TOPICS OF THE DAY.

POSITION OF PARTIES.

THE natural order of financial proceedings in Parliament has not been more disturbed than the marshalling of political parties. This has appeased equally in the debate and in the division. We have so long been accustomed to pattern arrangements, that there is something which startles, though it scarcely displeases, in the disarrangement. For the moment, we are in the stage of watching the figures in the political kaleidoscope as they fall to pieces ; and we watch with interest for the new forms which they are to take, already perhaps in some degree discernible. The calculations of individuals, however, have been at fault. The Govern

ment has not been placed under the pressure intended for it by its formal adversaries, nor has the " coalition " on the Opposition side

been successful—it proved to be of a transitory, character. This appeared even in the Income-tax debate. To win the support of Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Disraeli .planned his campaign on the principle of 1853, and was thus led into refinements of "prospective computation," as Mr. Gladstone calls it, with reference to the intended solution of 1860: but the plain old English Tories could not follow him, and they found refuge in the amendment moved by Mr. Bentinok for adjourning the debate till after the Estimates could be scrutinized,—whieh afforded relief to men like Sir John Tyrell and Mr. Liddell. Mr. Gladstone's going over from the Ministerial side to the Opposition occasioned some astonishment : it no doubt caused a feeling of satisfaction among those who were to be recruited by the accession of his wonderful talking power; but his speech of Friday last, with its vehemence, its surprising mistakes, and its recklessness, speedily destroyed the satisfaction, and obtained but a partial support. Gladstone was among the party but not of it, and he abandoned one party without gaming the other. He is "strayed," but not "stolen," The Coalition therefore was cancelled in the very moment that it was recognized. The ultra-refinements of the newly-sworn brothers in arms threw the Tory ranks into confusion, and exposed the strong personal repugnance which many an old EfigliSh Tory avows for the leader whom no Buckinghamshire associations with Chandos or Hampden can naturalize ; but if the stout upholder of Church and Throne shrinks from the Veneto-Syriac genius, how much more intense the shrinking from the Oxford apostle, whose cloven tongue intrudes upon the constitutional Opposition with such provoking ambiguities 1

As a mere matter of division, the Government gained not fewer supporters from the Tory side than it lost by Mr. Gladstone's example—if, indeed, it did lose the Cobclens and Milner Gibsons in that way. But the accession of a Tyrell or a Spooner to the Ministerial side could be no real increase of strength ; it only proves the state of indiscipline to which both sides of the House of Commons are reduced. Government had a good majority, but some of its supporters defended it in a manner which undermined confidence in it. The most eminent of these, Lord John Russell, defended the Government against unjust misrepresentations, most especially defended Sir George Cornewall Lewis against misconstruction; but dispensed his vindications with an air of conscious patronage, and at the same time retained a separate position that enabled him to vindicate public interests even more than the Government, as though he were rendered de facto the arbiter for the. countrybetween contending factions.

The derangement which we witnessed in the debate and division on Mr. Locke King's motion was even greater. All previous-anticipations were completely baffled. Lord Palmerston retains his clear good sense in separating humbug or fanaticism from earnestness and practical improvement ; as he showed in his excellent speech on Mr. Spooner's annual nuisance. It was to have been expected that he would leave to Mr. Locke King that freedom which is ordinarily granted to a private Member in laying before the House of Commons a measure relating to its own constitution and procedure. The plea that the present session is likely to be too busy would, scarcely, hold, since the array of legislative measures in prospect is this year unusually scanty. It was a surprise for his friends that Lord Palmerston took up the stronger ground of objecting to the disturbance of the constitutional arrangement. He assumed the abandoned part of the conservative "improver" as opposed to reformer"; and he did so without waiting to see how parties would arrange themselves in this first political debate of the session. Our readers remember the sequel —the combination of Liberals in support of Mr. Locke King, the declaration of Lord John Russell, the following of Sir James Graham on the same side. In noticing the debate last week, we remarked that Lord Palmerston had gone into the lobby at the head of a Tory majority. It is possible that our expression may have been regarded as figurative, but it was nothing more nor less than an exact description. The ordinary representatives of the Liberal party were to be found in the minority. Some undoubtedly strayed into the majority in obedience to Mr. Hayter ; but Lord Palmerston found himself walking into the same lobby with Mr. Disraeli, and in the midst of Members like Lord Beetive, Mr. Deedes, Mr. William Miles, Lord Naas, Major Sibthorp, Mr. Spooner' and Sir William Smijth. It was as if the Queen had sent for" the heads of the Tory party, those heads being Lord Palmerston and. his colleagues; the -Liberals, as a body, standing entirely separate, and following the lead of Mr. Locke King and Lord Robert Grosvenor. In that party we find not only the Milner Gibsons and the Cobdens, but the Russells, the Elliees—Whigs and Radicals

once more combined, and naturally asking each other in the lobby, "Where is Palmerston?"

For there is a natural tendency to forget how it was Lord Palmerston came to be at the head of his party. Liberal in his feelings, identified with the progress of intellect, Lord Palmerston has been one of the most valuable accessions to the administrative strength of the Liberal party. He has been called to successive Governments on the score of his intimate familiarity with certain branches of public business. When the war against Russia was the paramount object, and an unjust mistrust attended the administration of Ministers like Lord Aberdeen and the Duke of Newcastle, who had taken up the war with reluctance, Lord Palmerston, never reluctant when he has made up his mind to a course, was accepted on offering to be the War Minister. Peace brings back not only reduced estimates, but political questions as the foremost and the most profoundly interesting, and political statesmen once more recover their quotation in the market. Lord Palmerston's special vocation has passed from him; and Mr. Locke King's motion brought out the fact that he had. not yet made up his mind to a new campaign. He did not say, "I will be your leader" with reference to this class of affairs.

Some unlvarranted calculations were made respecting the nonexistent party nicknamed Peelite. It was supposed that they would be faithless to the principles of Peel, and, instead of accepting the practical dictate of the day, would fly off upon abstractions. There were indeed reports that Mr. Gladstone would go into the Tory camp alone, and that Lord Palmerston's Peelite colleagues would stand by him through thick and thin in either House ; surmise disproved by the fact. Mr. Sidney Herbert, indeed, has defended him with a speech that did twenty times as much damage as his single vote could do him good. We have already seen what Sir James Graham has done : he has not followed the wild-goose of Mr. Gladstone he was with Lord John in the Locke King debate. With regard to Mr. Cardwell the expectations were even more precise. He was looked upon as almost a Government man, until he appeared in the Liberal minority of the Locke King division. It was then remembered that he had obviously attached himself to the fortunes of Mr. Gladstone ; but in the second Budget debate he was seen by the side of Lord John Russell, defending the Chancellor of the Exchequer against party attack or personal crotchet.

If we glance at the state of parties out of doors, the view is more vague, but it appears at present to be becoming closely analogous to the state of parties in the House of Commons. While Parliament is sitting, the advocates and agents of practical movements come up to town to push their projects, and wait upon the statesmen at the head of affairs or at the head of parties—the active or the closet statesmen. If it is a question of extending a Scotch as well as an English franchise the appeal is made of aourse to Lord Palmerston, but also to ;hose statesmen who are likely to give it the best chance of success. If an important trade, like the tea-trade, is in trouble, it does not make the appeal with half the effect at Cambridge House that it does at Chesham Place. The tea-trade counts less, now, upon its influence at Tiverton than at Woburn. Mr. Gladstone had protested, but it is Lord John Russell who fulfils the expectation, by standing forward as the proposer of a popular compromise on tea. It is the same even with reference to more distant affairs. Those who are watching the interests of British India calculate their hopes by the favour of the Minister who is no longer in office. On China the present Ministers of course defend Sir John Bowring ; the Opposition leader of course attacks the man that Ministers defend ; but we see what course Lord John takes. Mr. Gladstone is bitter in his allusion to Persia, and Ministers have their answer ; but what does Lord John say? Nobody would trust a Disraeli Cabinet with the conduct of our relations to Russia, to Austria, or to Italy: Mr. Disraeli himself has been a questionable visitor in Paris ; his subordinate, Mr. Baillie Cochrane, has been described by Lord Palmerston as the Member for Naples: but how are we to understand the position of that Government whose morning organ announces a coming movement in Italy, and at the same time testifies to the strict alliance between England and Austria? And what says the author of the Reform Bill, the repealer of the Test and Corporation Acts, who has been studying Italian politics in the centre of Italy ? Thus, with reference both to domestic and foreign affairs, speculation is afloat once more : the recent party organizations have ceased to be regarded as matters of course ; and, awakened from slumber, reflective English politicians are beginning to ask themselves, What is about to happen?

WHO WILL PAY THE ADDITIONAL TEA-DUTY? Tim trade will pay the additional tea-duty. Sir George Lewis's deduction from the 6d. which was to have been relinquished in 1857-'8, will come out of the pockets of the great dealers and of those nearest them. It looks like a practical joke. The trade was speculating on large profits upon the great stocks in this country; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer tells them, that as he is giving up so much of the Income-tax, he must partly compensate himself by a slice out of those profits. One can easily imagine the disappointment, and at the first blush there is a popular disposition to enjoy the joke. Sir John Bowring havmg got the tea-trade into hot-water, there was a fair excuse for raising prices; and although the dealers have on hand a stock of unprecedented magnitude they were of course able to ask good prices, and to poeket the difference between the original and the

new value : but now Sir George Lewis intimates that he intends to appropriate a part of that speculative earning for the public exchequer.

Will not the consumer pay it ? Most likely not. On the strength of the war, prices would naturally have been run up to the highest point tolerated by the consumer ; those prices would have been exacted at any rate, and more cannot be squeezed out because Sir George Lewis is laying a new burden upon the trade. The housewife will still economize at the same point, and the result will be that the dealer will only be able to put a smaller share in his own pocket. Such is the abstract reasoning on the subject ; and the course of the trade implies that their calculations confirm the reasoning. But is not the proposed tax an injustice? Of this we are not so sure. The circumstances have altered since the arrangement which included a decline of the tea-duties was made. The warexpenditure has not abated quite so fast as some expected on the proclamation of peace : it is not unreasonable that a portion of the war-taxes should continue ; but why should they be thrown on the tea-trade, when other trades are let off? The fact that accidents have placed the great tea-merchants in a position to make larger profits, is scarcely an excuse that will be admitted in this commercial country. VVJ en we hear that a man has found a fortune by a lucky stroke, we do not allow the Government to send to him for a special seigniorage on his good luck. The arrangement for a descending scale appeared to be of a very formal and final character; the trade, no doubt, had made its own arrangements on the strength of that financial arrangement, and the accident of Sir John Bowring's escapade has only added to the motives for the course taken by the trade. It is lucky for the consumer that we have such large stocks; it is well for the good economy of consumption that the dealer should impose a high price. Should the Bowling war be brought to a close, the trade will be resumed, prices will fall to the old level, and the consumer will derive ample amends in the cheap sale of the stocks on hand. Should the war not be brought to an early close, the large stocks on hand will either bridge over a wide interval, or in gradually consuming them we shall accustom ourselves reluctantly to do without tea. The ordinary policy of economy, therefore, dictates high is • ordinary faith affirms the principle that the merchant who is caloalating the chances and incurring the risk should reap the premium. It is a question whether the compromise proposed by Lord John Russell, of ls. 4d. instead of the 18. 3d. originally intended or the is. 7d. asked by Ministers, would yield enough to make good the revenue ; but if it should not, there are two courses open to the Chancellor of the Exchequer,—either to cut his estimates according to his tea-duties or to make other trades bear a portion of the continued war-taxes.

THE SCOTCH FREEHOLD MOVEMENT IN ENGLAND. THAT a Scotch question should gain in vigour, and in what an insurance-office would call the expectation of life, from crossing the Tweed, was hardly to be expected ; but such is the case with the Scottish Freehold movement. In itself the question is very simple. The proposal is, to extend to Scotland the English law which gives the owner of a freehold worth forty shillings annually a vote in the county. In Scotland there are no forty-shilling freeholds ; but the disparity between the franchise in the two countries is even greater. The county vote is given to the occupier of fifty pounds a year, or the owner of house and land to the value of ten pounds a year ; but from different ranges in the rents and in the usages of Scotland these suffrages really represent a higher class than they do in England. The occupier or owner in a town has no county vote; and in the rural districts the state of property renders it most improbable that a working man can, as in this country, gradually acquire anything so magnificent as a tenpound ownership or a fifty-pound occupancy. It is out of the question. Hence the suffrage is less popular ; hence the constituencies are more manageable by the great owners, and Scotland stands contrasted in that respect not only with England but with every English colony. A movement has been instituted to redress this "grievance." In Scotland, however, it has not been regarded with universal favour; for various reasons. It is a departure from the 'Whig track, and in Scotland the Liberals are very faithful to the principles which derived their name from Scotland. Again, the country has been so fearfully divided on ecclesiastical policy, that it is difficult to bring men together on political subjects, however naturally they might combine. A man who belongs to the Established Church cannot trust a person conspicuous in the Free Kirk; he will not think anything good about him. In a question of art the Free Kirk man is supposed to have a twist ; the very milk in his house is reputed to be soured ; and how dark and subversive, therefore, must be his designs in any political matter! Dr. Begg mentioned a striking instance of the misrepresentation to which free Scotland is liable : Mr. Baillie Cochrane is nominated by the Duke of Hamilton to speak for the interests of despotism on the Continent in the name of Lanarkshire—the very county that would protest against the iniquities of Mr. Baillie Cochrane's chief client, "King Bombe." Such is the result of the present state of the suffrage in the great manufacturing county of Scotland. There is, however, something which is more hateful in the eyes of an orthodox Whig in Scotland, and that is a Free Kirk man. It is to be hoped that this Free Kirk feud is declining; but the reviving political movement which has

begun in Scotland, as well as in England, has still to struggle with the shadow of that family quarrel.

On coming South of the Tweed, the merits of the question are seen more clearly,' because separated from the extraneous theological and other local sectarianism& Technical difficulties are surmounted with extraordinary ease in the present reviving appetite for political diet. The English have been told that a

feu." is a species of base tenure by no means equal to a freehold; which is technically true, but the tenure is as permanent as that obtained by the purchase of the fee-simple in this country. Lord Palmerston may have committed the Government against any attempts at reform ; but the signs of reawakened life are unmistakeable, and the Scotch movement is heartily hailed by English sympathizers. This appeared at the half-public meeting in Palace Yard on Tuesday, where allusions to the debate on Locke King's speech were not wanting ; but the signs of sympathy have not been limited to that public manifestation : there is a feeling of pleasure at any sign of reviving life in Scotland as well as in England.