ebe airtrapoitc approved of what they heard and saw. We

are happy to confirm the complimentary part of the Post's remark, but positively deny the im-

puted indifference. The fact is, that the ladies present showed them- selves to be hearty Reformers, as far as the outward visible signs could convey assurance of the inward spiritual grace.

The after-dinner business was commenced with the usu .1 loyal toasts. The health of the King was received with respect, that of the

Queen with few cheers and some laughter, of the Princess Victoria with enthusiasm. The Duke of Sussex also met a hearty welcome; but the Crown Prince of Hanover was not in any way noticed. Sir Ronald Ferguson returned thanks for "The Army," and Captain Dundas for "The Navy." Lord William Russell then rose to give the next toast—" The Sovereignty of the People." Several vehement rounds of cheering proved that it was in unison with the feelings of the great majority of the meeting. A song to the tune of "Scot's wha' hae " followed ; the last line of which, " Bid the routed Tories flee!" was given with due emphasis by Mr. Broadhurst, and provoked the expected applause. Then followed the health of" George Byng and Joseph Hume ;" which the Chairman introduced with a few brief and appropriate remarks.

"Mr. Byng's whole life," said Lord Russell, "has been devoted to the public service of his country, to the cause of Reform, and to the promotion of civil and religious liberty. His highest ambition has been to serve the people honestly, faithfully, and diligently ; and he has succeeded in that wish to the full sato. faction of his constituents and the whole of the county for half a century. Mr. Byng is now the father of the House of Commons, with the pi owl conscious- ness of having steered the even course of patriotism from the ebrliest period of his public life to the present moment, and of having in the worst times dared to assert the freedom of mankind. Of your other Member fur the county, his useful and active public life, his unceasing efforts in the popular cause, his in- &fatigable industry, are so well known to all, that it would be presumption in los to attempt to estimate them."

The cheers which followed Lord Russell's eulogy on Mr.:Hume proved that a very large proportion of the company were Radicals. Mr. Byng then addressed the meeting. Ile said- " I have had the honour of representing you and your fathers for nearly half a century. I have lived in eventful times; and my sentimtnts fifty years ago were more consonant to the feelings of the present day Mon they were to the feelings of those whose suffrages at the commencement of my career I came forth to solicit. When I first came forth, I was about to represent the borough of Newport ; but, by the unexpected death of my father, I became a candi- date for the countyof Middlesex. The great question that was to come for- ward early in theensuing session was to be introduced by Mr. Fox ; that ques- tion was the repeal of the Test and Corporation Acts. At that time I found (you no doubt will.be surprised at it) that the Dissenters were not sufficiently earnest for the repeal of those obnoxious Acts; whilst their opponents were most strenuous to prevent it. I was advised, therefore, not to attempt to come into that Parliament, because I could only obtain the partial support of one party, whilst I should be certain of incurring the great hatred of the other. But I then felt, as I have always continued to feel through life, that I would never sneak into the service of the country by concealing any one opinion that I held. In a very few years afterwards, I was called upon to give my opinion upon the most important question as to whether this country should enter into the war against France. I found that nine-tenths of the country were in favour of that obnoxious measure. I was against it on principle, and what is of great though perhaps of leis importance, of policy also ; because I felt that nothing hut foreign invasion could ever have allowed France to tolerate the atrocious Go- vernment that then ruled her destinies. A few years afterwatds, the grand question of Parliamentary Reform was brought forward by Mr. Grey. I have always looked upon that as the grand question ; but sorry was I to find, that the country at that period did not look upon it as a grand or important ques. lion. The next great subject upon which I had to give an opinion was that of Catholic Emancipation ; which took near five-and-twenty years to settle, and which, when granted at last, was not given in the way in which it ought to have been to such a noble and generous people as the Irish. Before that question I hail to fight, in the year 1807, against a cry that was raised of No Popery and sorry was Ito find that that cry was so strong that Alderman Combe, in the city of Loudon—the Dissenters not having sufficiently made up their minds upon the subject—would certainly have lost his election if it had not been that his opponent, Alderman Hankey, caught cold and died. But in the county I had the advantage over my opponent of ten days; and in those ten days, by great activity, I had the satisfaction to prosecute my canvass of the Dissenters, and to point out to them, that if the Roman Catholics were to be crushed, the Dissenters could never expect to be saved. By this means I had the most triumphant election that ever occurred to me in any part of my life. From that moment the spirit of independence increased in Middlesex; the Liberal party began to see that they had sufficient strength to name both the Members —they advanced their cause by degrees, until at length, in the year 1820, they were enabled to realize their hopes, and to return two Liberal Members to Par- liament. ( Great cheers, and cries of We will continue to do so.') Thus we went on, until, in 1830, a Whig Government came into office ; and I had the satisfaction—a great getisfaction I assure you it was to me—to find that Earl Grey, to whom I had looked up above all other public men after the days of Mr. Fox, entertained, as a Minister of the Crown, the same sentiments with regard to Reform as Mr. Grey had done upwards of forty years ago "

With the Reform of Parliament carried by Lord Grey, Mr. Byng declared himself satisfied : as far as regarded England, Mr. Byng said, that the fruits of the Reform Bill had been excellent ; but for Ireland much remained to be done.

" Ireland most and will heve justice. (Reiterated cheering.) I have been taunted and asked, ' What do you mean by justice ? ' The question is easily answered. I say, Ireland must be put upon an equal footing with England in every respect. Till that be done, we cannot expect her attachment, nor are we worthy of receiving it. So certain am I that Ireland must and will receive justice, that were I ten years younger, I might hope to live to see it. I might hope to see the time when no questions should be asked whether a man were an Irishman or an Englishman—a Roman Catholic or a Protestant. (Loud and long. conti nued cheering.) I have very little more to say to you ; but, as a real and sincere friend, I do hope and trust that you will maintain the most cordial union and cooperation amongst yourselves, as long as any abuses or grievances remain to be redressed. Remember, if we be not united, we may lose a great part of the advantages we have gained. Having stated the number of years I have served you, I cannot expect to serve you many years longer. If I were to study my Own feelings, I certainly should wish to retire. But I have never studied my own feelings ; I can lay my hand upon my heart and say, that in no one single instance have I been actuated by selfish motives. And I assure the younger part of the company now present, that they may believe me when I say that the feelings that result from the consciousness of having so acted are more gratifying than any thing that it could be in the power of any King or any Minister to bestow upon me. In conclusion, I will only add, that if you cannot find a candidate professing the same principles as myself, and attached as strongly to them, I will then submit to your wishes, and consent to die in harness." (Much cheering.)

Mr. Hume was received with loud and protracted cheering from the company. His speech was very long, and touched upon a variety of subjects. We select a few of the more marked passages.

0! cannot hope to make so great a claim on your consideration as my hoe nourable colleague, who can number a half-century of years in your service. lean number only a quarter of a century in the public service ; but I have endeavoured to make up for the deficiency by working double tides. (Loud cheers and laughter.) I hope in that way our services will be fairly weighed by our constituents. I look upon this assemblage of the freeholders of Middle- sex with the greatest pleasure ; not from any paltry consideration of personal vanity, but because it manifests an ardent attachment to a great leading public principle, and shows, that when an appeal is made in the name of that great principle to the people, there are thousands of voices ready to meet it."

There was this difference between Mr. Byng and himself— "He says he is satisfied with the Reform Bill—I am not. (Enthusiastic cheers.) I am delighted with the progress wehave made ; and when I remem- ber the long period I struggled under a Tory Administration, when all I could hope and expect was only to make my views known, and to explain to the de- luded people the manner in which they were plundered,—when I look to the progress which has been made after the many years of effort and anxiety passed through by the advocates of Reform, I candidly admit that it has exceeded my expectations. I am pleased with what we have obtained since 1830; but, I ask you, as that any reason why we should not look for more?" There was no reason on earth why Whigs and Radicals—" and a Radical I am," said Mr. Hume—should not agree upon general prin- ciples ; and as to supporting the Tories, what could a Reformer ex- pect from them ? Sir Robert Peel looked for the return of the To-

n i es to power next session, n consequence of the disunion of the Re- formers ; but he would remind Sir Robert, that in 180.5, all the Re- formers, from the milk-and-water gentleman to the Ultra-Radical, united to turn him out ; and the general question which would soon be decided was, whether the few or the many should rule.

" I am aware that thee are many anxious friends of the Government who apprehend that the differences of opinion which exist among the Radicals will tend to break up the present Government, and afford an opportunitv to the Tories to step in. Allow me, gentlemen, to state the result of my observation during the few past years. What turned out Lord Melbourne in 1834 ? He had a majority of 150 in the House of Commons. It was because the People believed that he was against them, while the Court and the Peers were cer- tainly against them. My inference is, that the Government ought to consult the wishes of the People: unless they adopt measures to meet the public view, they can have no security. On them alene must Government depend. The Tories declare that the Court is with them, that the Peers are with them, that the Clergy are with them, that the Magistracy is with them, and that the Squirearchy is with them. Why, I will give them all these, so that you give me but the People. They say (and it is too true)—" We have the Army with us ; we have a Tory Commander-in-Chief, a Tory Secretary, the Lieu- tenant of the Duke of Wellington, managing every thing.' It is too true, and the friends of freedom have no chance in the Army • they have no chance of promotion at all ; and I tell Lord Melbourne that his voice ought to be raised against so unconstitutional and so unjust a proceeding. (M4els cla (Any.) Can a Government exist, I put it to you, under the circumstances which have been exhibitte; within the last month ? I will not question at this moment the proceedings ia Spain, although I would most anxiously support a liberal and independent Government in that country. But what do we see in the affairs of that nation? We behold the siege of Bilboa raised, and that important city saved by the cooperation of our gallant Navy. We see the Commander who led and the Lieutenant who followed in that action promoted by his Majesty's Ministers. But had we not there men belonging to our Army, as gallant and as heroic in the rescue of that important place, combining their energies in the same good cause ? And what have they got as a reward for their valour ? An order from the Horse Guards, that no man belonging to the British Army shall go abroad without declaring upon his honour that he ei ill not go to the Peninsula. (Loud cries of " Shame !") I say, then, to Lord Melbourne, that that is a most disgraceful proceeding—that it is a most unconstitutional proceeding ; and that the Navy and Army of this country—above all, the standing Army—ought to be under those only who are responsible to the na- tion. Can any man look at the manner in which the whole family of the Beauforts has possession of the Army and of its emoluments, without feeling that it is too much that seven or eight millions of the public money, beside. immense patronage, should be thrown into the hands of the enemies of the country ? Are such proceedings as these likely to satisfy the People? Can they be satisfied with seeing the military defence of the nation in the hands of men so opposed to their best interests? I want measures as well as men. And I avow that the measures which we see in this department are contrary to the interests of free government, and ought not to be allowol. And I am surprised to see them continued under the auspices of a Liberal Administra- tion."

The only way in which it would be possible for Lord Melbourne safely to encounter the Tories, and the only means of securing the aid of the Popular Members was by giving the People what the Reform Bill was professedly intended to bestow.

"What, then, is it the people ask the Ministers to do ? They say, Give to us the power of exercising our franchise honestly. Unless you protect us against all the influences that are capable of being exerted over us in the dispo- sal of our votes, it is too much to expect that we should sacrifice our property, and the interests of our wives and families, for what, after all. i, hut a contin- gent good to us. You cannot ask Ui to put in jeopardy our immediate exist- ence for a remote alvantage. It is cruel to do so ; and therefore we ask you to give us the Ballot. (Here the greater part of the comp4ny rose and gave several rounds of cheers.) Gentlemen, I have anticipated that whieh will be brought before your notice in a much more able manner presently-, therefore I ask you to restrain the expression of what appears to be your unanimous opi- nion for a moment. (A single voice, 'Not unaninous.') I hear some persoa exclaim 'not unanimous " all that I ask iv, that we may have a full arid ample discussion, RO that we may come to a conclusion upou the question. Let U9 have owe: westions. (Loot cheers.) I should be. sorry—perhaps I should even ri.k the existence of a Liberal Administration—if I were to pus's them to adopt this or that particular measure. That is not the coarse which it woald be wise for Us to pursue. But let the Government hear the objectious that may be urged against, and the reasons which may be advanced in favour of that measure ; let these come fairly before them and the Legislature, arid then let the country decide."

Mr. Hume recommended, that, rather than risk the safety of the

Liberal Administration, persons, like himself, of strong opinions on several subjects, should not insist upon those opinions, but abstain from pressing them ; and he concluded by expressinw' his earliest hope that Ministers would make an advance in a Liberal direction ; which he the more readily anticipated that they would do, as they agreed with him, in principle at least, on the necessity of establishing responsible boards for the condact of County business.

"The Freeholders of Middlesex" produced a short speech from Mr. Henry Weymouth; who, among other topics, insisted on the necessity of Ballot.

Mr. Clay, in a speech of great elaboration and considerable tedious. ness, proposed " Lord Melbourne and his Al tjestys Ministers.- Ile highly eulogized the Administration, and enforced their claims on the gratitude of the country. The toss. was, on the whole, well re- ceived. The best point in Mr. Clay's speech was the following- " The People no doubt are tranquil. The Tories have a monopoly of 'agit1.- tion. Indeed there is a very odd and somewhat amusing change lately as to the region in which political excitement exists. In my early days it wag always the people—the mob as they were termed—who were disturbed. It was at meetings of operatives at Spafields or Manchester that violent language was held. But now it is the masses who are tranquil, and the upper classes who

are disturbed. I protest, the most turbulent class of the community at this

moment is the Tory Aristocracy ; and if at any meeting language of a very dangerous and almost seditious kind is used—such, for instance, as drawing the sword, civil or otherwise, according to the discretion of the speaker, against the

constitutional power of the majority—ten to one but it is a meeting of Tory peers and squires, and reverend gentlemen, most of them with two or three livings a piece."

Mr. Grote then stood up, amidst universal cheering, to give the

easat he had been appointed to propose—" Short Parliaments, and full protection to every voter to exercise his electoral right free from all con- e rol but the dictates of his own conscience." To the sentiment of that oast he was profoundly uttachtel ; but he was no friend to unnecessary multiplication of words, and if he were permitted to mould it according to kis own taste, it would read thus—" Triennial Parliaments and Vote by Ballot."

" For itwe see': siffistantial aid effective protectioti to the voter, I know no .ther method by which it can be Maimed—I have heard of no other suggestion

ahich it hi even pretended to be insured, except the vote by ballot. And believing. ns I do, that it would he proper to impart the right of suffrage to all horneholders, I may be permitted to add, speaking my own individual feeling,

teist tenon have pieeted me batter if it had also comprised extension of the niffreee—at least so far as the tepeel of those ratepaying clauses in the Reform A et which have operated such wholesale disfranchise:meet of voters duly glean- ried even at meeent. A wide suffrage—an often repeated suffrage—a free and ■ i-interested sulfrage—these are the cardinal points of every gootrrepreeentative syaterin If ever there was a time when it was important to us to have a House sf Commons faithful, freelychosen, and popular-ininded, that time is the pre- terit. I have already LA the satisfaction, gentlemen' of supporting in the House of Common.: a motion for repealing the Septennial Act, and I hope soon 0. enjoy the opportunity of doing so again. I have also laboured earnestly and ediluoualy to enforce the necessity of the Ballot ; and it ia my firm purpose re repeat the ptoposition in the session now at hand. (Much diming.) In- deed, when I look around me at the political phonomena which every month's experience ie bringing to light before us, discover everywhere fresh proofs of the mischiefs erisine-tiom an unprotected suffrage; and of the pressing want of that safeguard which the ballot alone can confer. Do we not find the 'furies to their speeches and in their newspapers, preaching loudly the doctrine of ex. elusive dealing ? Do we not her the Tory landlords complain openly and un- eisguisedly, on the house-top and in the face of day, of the wrong which they wiatain in being robbed of their tenant's votes—as if the vote were nothing • more than e tribute of homage or allegiance from a serf to his lord and niaater ? Does not every contested election leave behind it a track of suffering and sacrifice, the more deplorable, because it falls on the most high-minded and conscientious of the whole electoral body? 'When these thinga pass deity before our eyes—when political persecution is thus brought borne to the feelings and endurance of every man—can we wonder that the cry for the Ballot grows every day louder and louder, and that the ques- tion becomes more and more the rallying-point of earnest and energetic Re- formers ? It is most gratifying to me to recollect the growth and expansion of ;hie important question during the last few years—from an unnoticed theory, to a mighty and overruling article of the Reformers' political creed. I accept the past progress as an earnest of the future. I gladly anticipate that the sin- aere olsjections of those Reformers who may still be opposed to the ballot, will gradually wear away before the repeated spectacle ot election tyranny, no less revolting to the private sympathies of every generous mind, than iujurious to the larger political interests of the community. I repeat, gentlemen, that I trust these two most important questions, Ballot and Triennial Pediaments, will both be brought forward in the next session under more favourable auspices, and with increased support. I would fain also in. :beige another hope concerning them—I hope that the Allinistry will leave them -men questions: I hope that every Member of Parliament, whether he belong to Government or not, will be permitted when in Pasliament to vote upon them as his or sense of duty may dictate. I indulge in this hope, not merely from the interest which I take in the questions themselves, but from a deep conviction that the union of Reformers throughout the kingdom, auil the progress and predomi. nonce of the cause of Reform for the future, are mainly involved in them. (Loud dicers.) Like my respected friend, Mr. Hume, and iike the other gentlemen who hive spoken before me, I too am anxious that the mdon of Ref iriners should be arflooken—that it should be hearty, active, and triumphant, for the noble pur- poses called it into being, and for the benefit of the People at large. I am Anxious, if it were possible, to see Lord Melbourne the chief and centre of that anion, commanding, if not the unanimous agreement of all, at least the respect- ful este.em and confidence of all. I could wish that he would be, in deed and yr word, the Minister of the People, as well as the Minister of the King. But this he will not be, and cannot be, so bag as opinions avowed and justified by half of his supporters in Parliament, and by a vast proportion of his partisans out if Parliament, are to be forbidden to be manifested by any member of the Government. If Lord Melbourne wishes to be considered as the Minister of the entire In form party, and not of one section of it only, he will consent to make the greet tied vied questions on which that patty is divided, matters of open debate and fair discussion. Is it not at this moment a truth, notorious and un- deniable that the Radical voters in the constituencies are absolutely essential as hlns and simporters to the very existence of Lord :Melbourne's Miuiatry? And rats he reasonably count upon the continuance of their active zii od ooperation, if he persists in attaching the anathema of the Cabiuet t such,euestions as the Ballot and Triennial Parliaments ? Gen. tlenien, see have all heard the shouts lately raised by the Tory press on ehe Mt:teasel prospects of victory to their party through animosities between Whigs and P.-alicals. In thee hopes I confidently trust they will be altogether +saw:mine-1. Ill know anything of Radicalism, the Radicals have much to lose, aral nothing to gain, by countenancing or abetting the Tories ; and if Sir Robert Peei to deter his entrance into office until he is helped into it by the

itmlicela, i pei iod of expectation will be sufficiently tedious. I believe the

general body of Radicals know well what extent of kindness and forbearance they would expeience from the Tories if again restored to power: they know that the eloneane, of the Thies rests upon every thing that is antiquated and corrupt awl anti.popular in the nation—upon oligarchical predominance in the State, esti acciarlau pride and privileges in the Church. Lord Melbourne ea to contend against the implacable enmity of these darker powers, with lit- :le else to rely upon except the People. I am quite sure, therefore, that he has the strongest motive to conciliate and preserve the esteem and coufidence of the People, and to govern in a generous and public spirit. I will not now inquire esliether his Cabinet have always acted up to the esigencies of their position; but:I cannot be mistaken in believing that their interest lice dire. tinetly in favour of progressive reform, and the interest of the Telles no less distinctly against it ; and this is sufficient to command my hearty efforts on be- half of Whigs against Tories, whenever I am free to choose between thorn—it is sufficient to make me support the Ministry with alacrity, and oppose them with reluctance. But, gentlemen, I cannot forget that toy paramount duty as a Representative in Parliament is, not to identity myself with one Ministry or another, but to labour with toy best energies in the vineyard of the People. However valuable the preservation of any Ministry may be, the came of Reform is in my eyes far more valuable ; and I am bound by every eling of public obligation to enforce that cause, as I understand and interpret it, whetter niv so doing may place me in collision with Tories alone, or will Whirs and Tories together. (Much cheering.) If the Ministry look for allies and fellow-labourers in carrying out the work of Reform, they will find none more asaloua or more constant than the men who hold Radical opinions ; if they seek for other service than this—if they claim passive and servile 8C(1111 escence in all their propostions—if they rely on the magic of the Treasury 5usntovus ;'av procuring support in Parliatueut, instead of commanding it hy the intrinsic goodness and sufficiency of their measures—if they cast their plaas of amendment on a di lll Metier and contemptible scale, for the purpose of con- ciliating those ambiguous waverers who hover on the confines of Toryism—is such be their policy, then I say they will find no persons more inflexible and uncomplying than the men who hold Radical opinions. ( Continued cheer.y.) What Indeed remains for Radical Members of Parliament, when the Ministers refuse to take the initiative in matters of Reform, except to lay their own pro_ positions before the House and the public, as well as can be done by the humble influence of private individuals? What alternative have they if Ministers propose ill judged or defective measures, except to protest against the deficiency, and to exert their best efforts fur supplying it ? Gentlemen, I con- clude by expressing once more my unalterable attachment to the two ol+cts described in the toast, " Shen Parliaments, and protection to the ficedom of voters." It shall not be for want of the best humble efforts of mine if these two objects are not speedily attained ; and I am convinced that the surest method of attaining them is by Whigs and Radicals uniting for the purpose. Such a union, for this as well as other beneficialpurposes, it shall be my study to pie. mote, as far as I can do so consistently with the paramount obligation of rosin. taming my own political principles in their full integrity. And while I an well aware that in the maintenance of that union muds will depend urn aiss cretion on the part of the Radicals, I do not scruple to affirm that tnuell more depends on active patriotism and popular spirit on the part of the Whigs." (Air. Grote sat down amidst loudcheering.) Mr. Ward, being called upon by the Chairman, gave " Justice to Ireland." He said that nobody could lay claim to the character of a Reformer who did not endeavour to make the sentiment of the toast he proposed, not merely a vain aspiration, but a living, lasting, prac- tical reality. Yet it was painful to reflect, that at the Meseta day such a toast was necessary ; for the inference was, that never yet had justice been done to Ireland ; and even now, when it was evident to all re. tional men that the Appropriation.principle—whatever it might brae done three years ago, when he bud first moved it—was at the present time: quite inadequate to tranquillize Ireland, the Conservative leader, Sir Robert Peel, avowed his determination to maintain the old system of bloodshed and oppression—pledged himself to pre- serve the connexion of Church and State intact and inviolable in the Three Kingdoms. But it was a bitter mockery to call that a national establishment, which every species of legal and military tyranny could not force the nation to accept. In drinking, therefore, the toast of " Justice to Ireland," they pledged themselves to remove the first great crying. evil, which was connected with the Church Establish- ment. The next grand evil was the refusal to Ireland of Municipal Reform, such as England and Scotland enjoyed ; upon the stale, fal- lacious plea of Protestant Ascendancy. The Irish were told that they should never exercise Municipal rights while they were connected with Great Britain ! And yet the men who thus wantonly insulted seval mil- lions of their fellow subjects, talked of the necessity of preserving the Le- gislative Union. There was much more implied in the toast of " Justice to Ireland." That country was plagued with political partisans on the Bench ; she wanted a system of National Education—a Poor.law, (which he was happy to think, the present Government were prepar- ing,) and protection for the dependent voters by means of the Ballot. Such were the feelings with which be should drink the toast of "Justice to Ireland." Were they in unison with those of the meeting? (Universal cheering, and cries of "By all!") In that case his utmost wish was gratified.

IMr. Ward's speech was admirably delivered ; and, except when the health of the Members was given, there was no cheering throughout the evening so hearty as it elicited. Nothing like a good report of this speech, however, was given in any of the papers; and we have, there- fore been obliged to confine ourselves to mere indications of the chief subjects Mr. Ward dwelt upon.] Mr. Charles Buller, as a substitute for Mr. Sergeant Talfourd, made a .funny speech on Civil and Religious liberty, without distiee- tion of Nation or of Creed."

Mr. Warburton proposed " The Reform Associations throughout the kingdom, arid may Union be the watchword of every Reformer." He entered into some details of the services performed by the Middle- sex Reform Association, of which he is President ; arid stated that much had been done at a small expense ; but that expense, small as it was, had exceeded their subscriptions, and there was some debt. In reference to the Union which his toast recommended, Mr. Warburton said, that to insure it, Reformers should know what they had to ex- pect–. The People had never been backward when some great object was par rate out to them for which they were to struggle with the enemy ; and when this was once clearly appreciated by them, they had gone forward at all personal sacrifices, as in the question of Parliamentary Reform, which they had so triumphantly carried. One great object to be set before them now, was the introduction of the vote by Ballot, that so essential protection to the elector- ( Cheers)—and tin re must be held out to them the immediate expectatien that the Rate-paying clause should be done away with. With such objects as there before them, the People would give Ministers no cause to complaiu of luke• warmness on their parts. But it would hardly be found sufficient for Minin tees to call upon the country for support, unless the country were furnished with some tangible reason why they should stand up for those Ministers. As to the conduct of Abe Radical Members in the ensuing amaion, there could not be a moment's doubt : the simple question for them to ask themselves was, " Are the Wings or the Tories the more Liberal party ?" And as the answer was self-evident, the course of the Radicals was equilly so. Even if the Whip

were less Liberal than they were, it would be the duty of Radicals to support them in opposition to Tories, who were not Liberal at all. The Ballot, the FA- tension of the Suffrage, and Triennial Parliaments, were questions which he

Lad ever, and always should, vote for, and should never cease agitating; but Ire would at the same time do all he could to keep out the Tories. What the Radical Reformers, therefore, hail to do was, while advancing their own er. tended views as niuch as they could, to give the decided preference to the Whigs over the Tories, and to keep up, and increase if possible, the liberal majority ia the House of Connuons.

Mr. T. Duncombe gave the health of Lord Russell ; and exhorted Ministers to deserve national support by throwing themselves on the People, who alone could enable'thern to defy the Tories. Lord Russell (whose conduct as Chairman gave general satisfaction throughout the evening) returned thanks, arid lie too recommended union among Reformers of all shades.

AIr.Benjamin Hall proposed the " Duke of Norfolk and the Libe- ral Peers ;" and Mr. Hume, in very gallant style, gave " ne Ladies, and may they use their best endeavours to make a; many good Re- formers as possible." The meeting then broke up.