tors which was shed in defence of the Constitution. It is impossible to sit quiet in this House without protesting against any infringement of that Constitution around which our ancestors had set up the barriers which were now about to be broken down. But I yet hope that a better day will dawn. I hope that the hand of Divine Providence may interpose to protect the institutions of the country, andto give the noble heart of my Royal Master fortitude to stem the torrent which, with overwhelming force, threatens to swamp the State. Before the House would sanction any innovation on what had been settled at the Revolution, they should pause a dozen times—ay, and they should recollect the blood of their ancestors. (Laughter.) I have no wish to disturb the House, but I say what I have a right to say, that I am a staunch Protestant, and a more loyal subject than I am does not walk the face of the earth. (Laughter.) If I could think the proposed measure a wholesome remedy for the wrongs of Ireland, I should. coincide with Ministers in their opinion; but I do not consider it a wholesome remedy ; far from it. I regard it as preg- nant with mischief—as the sowing of a seed, from which will be reaped a harvest of anarchy and confusion of every kind, and of which the final result will be, the utter destruction of the State. This is what I consider will be the fruit of this measure ; I don't say it in disrespect to the Catholics—no—far if my own father was a Catholic, I would not trust him with legislating for Protestants. Protestant flesh and blood can't stand it. (Excessive laughter.) I am ready to join and co-operate in any measure for the relief of the poor of Ireland. in any exertion for such an object, I am ready to join the yoke and ascend the hill. But then let a proper medicine be given for the evil, and not a measure of this kind, which is no remedy at all. What does this measure mean ? What does all this come to ? What does all this mean ? The meaning is this—that the Catholics will get hold of the temporalities of the Pro- testant church—that's the whole thing it means—that is the essence of it, and nothing else. (Roars of laughter.) I repeat, that is the essence of it ; and I can only refer you, Sir, and every Protestant who hears me, to the speech of the leader of the Irish Parliament on the Wednesday before the meeting of our Parliament. Yes, Sir, let me call the attention of Parliament to the declaration of the great O'Connell, the leader of the Irish Parliament, or whatever else you please to call it. On the Wed- nesaay before the meeting of Parliament he delivered a speech. I read it, Sir, and I read it with dismay. (A laugh.) Not that I mean to find fault with O'Connell. (More laughter.) No, he acts as I like, for he acts plainly, openly, and manfully. I wish to God we had some O'Connells on our side of the house. (Roars of laughter.) Yes—he's the man—he does not go about the bush, and about the bush : no, he speaks plump out— he dares you manfully to your face. He tells you, when he passes within that bar, he'll mow down all the temporalities of the Protestant Church. What will the Bishops say to that ? (Laughter.) I refer the bishops and all the priests in the countryto this speech, addressed to the Irish Parliament by this leading orator. This is plain speaking, at any rate. By God, Sir, O'Connell is one of the finest fellows I ever met with. (Shouts of laughter.) He's no assassin. He does not skulkbehind the curtain to stab you to the heart in the dark. He does not dissemble what he would be at. No—he is the man for my money. (Laughter continued.) I say that giving up the rights of the Protestant Church to the Catholic church, is nothing less than robbing Peter to pay Paul. Is it likely, I ask, to remedy the distress of the poor of Ireland ? I tell the poor of Ireland that it is not. I trust that the Government—and I tell it to the noble duke who is at the head of my Royal Master's Government—yes, I trust yet in God, and I hope that I shall not be deceived-1 trust that if the noble duke shall per- sist in his determination to pull down with one hand the sacred bareer cemented by the blood of our brave ancestors for the protection of the Protestant constitution in church and state, he will determine to esta- blish with the other, (and I think that he has some glimmering idea of it,) some security for the future preservation of that constitution. I will not speak positively as to the measure which is to be brought forward, until the curtain is hauled up, and I see the new light which has burst in upon Ministers. As for myself, I must say that I have not got any of the new light. (Laughter.) All I have to say is this one sentence more. The Protestant community is now at last rowst! the British lion is growling, and grumbling. (A laugh.) When he is-once rowst Jet those who have rowst him beware. (Roars of laughter.) I am glad to find that my opponents, who call themselves the friends of liberal principles, are obliged to resort to such baseness of opposition as this. I never have hindered them from delivering their sentiments in quiet to the house. What right have they to interrupt me ? If they think to put me down by their outrageous conduct, they mistake their man. It would ill become me, as the-representative of the second city in the kingdom, to allow myself to be crubbi4 [curbed] from delivering my sentiments. (Roars of laughter.) There is no other question but this on which I shall fly in the face of the Government of my Royal Master's appointment. I have been a stanch Protestant slimy life. I was born and bred a Protestant. I hope to die a Protestant. I am sorry to say that the f: eat supporter, the main cham- pion OUtheltotestant cause, has been atni now is bewildered. {Ian* ter.) There is no doubt that he has some conscientious feeling. (Laughter.) He showed that he had, when he separated] himself from the late Mr. Canning,—aminister, whose loss I deeply regret, though he was against us on the great question. Yes; Mr. Canning was what I call a treasure to his country. (Roars of laughter.) Sir, I will riot hide my sentiments—I will not go, as some do, beating about the bush, but never entering the bush—I will say without any reserve that Mr. Canning, was really what I call a great man. (Laughter.) It was in consequence of the great Protestant leader deserting that really great man, on account of their difference of opinion on this question, that we placed our confi- dence in him; and what astonished us, the Protestants of the country, was, that he the great Protestant leader—but I will not proceed, for he is not here to defend himself, and I wish to act with kindness by him. This, however, I will say; that if he had taken and knocked me flat down in the centre of the floor of this house, I should not have been more asto- nished than I was upon hearing the speech which he delivered on the first night of this session. (Laughter.) That is the homespun fact—(laughter) —and I care not who likes it ; for I say that the country is now rowst. It was bewildered before ; it was thunderstruck at the sudden change in the councils of Government; but,it is now, thanks to Provi- dence, rowst from one end of it to the other. That table, which will ere long be loaded with petitions, will show you the voice of the people,— that table will tell you that the people are now rowst. (Loud laughter, in the midst of which a member, who sat behind Colonel Wilson, took hold of the skirts of his coat, and as it appeared, endeavoured to pull him down.)— I beg the honourable gentleman's pardon, but I must proceed ; I am under the necessity of expressing my sentiments, and I cannot conceal them without acting as a traitor to my constituents and to my own con- science. I seldom speak in the House ; I listen with pleasure to others ; and now that I am speaking, I ought not to be interrupted. One sentence more, and I have done. The great Protestant community expects that at this momentous crisis every representative of the people should do his duty. Whatever may be the conduct of others, I will do mine, without either fee or reward.

" Whilst I can handle stick or stone, I will support the Church and Throne."

One of the Ministers is on Thursday next to unfold the secrets of the promised measure of Catholic relief.

In the mean time the Suppression Bill has passed through both Houses, and is ready for the Royal assent to make it law. Lord PLUNKETT, accused by the Earl of LONGFORD of baying failed to execute the law as Attorney-General of Ireland, has stated that the law of 1825 (for which he stood sponsor) never was intended to repress the expression of the people's opinions. That law, he understood, was to be accompanied by conciliatory mea- sures. The Duke of WELLINGTON observed that this was a mistaken impression—no concession to the Catholics was con- templated in 1825.

The Marquis of ANGLESEY, and afterwards Lord PLUNKETT, drew a strong contrast between the Catholic Association and the Brunswick Clubs, to the advantage of the former. Lord PLUN- KETT said- " My opinion is, that the Association was composed of men of great talent and ability, who possessed most extraordinary influence over the minds of the people, and I believe that they on all occasions exercised that influence for the preservation of the public tranquillity. It is my firm conviction, indeed, that they never contemplated the direction of the power they possessed to a disturbance of that tranquillity, but that they have been always actuated by higher and better motives. What, however, is the course which the noble lord wished to be pursued with respect to this body ? Why, by opposing to it another body, including within itself all those principles of evil and of mischief, which he condemned in the Association ; and instead of seeking for safety in the exercise of the constitutional power of the State, he would have recourse to a set of persons who step beyond the law, and using not the weapons of argument and reason in opposition to evil and to mischief, would put it down by a sort of club-laws ; and by bringing these too violently excited parties into a personal contact, from which, if the wisdom of the Legislature had not saved us, no man could foretel what would have been the consequence. We are told that the Association contained in its rank mad priests, and still madder demagogues. Are there no mad priests, my Lords, except among the members of the Catholic Association ? I will call upon the noble lord to point out to me any mad priest among the agi- tators, and I will show him a still madder parson among the members of the Brunswick Clubs. (Laughter.) We have been told that there are violent and impotent railers among the members of the Association. I will ask the noble lord. to show roe an Ancient Pistol among that body, and I will lay my finger upon his fellow among the noble Brunswickers. We are told that their language is a composition of sedition and treason ; but I ask, my Lords, has there been no sedition and treason uttered in the Brunswick Clubs ? Is there nothing of sedition or treason in asserting, both in speech and in writing, and laying it down as a principle of the Constitution itself, that the King, by consenting to any concession to the Roman Catholics, has forfeited his title to the throne 2" (Cheers.) Much of the time of both Houses has been occupied in disputes about the manner in which the Anti-Catholic petitions have ob- tained their signatures. It appears that women, schoolboys, aml even criminals have been induced to sign them.

In a Committee on the Navy Estimates last night, Sir GEORGE CLERK stated that the number of seamen required for the year is thirty thousand, and the expense of this department 5,378,0001., being a reduction of 117,0001. on the estimates of last year. The statement of what Ministers had done, and what they intended to do, had the merit of clearness; but the results in point of saving are not to any great amount, and were far from satisfying Mr. Hylton, —whose exposition of the management of our naval affairs went to establish a charge of reckless extravagance in almost every branch of the expenditure. He denied that even the 117,0001. had been saved in good faith; and contended, that for the last seven years, the Navy had cost at least one million a year too much, which million could be saved this year without any detriment to the public service. The most effective reductions are in the number of Commissioners, which are henceforth to be limited to six in place of nine, and the reduction of one Commissioner in the Victualling

Mee. Several other members, besides Mr. Hume, found fault

with the amount of the estimates : no motion, however, was made to reduce them, and the different votes were carried.

On the sum of 3,1211. for the Royal Naval College and School of Architecture, being proposed, Mr. HUME said, it might be that it was hard to satisfy him, for he had succeeded in reducing the expense of this College last year from 6,0001. to 3,000/. ; but he was now desirous of abolishing it. The expense of this College—

Sir G. CLERK—" It is unnecessary, perhaps, for the honourable mem- ber to proceed. After this year, this grant will not be renewed,"

Mr. HUNE—" I am perfectly satisfied." (Laughter.)