CONFUCIANISM AND REPUBLICANISM.
[TO TUB EDITOR, OF TUB " SPECTATOR...1
Stn,—Your interesting article of September 21st on "The Situation in China" seems rather to take it for granted that Confucianism is still a power in China. It may be doubted whether this is the case.
More than a year before the outbreak at Wnchang a young Chinese deacon of the American Episcopal Church in Frankow expressed the opinion that the requirements of Western know- ledge were pressing so hard on the old educational system of China, that, in a short time, only the mission schools and colleges would preserve the study of the classics, just as in Europe the Church saved Greek and Latin. It was already true of the girls' schools in Peking before the Revolution that instruction in the classics was carried further in the mission than in Government or Chinese schools, with one exception, a private school run by a Manchu lady of very high scholarship. During the autumn of last year, nearly all schools dropped the " ko-tow " made before the Confucian tablet on the let and 15th of each moon. It was given up even in the exceptional classical school mentioned above. At present even the ceremony of reverence to the national Sage on the two monthly feasts is no longer, except in isolated schools, compulsory. A provisional educational conference in Peking decided, in July or August, that in future only such honour was to be accorded to Confucius as other nations give to their great heroes. The classics have been removed from the curriculum of the lower grades. In June the Manchu head- mistress mentioned above wrote a strong letter to the editor of one of the Tientsin papers deploring this step, and urging the inclusion of the classics as the basis of ethical teaching. The editor refused to insert the letter, and replied that the classics could only be studied as literature, and were of no value in moral training.
Even before this the same Manchu scholar, herself an ardent Confucianist, had told a foreign friend that Confucius had lost his authority. It was certainly remarkable that although the Chinese classics are entirely devoted to ethics and the science of government, scarcely any use of them was made by the public press, either during or after the struggle, though the examples of the great reforming usurpers, -Wit and Wen, were quoted to justify the right of rebellion. It is true that the more extreme Republicans do see an incom- patibility between Confucius and the Republic, but it is
Confucius only who suffers. Chinese history is being re-edited with a view to instilling sound democratic principles. The really serious follower of the sage does what all earnest disciples do—brings his scriptures into line with modern requirements. It is quite simple to read prince as equal to supreme ruler, which is equivalent to president, and to make such other adaptations as are necessary to make the Four Books apply to a Republic instead of an Empire. Whilst the Abdication Edict was still pending, a foreigner asked the learned Confucianist lady before-mentioned whether a limited monarchy or a republic would be better, in her estimation. Without hesitation she answered, "If we consider the past history of China, a monarchy would be more suitable ; but it is too late ; the people will stand nothing now but a republic." This opinion in a Pekingese woman, a Manchu, herself the descendant of the first Manchu Emperor and an ardent Confucianist, was, for the moment at which it was spoken, very remarkable and significant.
This passing of the Empire of more than two milleniums- unwept, unhonoured, and unsung—is striking and pathetic Inside the walls of the Forbidden City and under the glittering yellow roofs of the Purple Palace the old-world life of an Oriental Court goes on. unly a few months since, all the unmarried daughters of certain families whose duty it is to serve the Household, assembled, to be viewed and inspected. The requisite number entered upon their ten years' duty as serving girls and waiting women. But outside no one cares what happens in that archaic survival of a. long. past age when eunuchs and painted ladies determined the fate of dynasties and the fortunes of nations. Even the Manchu scholar before-mentioned, when questioned as to the probable effect of the cessation of the Imperial sacrifice at the Altar of Heaven, smiled scornfully, "The people will neither know nor care," she said.
It is true that one hears of Pei-ta-ho donkey-boys declar- ing their beasts have had no appetite since China became a Republic, and that the dwellers in the Imperial City, mostly working for and about the Court, saw, in the excessive rains of this summer, the resentment of Heaven at the passing of the Empire. Outside, those who feel the need of an Emperor have found one for themselves in the person of the President, whose name they will not utter, regarding him with the same reverence as their old Celestial Ruler, or "Son of Heaven," as Western scholars have translated the term, somewhat to the annoyance of the Chinese. Some even of the Republican soldiers do not realize the full significance of the replacing of the Dragon Flag by the Five Stripes. "For whom are you waiting?" a passer-by asked of one of the soldiers lining the
streets when Sun Yat-sen at length reached Peking. "For the Emperor Hsiian T'ung," was the truly illuminating reply. —I am, Sir, &c.,
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