Parliament assembled after the holydays with the listlessness of boys
after play, doing little, and that languidly. The passing of the formal addresses to the Sovereign, of condolence and congratula- tion, helped to swell the list of deeds without much trouble of thought. The set business of a Committee of Supply was another good induction to the renewed action. Then came Sir ROBERT PEEL'S explanations about the negotiations for commercial treaties with Portugal and Brazil; capital subjects for a much-implying cross-examination, which exhibited questioners in the light of inde- fatigable statesmen, possessed of some "exclusive intelligence" to suggest their pointed queries. It seems that very liberal offers of reduced import-duties in our tariff were made to Portugal as the condition of somewhat less reductions in her tariff; but our ancient ally, ungenerously reposing on her own enormous wealth and power, and trusting perhaps to the inveterate submission of this country her protégé, for whom she has provided royal wives and popular wines—can we ever forget it?—treats us as cava- lierly as the Celestial Emperor, and will not bargain. Sir ROBERT PEEL talks about amicable relations with Portugal as more import- ant to us than commercial gain : and the fact is sufficiently ob- vious; for if we were in any difficulty, like the last great war, what on earth should we do if we could not creep under the shelter of Portugal ?
Then with Brazil our Envoy does not make much progress. Brazil has a desire to be considered as an " integral portion of the empire,"—that is, wants to be put on the footing of a British co- lony or nearly so: but Sir ROBERT PEEL'S Envoy was not prepared for so great a jump towards free trade. Where the Brazilians learned to make such cool demands, does not appear; but in the mean time, they may " chew the cud of sweet and bitter fancy" while we seek cheap sugar elsewhere—possibly, by improved re- sources, in our own colonies.
These disclosures formed an appropriate preface to Mr. Races- DO'S motion of a resolution declaring it inexpedient to await the issue of such negotiations as a condition to desirable reductions in our tariff; a proposition which he fortified by proofs that lowered duties benefit the country which makes the reduction, and higher duties injure it, without reference to the reciprocal reduction of duties by the country whence the imports are drawn. Mr. GLADSTONE replied, chiefly by begging the question—how impolitic it must be, by making unconditional concessions, to waive the power of extort- ing reciprocal concessions. Lord HOWICK came to Mr. RICARDO'S support with some very clear statement, to show, that if we import we must inevitably export in proportion, for other countries cannot export without importing—that, in Mr. RICARDO'S phrase, if you " take care of the imports, the exports will take care of them- selves" ; or in Mr. COBDEN'S, " you have the means of regulating the imports, and the imports regulate the exports." Certainly, if you order any amount of goods from a tradesman, you may gene- rally leave it to him to look after his payment : you have no need to force your money upon him—to threaten him, that if you take 1001. worth of goods, he must take 1001. in payment. Mr. Drs- RAELI, indeed, raised some ingenious difficulties about money- payment ; but Lord Howtcx had met them by anticipation. Mr. RICARDO'S motion was rejected, because Ministers succeeded in persuading the House, that if not very impolitic, it would be very troublesome and "embarrassing" to vote away the power of stipu- lating that countries from whom we purchase should permit us to pay them. " Embarrassing," in the House of Commons means, conducive of long debates and long sessions ; and all but very red- hot members of the various " Anti" associations will always vote against increasing the tedium and confinement of the session. Lord Jona RUSSELL has signalized April 1843 with an Opposi- tion measure—a supplement to the Municipal Corporations Bill, which may be called his little Corporation Reform. The object of it was to deal with divers very minute and unimportant corpora- tions, omitted from the great measure for some reason which he could best explain. He did not adduce any very adequate grounds for abolishing those rural amusements in which certain old farmers play at Mayor ; though doubtless the sport is very foolish. Other abuses were more substantial ; but then, although Lord Jolts has pondered this great work for nine years—nine times as long as the Municipal Corporation Act, and therefore, it may he supposed, in his eyes nine times as important—it did not receive any marked benefit from that observance Of HORACE'S rule : on the contrary, it was full of glaring oversights, exposed by Sir JAMES GRAHAM. The bill was thrown out by a considerable majority. The most urgent abuse, the corruption in Queenborough, was already under the active consideration of Ministers ; and Sir JAMES GRAHAM hints that the better parts of Lord Joules bill will be revived by Government. Lord JOHN sticks to the Whig policy, of offering measures for rejection ; only, like the goods made " for sale and not for use," the workman can scarcely persuade himself to devote enough pains in the finishing to make the manufacture pass.
