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This is not only the best sketch of the life of Louis Napoleon that we have seen, but a very useful volume ; since it is useful to have a fair narrative and a judicious estimate of the career of a man like the Emperor of the French—which, avoiding the extremes of adulation and abuse, is moreover attractive to read, from the lively manner in which it travels over a wide and interesting field of modern history, and notes the prominent points in the career of a man whose power renders bun potent for evil and to some extent for good. Whether Mr. St. John may touch too slightly or bear too favourably on Queen Hortense, the mother of Napoleon—whether he deals enough in personal anecdotes of the Emperor, or too much avoids entering on his private doings in obscurity—are all matters open to opinion. Critically speaking, it might be rightly objected, that the "biography " is less a biography than a commentary on a life. In the earlier period Louis Napoleon is subordinate to his mother, his uncle, and the great events in which, he was carried along like a fly upon a chariot-wheel. During his youth, his mother—and rightfully, for the care she took of his education and the formation of his mind—is as prominent as himself. Louis Napoleon, as the adventurer in the Roman insurrection of 1830-'31, as the hero of Strasbourg, and the imitator of his uncle at Cannes in his descent upon Boulogne, is rather cursorily passed. Nor is much detail given to his conduct as President, or in the coup d'etat, or even as Emperor.

As a life' this summary method may be a fault, and also. the paucity of anecdote, if many trustworthy anecdotes really exist. The "biography," however, well fulfils the apparent object of the author, which was to bring the career and character of the Emperor distinctly before the reader, so as, in conjunction with the position of affairs, and the character of the French people, to account in some degree for his elevation. Mr. St. John paints the early splendour and consideration which surrounded the childhood of Louis Napoleon, and which did not wholly cease on the birth of the King of Rome. He introduces the reader to the troublous times that overtook the ex-Queen of Holland and her children, when in 1814 the Allies were approaching Paris, and nearly everybody was deserting the falling dynasty,. to pay court to the rising star of the Bourbons ; and again in 1815, during the Hundred Days, with their triumph on Napoleon's approach to Paris, and the disasters after the battle of Waterloo. He notes the great wealth of the Napoleon family, by whatever means acquired, as well as their habit of holding together, for

—" what hopes the never-ending flight Of future days may bring, what chance, what change, Worth waiting."

He touches upon the manner in which Louis Napoleon by his writings kept himself before the French public, and his mother maintained a connexion with the French Bonapartists by means of a sort of feudal hospitality or open house. With much kindness, but with little compliment, the author marks the weaknesses, often generous, of the French people, which have rendered them so frequently the dupes of political delusions during the last seventy years ; but he attributes the downfall of the Republic of 1848, and the success of Louis Napoleon less to the Republicans than to the treachery of the Bourboni4s and Orleanists, those "Republicans of tomorrow" who professed to accept the Republic in order to betray it.

The general spirit of the book is characterized by a more mellow and moderate tone than some of Mr. St. John's former works. He exhibits less of a sympathy with Republicanism, more regard for the British constitution, and a clearer perception of the uses of various interests and classes in giving stability to society. He has no love for his hero, but there is nothing fierce or even indiscriminate in his censure. He recognizes creditable traits which he has heard of Louis Napoleon in his youth ; and freely admits the perseverance and ability the adventurer has shown in raising himself to his present position; but he carefully marks the numerous favouring circumstances that were elements in the game, without which the Emperor of the French could have done nothing. Even when his censure approaches contempt there is still criticism ; as in this estimate of Louis Napoleon as an author. "In the château of Ham he found some consolation in writing. He had an active mind, and though without depth of thought or originality, could always put what ideas he possessed into a neat and agreeable form. This is more praise than can be bestowed on most Emperors who affect to be literary. Old Napoleon himself when he took up the pen produced nothing but gorgeous bombast; and therefore it is no small praise for his nephew to say that he can write agreeably, and that his letters are often models of adroitness and policy. If ever man made the most of himself it is Louis Napoleon. His abilities are not great, but he has the judgment to estimate them Lotus Napoleon, L'biperor of the French : a Biography. )3y James Augustus Bt. John. Published by Chapman and gall.

correctly, and to adapt them to the exigencies of an age in which greatness is a tradition rather than a contemporary reality. Louis Napoleon, with much patience and skill, studied the French people their wants and their weaknesses, and then took into consideration the number and extent of his own faculties. Though his writings produced no great effect, he still persevered, and east his bread upon the waters, not doubting that he should find it after many days. • * *

"Louis very judiciously addressed himself in his writings to this large section of the French people ; but, not possessing the art of interesting their imaginations, he might have continued writing till doomsday, without producing any impression on them, for in spite of the name upon the titlepage, the world would not read his books. 'There was nothing new, nothing great, nothing absorbing in his ideas. What he wrote was not amiss. In his opinions he was sometimes right, though very often wrong. But it was always the old Napoleon material that was worked up ; a thin film of Republicanism on the surface concealed the deep stratum of Imperialism which Jay solid and compact below."

Since his accession to the throne sycophants have discovered that Louis Napoleon is the ablest artillery officer in Europe, which is the same as saying in the world. There is a good deal of courtly exaggeration in this, but ha probably knows more of artillery, and engineering as a regular profession or science than of anything else ; and this is the way he acquired his knowledge,— a hint for Woolwich.

"The education of Louis Napoleon in Switzerland so closely resembled that of the young engineer officere, that no particular account of it need to be given. What imparted to it a peculiar character was this, that while the other students, through the narrowness of their means, were compelled to spend their vacations at their own homes among the mountains, Louis Napoleon went frequently with his mother to Bavaria, to Tuscany, to Rome, where he enjoyed the further advantage of constantly listening to the conversation of persons who had seen the world, acquired some knowledge of statesmanship, and in many cases played no inconsiderable part in the great drama of nations which opened up the nineteenth century.

"The Swiss system of education is so well calculated to develop those faculties of the mind which may be termed practical, that it is surprising it does not bring forth into notice more remarkable men. It must, however, be admitted to have done much. Throughout both hemispheres, in the United States in Italy, Germany, France, Russia, Turkey, and among the Mahrattas of Hindustan, Swiss officers have raised themselves to high command, and acquired ample fortunes.

"The system of training which led to such results deserves to be studied and described at greater length than would be proper in a work like the present. It has something of a Spartan character. The young men, after having gone through their studies in the college, are taken out to contemplate, from a military point of view, the whole aspect of the country. They traverse wild gorges ; they climb mountains ; they bivouac at the foot of glaciers ; and are expected to triangulate, with more or less exactitude, the whole area of the canton in which they are educated. This process at once strengthens their bodies and their minds, accustoms them to the changes and inclemency of the weather, and to provide for their own comforts in the midst of disadvantageous circumstances. Milton long ago recommended, with all his stately eloquence, a similar plan for the training of youth, in conjunction with a much greater amount of learning than falls to the lot of Swiss mathematicians or engineers."

Those who are familiar with Mr. St. John's political views, as intimated in some of his writings, will not be surprised to learn that he looks with doubt upon the stability of the present alliance with this country, and upon the stability of the present Imperial, regime. The following is from his closing summary. If this be a true picture of the man, it must obviously be impossible to reckon very confidently on the stability of an alliance with him. His political principles are the antipodes of ours. Looking at the condition of Europe, he may for some time discover reasons for preferring the friendship of England to that of any other state; but if the history of modern times teach any particular lesson, it is, I think, this, that no 'Continental power, and least of all France, has any very cordial attachment for England. "It could serve no useful purpose to disguise the fact, that we are a nation apart; that our institutions, our laws, our manners, our religion, in short, everything in our civil polity and social life, tends to make us different from our neighbours. The very fact of our being a free people renders us obnoxious to nearly the whole Continent. We are considered and spoken of abroad as the originators and apostles of revolution, because they cannot distinguish between the quiet enjoyment of freedom and the desire to subvert and destroy. But as far as we have any political sympathies, they must obviously be extended to those governments which most resemble our own. No doubt, when we have formed an alliance even with despotism, we shall be careful honourably to fulfil all the conditions which such a state of things i imposes on us. But n ease of any great struggle on the Continent, our leanings would inevitably be towards the partisans of free institutions. "It may consequently happen, that the complications which cannot fail to arise in the affairs of Europe, will compel us to adopt a policy different from that of Louis Napoleon. As long as the alliance can 120 maintained with advantage to the two countries, I trust it will be preserved inviolate; but it seems probable that Louis Napoleon, clear-seeing as ho is, may yet, when troubles again arias in Christendom, fail to understand his best interests, and through the influence of his feelings be tempted to form new political combinations. Several powerful governments are at this moment intriguing for the support of France, and it is difficult to foresee in what di. rection her views of her own interest will precipitate her. If, in conjunction with England, she should attempt the reconstruction of the Italian states, a rupture with the court of Vienna would be the almost necessary consequence. On the other hand, considerations arising out of the state of Eastern Europe may render a proper understanding with Russia impracticable. "In whatever light viewed, the alliance of England with Louis Napoleon is surrounded by uncertainty. He may soon have to -wage a civil war with

his own countrymen. The elements of disatection, whicls have never ceased

to exist, though enveloped for awhile with obscurity, are diffusing themselves, and acquiring fresh force every day. The working classes, for whom he has invariably expressed so much sympathy, have throughout the greater part of France witnessed the complete blighting of their hopes. A large portion of the country lies uncultivated, because very little is done towards rendering rural industry profitable. Peace will throw large masses of men out of employment, and send them back into the provinces to augment the difficulties of the country. " Commerce meanwhile languishes, and the new combinations which threaten to take place in the political world may tend still further to disorganize the resources of France. To accelerate this result, the ignorance and obstinacy of the people frustrate the endeavours of the Government to introduce free trade. On this subject Lords Napoleon is far in advance of the French nation. He seeks to remove the shackles from industry ; the mass of the people resist : he offers them an immense boon ; but they refuse it, and at the least approach to an enlightened political economy assemble tumultuously together and conjure the Government to preserve their commercial chains.

"The new-born peace, whether short-lived or not, can hardly be expected to prove anything but a respite to the troubles of France. The Government is widely unpopular ; immense masses of ignorance on the one hand and a large amount of intelligence on the other are arrayed against it, and it is impossible to foresee to what extent Louis Napoleon will be able to resist the pressure which may be brought to bear upon his government. The rivalry of the two nations sleeps, but is not extinguished. An entirely free government in France might have gone far towards obliterating it; but a military despotism, however disguised, is little calculated to produce this desirable roma."