Debates an Vrottebings in iparliament.

ADDRESSES TOP THE QUEEN.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, the Duke of Wellington moved, " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, congratulating her Majesty on the birth of another Princess, and to assure her Majesty that every addition to her Majesty's domestic happiness affords the highest satisfac- tion to the House of Lords."

Carried, nemine dissentiente.

In the House of Commons, Sir ROBERT PEEL, seconded by Lord Jonat Russemn, made a similar motion, with a warm tribute of admira- tion for the example shown by the Queen in the virtuous discharge of her duties as a wife and mother. The motion was carried with loud acclamations.

Sir ROBERT PEEL also moved an address of condolence with her Majesty on the death of the Duke of Sussex ; of whom he spoke thus-

" His long residence by preference in England—his truly English habits— his conciliatory manners and demeanour—his habits of friendly and social con- verse with all classes of society—his zeal in the promotion of every object con- nected with science and literature, a zeal the more effectual on account of his own literary and scientific attainments—the readiness with which he, in com- mon with all other members of the Royal Family, made every sacrifice of time and personal interest for the advancement of every object connected with charity and benevolence; all these constitute claims on the grateful remem- brance which must long endear his name to the people of this country. I must also add, that the integrity, consistency, and disinterestedness with which his Royal Highness maintained throughout his life those political opinions which fie professed, must have naturally established a strong point of con- nexion and attachment between him and those who shared those opinions with him, whilst they entitled him no less to the respect of those who differed from him. (Loud cheers.) His Royal Highness combined the firm maintenance of his own opinions in political matters with such an absence of asperity towards those who differed with him, that it is impossible he should have left behind him a political enemy."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL seconded the motion ; an intimate personal ac- quaintance with the Duke enabling him to confirm Sir Robert Peel's statement, that the consistency of the Duke's opinions had won the respect not only of his friends but of political opponents- " I will not say one word as to whether these opinions were right or errone- ous; but I will say that they were opinions taken up from thorough convic- tion—that they were not opinions which were naturally in conformity with his birth or rank, but opinions which he advocated as tending to the maintenance of the constitution under which he was born and to the benefit of the people among whom he lived. With respect to his attachment to science and litera- ture, there was nothing of ostentation in his devotion to these pursuits. There was nothing on his part like a pretence of conferring honour on those with whom be associated. It was, on the contrary, a love of these subjects, on which he was well entitled by his attainments and study to speak, by which he was animated, and which enabled him freely to converse on such subjects with those who had devoted their time to them."

The motion was carried nemine contradicente.

On Thursday, the Duke of WELLINGTON moved a similar address in the House of Lords ; with strong expressions of respect for the cha- racter of the Duke of Sussex—his moderation and forbearance to poli- tical opponents, his personal condescension and kindness, his affability and kindness to all who cultivated literature, science, and the arts ; and " he was the friend of the indigent wherever they could be found." The Marquis of LANSDOWNE supported the motion, with a eulogy no less warm-

" I believe firmly, if any future writer or historian of the society of this country during the last half century, should endeavour to depict the progress of that society and to analyze its details, I believe he would find that there was during that period no one movement—no one effort for the promotion of the useful sciences—for the excitement of useful industry, and though last not least, for awakening a spirit of enlightened charity in the public of this coun- try, with which his Royal Highness's name will not be found to be closely and constantly united."

As the Duke's successor in the Presidency of the Royal Society, the Marquis of NORTHAMPTON bore testimony to his endeavours for the promotion of art and science. The motion was carried unanimously.

TREATIES WITH PORTUGAL AND BRAZIL.

Mr. EWART having, on Tuesday, renewed questions which had on former evenings been put by himself and Lord John Russell, Sir ROBERT PEEL replied with a statement respecting the state of negotia- tions with Portugal and Brazil. In July 1842, a treaty of commerce and navigation had been concluded between Queen Victoria and the Queen of Portugal ; and the 7th article provided that the Governments of the two countries should proceed to consider their respective tariffs, with a view to reductions. This Government had accordingly made proposals to that of Portugal for reductions on various articles of Por- tuguese produce, principally fruit, wine, and brandy, on which they were prepared to make a sacrifice of revenue. The chief reduction was that on wine—nine-tenths, probably, on their being able to accept the terms offered on the other side : the average reduction on the three articles mentioned was 20 per cent, on certain other articles 25 per cent, and on other nnenumerated articles 30 per cent ; it being demanded that the Portuguese duties on British woollen and cotton manufactures, linen, glass, and hard-ware, should be reduced 20 per cent. The nego- tiations were long protracted; and on being told that this Government could wait no longer, Portugal broke off the negotiations,—or, more correctly to translate the Portuguese phrase, the negotiations were " interrupted."

At the close of last year, Mr. Ellis, who was in possession of the opi- nions and of the confidence of the Government, was sent to Brazil to

mi.la for a commercial treaty. Before his arrival, the Bra- *Rand waived its own interpretation of the existing ould have expired in October 1842, and had agreed in force until October 1844. The negotiations hange of Ministry at Rio de Janeiro; but soon the new Ministry, Mr. Ellis proposed the ap- pointment of a Plenipotentiary for the purpose of negotiation. The Secretary of State, Senbor San Honorio, declared himself ready to undertake the duties of Plenipotentiary ; but said that be must insist that all articles constituting the agricultural produce of Brazil, coffee, sugar, tobacco, and rum, should be admitted into the markets of Eng- land precisely as the produce of her own Colonies. Mr. Ellis replied, that his instructions did not authorize him to negotiate on such a basis. Some time afterwards, Senbor San Honorio proposed a modification— merely that the duties on Brazilian produce should not exceed by more than 10 per cent the duties on British colonial produce. Mr. Ellis was not authorized to negotiate on that basis. At the date of the last in- formation, Mr. Ellis had not left the country. Sir Robert hoped that the House would not press for further details. But questions succes- sively put by Mr. LABOOCHERE, Lord JOHN RUSSELL, Mr. EWART, and Mr. MILNER GIBSON, drew a little more from him. By the last advices, Senhor San Honorio had refused to enter into any negotiation except upon the basis of differential duties not exceeding 10 per cent ; but Sir Robert must wait for the next despatches before he could say whether or not Mr. Ellis had offered to negotiate on the basis of " the most friendly nation clause." Mr. Ellis said something about some new proposition ; but he was making preparations for his departure with the feeling that no such proposition would he carried into effect. The reductions offered by this country were so liberal that they would have entailed a considerable loss of revenue. Among other things, Mr. Ellis had been instructed to submit a proposition respecting the state of slaves in Brazil ; but the difference as to the very basis of the negotia- tion had prevented him from bringing that proposition forward.

FREE-TRADE AND COMMERCIAL TREATIES.

In the House of Commons, on Tuesday, Mr. Rinser* moved the following resolution-

" That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, respectfully expressing the opinion of this House, that it is not expedient that any contemplated re- mission of import-duties be postponed with the view of making such remis- sion a basis of commercial negotiations with foreign countries."

The question, he said, simply was, whether justice was to await a war of tariffs ? if so, it might wait for ever. Our own commercial position is concealed from no one : in proof whereof, he read the recent statement of an influential Brazilian, Senhor H. Rezende-

" It was his conviction, and he should maintain it until he was convinced to the contrary, that the English nation—by which he did not mean either the Governnient or the Aristocracy, but the People—lost more by the existing treaties than the people of Brazil, and that the commerce of England was more injured by them than the commerce of Brazil. This opinion was at present gaining ground in England. a a [After alluding to the West Indian sugar-monopoly, Senhor H. Rezende proceeded.] Now, however, that the English population was becoming familiar with the discussion of such questions—now that they saw the flagrant injustice of sacrificing the working and labouring population to the proprietors—now that they saw that they were not allowed to taste the cheap sugars of Brazil, but were restricted to the dear ones of the Antilles, whilst the West Indians were allowed to purchase Brazilian sugars at a low price—from this time it would be impossible for the English Cabinet to maintain the interests of the aristocracy against those of the nation."

As the foundation of his motion, Mr. Ricardo quoted Sir Robert Peel's financial statement in 1842, when he said that certain reductions of duty were deferred on account of pending negotiations with foreign coun- tries : Sir Robert repeated the statement when he introduced the Tariff to the House ; but he concluded his speech by saying- " I feel certain that the example of England, adopted at a time of commer- cial and financial difficulty—our determination to pursue our path in the right course—will operate on foreign nations : but, if we find that our example is not followed—if we find that, instead of reducing the duties on our manufactures, they resort to the impolierof increasing theirs, still this ought not, in my opi- nion, to operate as a disedfiragement to us to act on those principles which we believe to be sound—those principles which will not only be immediately profitable to us, but the example of which will ultimately insure that general application of them which will confer reciprocal benefit on ourselves and all those who are wise enough to follow it."

Mr. Ricardo called upon the Government to carry out principles which they admitted to be theoretically true ; and he quoted from the evidence of Mr. Deacon Hume passages to the effect, that " if we were to give up our protective system altogether, it would be impossible for other countries to retain theirs much longer." " I should," said Mr. Hume, "make our laws according to what I deemed best ; which would certainly be to give the freest possible introduction to the goods of other nations into our country ; and I should leave others to take advan- tage of it or not as they thought fit." Twenty-four years ago, M. Say exposed the costliness of revenge in retaliatory duties ; and he referred to the advantages which the revolted colonies of La Plata and Hayti had derived from throwing open their ports. The practical comment upon that result was the attempt now in progress to accom- plish a commercial treaty between Spain and this country : but it was impeded by jealousies ; and if they wished trade, not mere treaties, they should at once admit the produce of the fertile soil of that country on terms conducive to the increase of trade and revenue. To show the effect of high duty on consumption, he quoted the imports of brandy from 1801 to 1841: in 1801, the duty was 1 Is. 6d.; the number of gallons imported, 2,499,491 ; consumption per head, 0.15 ; revenue, 1,382,7181.: by 1811, the duty was raised to 11. 2s. 6d.; in 1841, the import was 1,179,927 gallons ; consumption per head, 0.04; revenue, 1,346,7001.: so that in 1801, 16,300,000 people paid more revenue at lls. 6d. duty than 26,700,000 at 11. 2s. 6d. in 1841 Had the consump- tion and duty continued at the old rates, the revenue in 1841 would have been 2,220,4101.: so that we had lost the opportunity of giving employment to labour in the manufacture of commodities to exchange for 2,826,823 gallons of brandy, and sacrificed 873,710/. of revenue. The case of French wine proved the converse : the duty was lowered in 1831 from 7s. 3d. to 5s. 6d.: the consumption in 1832 was 254,366 gallons, the revenue 77,184/. ; in 1832, the figures were 228,627 gallons, and 62,331/. ; but in 1837 they had risen 438,594 gallons and 120,286L; and in 1842 they were 382,417 gallons and 110,0551. This showed that it was the duty of this country to lower the duties : and we had no right to assume that France would not follow our example, since Bor- deaux, Marseilles, Lyons, Boulogne, Strasburg, and other towns, have declared in favour of a liberal commercial policy. The evil of making the country dependent on diplomatic negotiation was shown in the uncertainty and doubt produced in the Portuguese wine-trade by Sir

Robert Peers mere reference to the duties last year: in 1839, 2,998,151 gallons paid the duty of 5s. 6d., the revenue being 823,875/. ; in 1840, the duty was raised to 5s. 9 3-10d.; and next year the quantity was 1,481,345, the revenue 715,9501.: but in 1842 the quantity fell to 1,399,708, the revenue to 403,134/.; a lose on the quantity of 1,081,637, on the revenue of 312,816/. Why should not this country adopt a course which would put an end to all those evils ?—

It was their duty to act for themselves, and to buy in the cheapest market, according to the principles of the right honourable Baronet, whatever course other countries might consider it their interest to follow. They ought to open the ports of this country to the whole world, and ask other countries to bring is their _produce to the British markets. No misunderstanding could then arise. He always thought that it was the maxim of every prudent master of a family not to make at home what he could buy cheaper elsewhere. That prin- ciple ought to be carried out generally in the commercial intercourse between nation and nation. Should this policy be pursued, it would be the object of every country to obtain a repeal of all restrictive laws; and a spirit of praise- worthy emulation would be excited, which must conduce to the general good. Each country would then see the necessity of lowering its import-duties.

Mr. GLADSTONE said, that the proposition was more bold and sweep- ing than any which had been submitted on the subject of free trade ; and he deprecated such total disregard to all the circumstances of treaties, commercial negotiations, and the state of the revenue. He could not admit that at all times and under all circumstances it was expedient to abstain from going into certain markets because they were not the cheapest which might be found ; neither could he admit that vested interests were entitled to so little respect as the honourable Member appeared disposed to show them. The evils of commercial retaliation could not be denied ; but he was not prepared to say that at all times, and under every possible variety of circumstances, retalia- tion should never be adopted. The last case of retaliation occurred in 1833— At that time, both the noble Lords opposite were in power, and Lord Syden- ham was at the Board of Trade. Differential duties on British shipping had been imposed by the Government of Naples; and Great Britain met that pro- ceeding by a double retaliation, for we not only retaliated upon Neapolitan ships but upon Neapolitan goods also, although the oil which we were in the habit of receiving from Naples formed an essential accessory to some of our im- portant manufactures. Thus, then, it appeared, that those who were the most inclined to adopt the doctrines of free trade were the men who, upon certain occasions, were by no means averse from the practice of retaliation.

Mr. Ricardo had said, " let us take care of our imports, and our ex- ports will take care of themselves ": how much importance Govern- ment attached to the principle involved in that maxim was seen in the new Tariff, which affected trade to the amount of 20,000,000/. a year ; but that very fact had produced a change of circumstances— It should be remembered, that this time twelve months our position was such that we might have been pointed out as an example of restrictive policy. Goods came into this country in spite of 'prohibitions and prohibitory duties and high rates of protection ; it was, therefore, in the power of every foreign country to cite our own principles of free trade against our own commercial practice : but he would contend, that since last year the balance had changed. With scarcely an exception, our code might now be considered the least re- strictive in the world.

Mr. Ricardo never could have hoped to carry such a resolution : he could never have expected to be able, and never could have wished, to place the Executive Government of this country in such a situation as to compel them to write a circular despatch to the representatives of the Crown at the several Courts of Europe, informing them that the com- mercial negotiations now going forward were to be put an end to forth- with. Nor could Mr. Gladstone admit that every article of commerce could be treated in the same manner— He did not think that in all cases luxuries ought to be the most highly taxed, or that all luxuries should be taxed alike. Commodities which were never smuggled ought not to be placed in the same category with those which offered the greatest possible facility to the smuggler. Thus, lace and watches should not be dealt with in the same manner as foreign wines. The attempt to maintain a heavy duty on watches was a mere mockery ; and 5 per cent was imposed because it was thought better to get some duty than none. Wine, on the contrary, bore a Leavy duty : the consumption of that article was great, the expense fell upon the wealthier classes, the poor were not in the least affected by it ; and he never heard that any quantity of wine worth taking into account was ever smuggled. Whatever might be the duties imposed upon wine, watches, or lace, there could be no doubt that a different sj stem ought to be applied to hemp, flax, or any raw material used in manufactures, or any other substance essential to the employment or the comforts of the working- classes. To each of those a different mode of treatment ought to be applied; while the honourable Member contended that they ought to be brought under one sweeping regulation. He viewed the existing negotiations with foreign countries as an in- complete experiment ; and while they were pending, it would be better

to avoid abstract resolutions. We have reduced the duties on French wines, and France has promised to reduce her duties on woollens and hard-ware : the organized commercial bodies which were formerly op- posed to unrestricted intercourse with Great Britain are now to some extent in favour of the principles for which Great Britain contends ; though at the same time it unfortunately happens that the people on the Continent by no means give to the principles of free trade that support which would justify carrying out Mr. Ricardo's principle. Nothing, in his opinion, could be more dangerous than the promul- gation of an idea that we were endeavouring to make conditions re- specting that which we had resolved to surrender unconditionally. Look to the effect on the revenue-

" In any reduction upon such a duty as that on brandy, for instance, they must reckon upon some loss of revenue ; and, when it would but little benefit

any great class of the community, was it to be incurred without this country

obtaining any compensation for it ? The negotiations with Portugal had failed ; yet were they still to persist in reducing the duty on wine, notwith- standing that it would prove a great and serious loss to the revenue of the country, and that without inquiring whether the revenue it produced was not obtained in an easier manner than by any other plan which could be substi- etituted for raising the same amount." He was disposed to remove all trammels on commerce at proper times ; but if the House were to agree to the motion, they would find themselves in a state of great embarrassment.

Lord liONVICK contended, that the resolution was not at all so sweep- ing as Mr. Gladstone described ; for if it were affirmed, Government would still have to consider what reductions of duty ought to be made, and how they ought to be made. He admitted that the position of the

question had very much changed ; for now the principles of Free Trade were acknowledged on all sides of the House ; even the advocates of monopoly were compelled to adopt some convenient disguise ; but the principal obstruction to the final issue of Free Trade principles was the delusion of " reciprocity." He agreed with Mr. Ricardo, that our commercial legislation ought to be quite independent of that of other countries, and guided solely by the consideration of what duties are ne- cessary to raise the requisite amount of revenue with least pressure to the people. The other course could only be carried on by negotiation, of which experience was not favourable : the only negotiations that showed any sign of vitality were those with Portugal and Brazil, and both were at an end! Their only effect was, that while they were on the tapis they proved a serious injury to trade ; as was seen in the Por- tuguese wine-trade, which was completely paralyzed. And it was a further bad effect, that such negotiations raised up jealousies, not only in the countries negotiating, but in others—as the negotiations for a commercial treaty with Spain caused jealousies in France. Mr. Glad- stone, indeed, had said that our negotiations had also raised up parties favourable to us in France and Portugal— He did not see that we had gained much by forming them : the agitation they might produce would not be of the smallest use until it proved success- ful; and he was convinced those very same interests would have been much more powerfully exerted in our favour if we had become pioneers and led the way by lowering our duties. By doing so, we should also have taken from Foreign Governments the power of saying that we did not practise that which we asked them to do. But what be considered the greatest evil of all was, that when we had once offered a reduction of duties in return for concessions to be made in our favour—when those concessions were refused, and the nego- tiations broken off—it was extremely difficult for them to act upon their own principles and make the concession as a boon. When negotiations were once entered upon and broken off, the offered concessions could not be made for a considerable time ; otherwise France and Spain would say that our policy was to claim largely, but, if we were met boldly, we got sulky for a short time, and then we granted all without any equivalent. The whole policy of negotiations for a reciprocity rested on the assumption that there was some superior advantage to a country in ex- ports as compared with imports ; an exploded delusion— They all knew that the great advantage of trade consisted, not hi what they sent out, but in what they received—in the addition which trade made to those commodities which conduced to the wellbeing of the people—in the increase of the luxuries, comforts, and necessaries of life—and in placing them at the disposal of the people. The export-trade was valuable, no doubt ; but only as a means to an end—only as a means of increasing the import of articles placed at the disposal of the people. The right honourable Baronet at the head of the Government agreed with him in that general proposition : but if that were the real, sound, and correct view of the advantage of trade, let him ask what they really suffered from the exorbitant duties imposed upon their commodities abroad ? He conceived that the only damage was, that those duties might frequently restrict the means of importing the commodities. They might receive damage from France with her anti-commercial policy, in- asmuch as, whilst they received her goods at a low duty, that remission of duty might he inoperative ; but if that were so, it was monstrous and absurd that they should help France in that policy by putting on a good thumping duty on her importations.

Even if the adoption of a different course at first caused a loss to the revenue, eventually it could not fail to benefit— In fruit, be had no doubt that a very large and important trade would spring up, greatly to the benefit of their own consumers: but would they have nothing more? He contended that they would also have, most undoubtedly, a cor- responding increase in the activity of their exports, whether Portugal made this reduction of duty which was asked for or not. That was easily made out. It was quite clear, that every merchant who imported a pipe of wine antici- pated a bill upon him for the amount ; and whatever was the total amount of the importations, the same would be the amount of the bills drawn by Por- tugal upon the merchants here. if there were any other country in which the trade with Portugal was in a different position from this—from which Por- tugal received more than she supplied in return—from that country, the in- terest of the bill-brokers here would very soon induce them to obtain bills upon Portugal, and to those countries British manufactures would be sent instead of to Portugal. But admit that that was done—what next ? The moment that the bills upon Portugal rose to a certain premium, and that in these days of steam intercourse would not be very high, gold and silver would be sent to discharge them—that would be sent from other countries; and then it resolved itself into an indirect instead of a direct payment. Portugal would be unable to pay in bullion, and would be obliged to obtain it by sending out to other countries for it, and perhaps by conducting some smuggling with the neigh-

bouring country of Spain. It was impossible that the ingenuity of man could point out any different operation. But then, how would Portugal be affected ? —because that was a most material consideration. The moment the importa- tion from Portugal increased, the power of the Portuguese people to consume British manufactures was increased in the same proportion. Their means for paying fur those manufactures would increase also ; and with that—as he believed the taste for British manufactures was not wautitig—he was persuaded that a great demand for British manufactures would spring up. If that should be so, Portugal would be unable to prevent their being supplied. The feelings and common sense of mankind were so universally radiated against high duties, that practically it was impossible to maintain them.

An instructive lesson was afforded in the recent exposure of Custom- house frauds here, in the increase of illicit distillation in Ireland, the smuggling in tobacco, lace, Si,c. ; and if this country could not effectually counteract the temptations to fraud, how could Portugal, who could not vie with our Coast-Guard ? He was perfectly persuaded, that by adopting the honest and manly course of at once reducing their duties, they would hold out an example which would speedily be followed, and the :xishotstile tariffs" of which they were so much afraid would cease to Lord SANDON contended stoutly for reciprocity. If, with the power- ful instrument of protection in our hands, we had been thundering in vain at the doors of foreign nations for the admission of our manufac- tures, was it likely that we should obtain our object and that the doors would open when we had thrown that instrument away ? Every fresh step which we bad made towards relaxation had raised up some fresh barrier on the part of foreign nations.

Lord Joust Ru.ssaux was surprised to hear Lord Sandon dilate upon. a commercial theory long since exploded by Adam Smith. 'With respect to the hostile tariffs, Lord Sandon had omitted one circum- stance— He should remember, that although in the year 1842 the theories of Free Trade were brought forward in that House, adopted by a great majority in that louse, and supported by the most eloquent speeches from the members of the

Government, yet that those Foreign Governments, who in one year had enacted so many hostile tariffs, might perhaps, in doing so, have bad in view some of the doctrines which were preached in the year 1841 by the same party, and not those announced by them in 1842—(21 laugh)—views in accordance with which that House refused to admit foreign sugar or to relax the Corn-laws.

He did not object to Sir Robert Peel's abstaining last year from fur- ther relaxations and proposing to continue negotiations with foreign countries ; but Sir Robert had delivered very strong opinions as to the propriety of introducing changes into the law whatever foreign nations might ultimately do. The case was very strong with regard to French brandy : there was a great difference in the quantity that paid duty in the French customs and ours,—in 1834 that difference was 1,200,000 gallons ; which showed how much passed through the hands of the smuggler, and made it desirable to consider if the duty could not be so lowered as to induce the merchant to conform to the law. Lord John taunted Ministers with the failure of their negotiations with Spain, Portugal, and Brazil ; and contended, that instead of the progress made last year forming a reason for halting in the extent of the changes, the failure of the grounds on which special exemptions had been made in the general policy rendered it wise to apply that sound policy through- out, pwticularly with regard to brandy, silk, sugar, and some other articles; and he thought that we should stand better with foreign nations if we made those concessions spontaneously, than if we made them as a matter of negotiation and bargain.

Mr. DISRAELI, without caring to vindicate the ancient notion of the balance of trade, at which Lord Howick sneered, did not entirely agree in the detailed reasoning of those who seemed to think that the effiux of the precious metals had no serious effect upon the transactions of trade. Being in Germany some three years ago, at the time of the immense importation of foreign corn and the loan of 3,000,0001. from the Bank of France to the Bank of England, he well remembered the deep sense of humiliation in Englishmen at the occurrence, and the in- jurious effect which it had on the credit of the country. Dr. Listz and other writers kept up the opinion in the public mind of Europe, that it was for the interest of the European States to promote the effiux of the precious metals from England, as calculated to raise prices on the Con- tinent. The course recommended by Mr. Ricardo would inevitably lead to a systematic abstraction of the precious metals from this country, with all the attendant evils of deranged currency, falling prices, lowered wages, and diminished revenue—

Suppose this process went on for two, three, or four years before truth sud- denly flashed on the minds of the Economists and Governments of the Con- tinent, was this country prepared to undergo such a process? What would be the effect produced by the short but sharp experience that would thus be gained? What would be the state of England during this great economical experiment ? That there would undoubtedly be a great deal of individual and even general sufferipg—that there would be many bankruptcies—that many of our banks would be broken—that the whole commercial system of the country would be thrown into a state of the greatest derangement—and that the na- tional credit could only be sustained by the most violent and burdensome taxa- tion on property, must, be thought, be evident.

Mr. EWART supported the motion ; and, predicting that a general national movement in the same sense would soon take place throughout the world, he expressed a wish that this country should set the example.

Sir HOWARD Doucras quoted some passages from Adam Smith in favour of protecting native industry by duties on foreign produce when foreign nations lay burdens on our industry. Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS said, it should be remembered, that although some alteration had been made in our restrictive system, there had been no relaxation of the principle : no change had been effected which had not been qualified by a determination to adhere to the principle of " protection "; and it was not surprising that in that respect other nations had followed our example. Of those who feared the abstraction of the precious metals, he begged to call the attention to an important fact— Though the treaties with the grain-growing states remained as they were in 1839, yet as we had imported regularly for four or five years, we had ceased to send bullion : but the trade having become constant, manufactures had in fact been exported in payment, showing that it was under the present system when the trade was not suffered to be regular, that upon a sudden demand they were obliged to send out bullion, but upon the trade continuing, the exchange with manufactures was regular; and that the grain we had imported for the last four years had been paid for in that way. But there were instances in which the tariffs of other countries were prohibitory as regarded our manu- factures : and yet we continued to take five millions of goods from that coun- try, and contrived to pay for them without sending bullion—he referred to Russia. They took the pitch, flax, tallow, and hides of Russia, without there being a corresponding export directly from hence to Russia. There were other instances he could name.

Sir ROBERT PEEL was much gratified to hear Mr. Villiers's statement relative to the working of the Corn-law, especially coming from such a quarter. He strenuously opposed Mr. Ricardo's proposition, that, after a debate of three or four hours, the House should fetter, for all time to come, the discretion of the Executive Government, and lay down the important principle that they should not attempt by commercial nego- tiations to procure any reduction in the import-duties of foreign coun- tries upon our produce. He adhered, indeed, to the opinion which he expressed last year, that it was not wise to punish ourselves because other countries refused to take our articles of manufacture : but he thought that the House, instead of augmenting the difficulties inherent in questions of the kind, ought rather to maintain principles in reference to details and particular cases, than to lay down abstract propositions. How many questions are to be considered Ni the reduction of each par- ticular duty—the claims of the revenue, the comparative claims of differ- ent sources of taxation,' raw materials, articles of luxury, articles of great consumption, the probabilities of smuggling, vested interests. Sir Robert went on to argue, that the positive gain is not the sole object of commercial treaties, but that they tend to strengthen the amity between nations; the importance of which be especially asserted in the case of France and Portugal; and he contended for the policy of pro- moting direct rather than circuitous intercourse between countries : "Surely it is better to have a direct commercial intercourse with any given country than one which is dependent on our commercial inter- course with another country. Surely it is better that France, for in- stance, should pay us the debt she owes to us directly, rather than by an indirect trade." Another question was, how best to encourage the taste for British manufactures ; and would it not be best encouraged, in Portugal, for example, by the direct introduction of British woollens

and cottons ? As to the smuggling of French brandy, Lord John Rus- sell was mistaken in his data: it was not an excess of exports from France that the returns showed, but they showed 1,200,000 more of imports into this country than of exports hither from France ; which only proved that the French returns were not to be relied upon. Sir Robert recurred to the advantage of obtaining reciprocal concessions-

" Abstractedly from all other considerations, and supposing it was wise, with reference to our own domestic interests, to reduce the imports upon port wine, is it not legitimate and fair to say to Portugal, We are going to reduce our duties on port wine, and we expect you will adopt a corresponding course in reference to our hard-ware and cotton goods : accustom your inhabitants to the use of British manufactures, which you may obtain for one-half the price paid for similar articles manufactured in Portugal ; a taste for them may thereby be engendered in the country, and in a short time you will have a still more liberal admission of them.' But the honourable gentleman tells me that I am not, even if I can, to gain that object : he tells me that I am not to postpone for a single month the remission of duties in the hope of obtaining an equivalent re- mission on the part of a foreign country. Supposing a reduction on the duties of port wine should be attended with advantage to British commerce in Portu- gal, why should not the double advantage of gaining a remission upon our cot. tons and woollens in the present state of trade be effected, if it could, at the same time ? Is it not a perfectly legitimate object ? Or, if we are to reduce our duties without any equivalent, does it follow, because we contemplate a re- mission, that that remission ought to be on the duties on port wine, in prefer- ence to the duties, for instance, on the raw materials of British manufacture ?"

To show that political economists are divided in opinion on the sub- ject, he cited the authority of Colonel Torrens, in a Postscript, just published, to a pamphlet addressed to Sir Robert himself— He considers that he has mathematically demonstrated that a reduction of duties upon foreign productions, uncombined with a corresponding mitigation of duties upon British goods, would cause a further decline in prices, and ren- der it a matter of doubt whether the taxes could be collected or the public credit upheld. He states, too, that this proposition has been already laid down by higher authorities than himself; and that it is even involved in Mr. Ri- cardo's chapter on free trade.

Sir Robert called upon the House to negative a motion pregnant with embarrassment.

Mr. COBDEN attacked the negotiations with Brazil. The people of this country, he said, did not wish for a remission of the duties paid in Brazil, but for a remission of the duties paid in this country. Mr. Ellis went to Brazil, not to negotiate a treaty for the benefit of the people of this country, but to try to get the worst terms for them and the best terms for the West Indian monopolists. He did not wish to say any- thing offensive of another country, but Portugal was the poorest and most beggarly country in Europe. Where was the sense of thinking that a treaty with that nation could resuscitate the commerce of a country like England, or of talking about encouraging British trade by reducing the duty on port wine ? The people did not want a reduc- tion of the duties on luxuries, but on corn, sugar, and coffee. This country can regulate its imports as it pleases, and the imports regulate the exports.

Mr. RICARDO having briefly replied, the House divided : for the mo- tion, 61 ; against, 135; majority against the motion. 74.

SUPPLY.

The motion for going into Committee of Supply, on Monday, was pre- faced by the usual complaints and statements of grievances. Mr. Wn.- mem WILLIAMS took several preliminary objections to the Colonial Esti- mates, then about to come before the lionse,—to the vote of 11,5901. for clergy in British North America ; 49,0001. for Justices of the Peace in the West Indies and Mauritius, and 18,0001. for the education of the Negroes ; contending that the Negroes, whose condition is luxurious compared with that of the people in this country, ought to bear their own expenses. He calculated that, what with the expense of establishments in the West Indies, (605,0001.) and the increased price of sugar ander dif- ferential duties, there is a cost to this country of not less than 5,070,0001. Mr. BERNAL maintained that Jamaica bore a great portion of its own expenses ; for, as a proprietor, he knew that he had paid in the internal taxes of the island five times the amount of income that he had de- rived from his estate. Lord STANLEY said, it had been stipulated with the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, that the incumbents in British North America should receive their allowances while they lived; but the vote was annually decreasing. It was the same with the payments for Stipendiary Magistrates, who had been appointed at the time of Negro Emancipation in the West Indies, in order that the Negroes might have the protection of Magistrates independent of the Planters and other local influences he expected that at no distant day the larger colonies would not come to Parliament for a vote on the subject. In the smaller islands, however, the appointments would still be necessary.

Sir Howaan DOUGLAS called attention to the insufficiency of, funds, for the spread of the gospel in the Colonies; and hoped Government would take the subject into consideration.

Mr. HUMPHERY, alluding to the case of the Barbados and the emi- grants who had been sent out by the British American Association to Prince Edward Island, asked Lord Stanley for an explanation respect- ing the powers and duties of the Colonial Land and Emigration Com- missioners; who, he thought, might have acted more energetically in protecting the emigrants from delusion. Lord STANLEY entered into the required explanation, telling much that is already known, with some few points less clearly understood. He said that he had received a letter in September or October, from a person who would not come forward more publicly under fear of consequences penal to himself, which induced him to direct inquiries to be made. The Government Emigration Agent found the Barbados fully and abundantly supplied for the voyage in the terms of the Passengers Act, and .the Commis- sioners could not prevent its departure ; but they even stepped beyond the strict line of their duty to warn the Association, and, through Lieu- tenant Lean, the emigrants, of the danger of proceeding on the voyage at so late a season. When the vessel put back to Cork, the Commis- sioners instructed the Agent there to proceed against the Association for penalties under the Passengers Act for making the passengers quit the vessel before the termination of their voyage at its proper destina- tion ; but, some difficulty arising at that place, the emigrants came back to London in the vessel. The difficulty now was, that the Association was insolvent, and no substantial party remained against"whom to pro-

teed. But be trusted that those persons whose names had given sanc- tion to the proceedings of the Association would feel morally if not legally bound to redress the wrongs and repair the sufferings of those who had endured such grievous hardships; of which the sanction of high names and great authority were partially if not wholly the cause. Mr. VERNON SMITH suggested that the Commissioners might usefully employ themselves in diffusing more information respecting the Colo- nies among the emigrating population. The CHANCELLOR of the Ex- CHEQUER said, that something had already been done in that way, though be thought more might yet be done; and he took that oppor- tunity of publicly stating, that the Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners would, at their office in Londoo, afford information on all subjects connected with the Colonies to persons wishing to emigrate.

The House went into Committee, and a great number of votes were taken. Some slight discussion arose on the vote of 61,0931. for the civil establishment of New Zealand; which Mr. BENJAMIN WOOD wished to postpone, in order to peruse the papers on the subject. Lord STANLEY said, that the vote had before been explained, and the papers had long been before the House. Lord JOHN RUSSELL cordially sup- ported the vote ; which he compared to a similar vote, of nearly the same amount, nearly a century ago, for Halifax in Nova Scotia. He would ask whether that sum had been thrown away in the establish- ment of a possession of such importance; and he believed that New Zealand was destined likewise to become a most prosperous and valu- able colony.

On the vote of 104,7701. for Consular establishments, Dr. BOWRING suggested, that persons appointed as Consuls should undergo an exami- nation as to their fitness for discharging the duties of their office : above all things, it ought to be made a sine qua non that every Consul should understand the language of the country to which he was sent. He wished to know whether any attempt was being made to define the duties of Consuls ? Lord STANLEY said, that the subject had been under the consideration of the Government ; in fact, a bill referring to it was in preparation, but it was doubtful whether it could be brought forward this session. Mr. GouLattRE remarked, that it might be diffi- cult in some cases to find persons competent to examine a Consul as to his knowledge of the country to which he was appointed. For in- stance, we had a Consul at the Sandwich Islands ; but he doubted whether even Dr. Bowring himself could undertake to examine him as to the progress of his studies in the Sandwich tongue.

Dr. Blown's° having argued, apropos to the vote of 50,0001. for steam-navigation to India, in favour of more frequent communication with the East, Sir ROBERT PEEL urged the expense : and he took the opportunity of paying a high compliment to the enlightened liberality of Ali Pasha of Egypt ; who, in spite of the hostile position which England had necessarily assumed in his eyes, did nothing to impede our communication with India.

Some Miscellaneous votes which had been postponed were agreed to, including 50,9581. for the Mint, and 38,0001. for expenses and law charges of the Solicitor to the Treasury. The House then resumed.

REFORM OF SMALL CORPORATIONS.

On Wednesday, Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved the second reading of his Municipal Corporations Bill. It related to the corporations which were left untouched by the bill of 1835; and he divided them into two classes—those which were of little importance, or of the existence of whose charters there was great doubt; and those which were possessed of considerable property. To the first class belong Ash- ton-under-Lyne and Merioneth, respecting both of which boroughs the Commissioners could find no trace of a charter. Another was that of Deanhouse Smithy : in that corporation the Commissioners found the Mayor to be a farmer of eighty years of age : the people seldom came before him, preferring to have their disputes decided by the County Magistrates: the only reason the Mayor could give for its continu- ance was, that it afforded him a good dinner once or twice a year. The other class were of sufficient importance to retain municipal institutions ; but they were full of abuses. Queenborough was a capital instance : it possessed a fishery, the gross profits of which in each of foar years ranged from 13,0001. to 18,0001. ; but it was so mismanaged that 10,0001. was spent in one lawsuit ; the town was almost destroyed by the corruption and oppression of the corporation ; 125 houses were un- occupied, and the grass was literally growing in its streets; while the keep of the gaol and other municipal duties had been neglected, and the corporation had fallen into debt. The small boroughs Lord John pro- posed to abolish ; handing over their property, if any, to the vestry, for such improvements as are not touched by a highway or borough rate. If there were any place in which it might be found desirable to have a body formed for the maintenance and distribution of its property, he proposed that a governing body should be elected by a constituency similar to those under which the corporations are now elected,—namely, one composed of residents paying municipal taxes. He should propose, however, that the change should not be immediate, but gradual ; four new members of the corporation to be elected each November until the number be completed.

Mr. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, after condemning Lord John Russell for leaving untouched the great giant of corruption, the city of London, and enlarging on the expenses of the Lord Mayor, seconded the motion. He hoped Sir James Graham would bring in a bill to reform the Corpo- ration of London.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM said, he had enough to do with the Factories Bill gtid Medical Reform on his hands : be should not attack the Corporation of London, neither should he defend it ; leaving its defence in the able hands of the Lord Mayor and of Lord John Russell, who would no doubt be prompted by gratitude in that behalf. He opposed the motion, be- cause the country was taken by surprise in the bill : boroughs were in- cluded in it that had had intimation of the fact but two days ago ; and no petitions had been presented complaining of abuses in those bo- roughs. Lord John went upon the report made by the Commissioners in 1834, on which the Municipal Corporation Act was founded ; and for eight years had he deliberated without thinking it necessary to make the proposition. Yet the bill bore evident marks of haste : towns meant to be in one schedule were set down in another; the bill, by ad- mitting freemen on the payment of 40s. in some towns, would effect a large Parliamentary enfranchisement ; in some cases it seemed to effect

a change for no purpose but to alter the name of the officers ; and there were other marks of imperfectness. It introduced the new principle of removing trusts from the delegates or representatives of the rate- ',ayers to the vestry itself ; which would place many charitable trusts coni,ected with the Established Church in the power of Dissenters. He admitted the abuses in the case of Queenborough ; but that borough had not been forgotten by Government— In concert with his colleagues, he had laid that case before the Law-officers of the Crown ; who were now investigating it, for the purpose of obtaining evi- dence to go before the Court of Chancery, and at the public expense to call these corporators to account, and file a bill of discovery. And if it should be found, which he believed it probably would be found, that there had been a gross perversion and malversation of trust, and that the corporators had applied the public funds to their private use, they would be compelled to refund them. He thought this judicial proceeding would be more effectual than any legisla- tive measure, and quite consistent with the existing charter. But if in the case of Queenborough the judicial remedy should fail, he should then be pre- pared to come down to Parliament and bring in a specific bill to meet that par- ticular case.

He also doubted whether it was consistent with the due administra- tion of justice, that in very small corporations it should be intrusted to officers who might yet be very well fitted to administer local trusts. He should therefore reserve to himself the power hereafter to offer on behalf of Government the same proposition as that in the bill, to abolish magisterial functions in favour of the County Magistrates' jurisdiction. He did not taunt Lord John Russell with the Corporation of London ; but there was such a thing as straining at gnats and swallowing camels; and if the noble Lord, out of gratitude, considered the Corporation of London should be exempted from the operation of the Municipal Corporations Act, he ought also to have allowed these smaller corporations to remain in peace under the shadow of its wing. He moved that the bill be read that day six months.

Mr. HUMPHERY defended the Corporation of London from the charge of extravagance. Its income is not more than 156,000/. ; out of which it pays 52,4371. in rents and a variety of charges on its property ; 53,1201. in expenses connected with the administration of justice, else- where borne by the county-rate ; for the civil government of the City, 24,4361.; and Mr. Humphery enumerated a variety of charitable and other charges, besides 10,0001. paid last year off its debt. The whole sum received by the Lord Mayor is but 8,000/. ; and he had to pay 1,5001. on the very day that he assumed his functions and dined at Guildhall, and that before he received a farthing. Amid frequent laughter, Mr. Humphery taunted Mr. Williams with being disap- pointed at not having attained to the office of Lord Mayor, when he would no doubt have quashed its expenses and put a large sum in his pocket.

Mr. WILLIAMS replied, that he had refused to stand either for the place of Sheriff or Alderman.

Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL stated, by request, that the corporators of Queenborough denied the allegations made against them.

On a division, the motion was rejected, by 99 to 46. The bill there- fore was lost.

MISCELLANEOUS.

A NEW WRIT was ordered on Tuesday for Salisbury city, in the room of Mr. W. B. Brodie, who has accepted the Chiltern Hundreds.

FACTORIES BILL. Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice, on Monday, that he should move the following as an amendment on the 3d, 4th, and 5th resolutions of which Lord John Russell had given notice-

" That in no plan of education maintained and enforced by the State, should any attempt be made to inculcate peculiar religious opinions ; because, as such an attempt would he considered a plan for maintaining and strengthening an undue superiority of one sect over all others, the animosities and strife already existing among different religious denominations would thereby unhappily be greatly increased, and the cordial cooperation of all nail and denominations, which is absolutely necessary to insure the success of any plan of public educa- tion, rendered impossible."

Sir JAMES GRAHAM stated, that on the 1st he should move that the House resolve itself into a Committee on the Factories Bill, in order to make certain alterations of the measure.

FINANCIAL STATEMENT. The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER has given notice that he shall make his financial statement on Monday week, the 8th May.

CANADA CORN-TRADE. In reply to Lord JOHN RUSSELL, on Mon- day, Lord STANLEY stated that Government would take an early day for the discussion of the bill relative to the importation of corn from Canada.

CORN-LAWS. Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS has postponed his motion for the total repeal of the Corn-laws, from the 4th to the 9th May.

INCOME. TAX vice TAXES ON USE AND CONSUMPTION. Mr. SCHOLE- FIELD has fixed his motion, to substitute an augmented Income-tax for assessed taxes and taxes on malt, sugar, and tea, for the llth May.

PAUPER LUNATICS IN IRELAND. In the House of Lords, On Tues- day, Lord MONTEAGLE moved for returns showing the condition of

the pauper lunatics in Ireland. He stated, that up to 1817 nothing could be more wretched than the condition of the lunatics : in some parts of the West of Ireland it was even no uncommon thing to dig a hole and bury the pauper in the ground up to the chin until the paroxysm abated or death ensued. Since that time a better provision has been made—an act has been passed authorizing the construction of tett lunatic asylums, providing for 1,800 lunatics ; but that is very inadequate provision, still leaving many to be confined in common gaols, to the detriment of those who are not in any way criminal, and to the injury of prison dis- cipline. The returns were ordered ; and the Duke :of WELLINGTON promised the serious attention of Government to the subject.

IRISH Poon-LAW. The Marquis of CLANRICA RDE has given notice, that on the 4th May be will move for a Select Committee of inquiry into the subject of the Irish Poor-law.

FIRE-ARMS IN IRELAND. Lord ELIOT moved, on Thursday, for leave to bring in a bill to amend and continue the laws relative to the regis- tering of arms, and the importation, manufacture, and sale of arms, gun- powder, and ammunition. in Ireland. The motion was opposed by Mr. SMITH O'BRIEN, Mr. HOME, and Mr. F. FRENCH ; but leave was given.

REPEAL. Mr. LANE Fox has given notice, that he shall move a call

of the House for the 11th May ; when he will call attention to the agi- tation now going on for the repeal of the Legislative Union between Great Britain and Ireland, and move that it is the duty of Government to take immediate steps for its suppression, or, if the law is not suffi- cient for the purpose, to call on Parliament for further powers.

HARBOURS OF REFUGE. Mr. MACKINNON moved, on Thursday, for a Select Committee to ascertain the revenue, expenditure, and condition of the harbours and lighthouses on the coast;frorn the Thames to Ports- mouth. His object was to show, first, that those tolls were improperly expended ; and, secondly, that they were raised in a very unfair man- ner. He took the instance of Ramsgate, which raises a revenue of 31,0001., though a Committee of the House had elicited the fact that the necessary cost is but 7,0001. or 8,000/. ; and it is levied by a charge of fonrpence a ton on all vessels that call at Ramsgate, though the ma- jority, from their size, cannot enter the harbour! Mr. Commis se- conded the motion ; courting inquiry into the management of Rye har- bour. Sir CHARLES BURRELL said as much for Shoreham. Sir ED- WARD KswrcustuLt. thought that no case had been made out : Mr. Mackinnon was incorrect in his single instance, for the revenue of Ramsgate harbour is only 20,0001. On the part of Government he op- posed the motion. It was supported by Mr. RICE, Captain PECHELL, and Sir CHARLES NAPIER. Major BERESEORD moved as an amend- ment on the motion, " That the inquiry should be extended to Longwood Fort and Portsmouth." Mr. LAMBTON thought that Government ought to take up the great question of harbours of refuge: the French are not idle on the subject. Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that the matter ought to be left to Government ; and he thought a Committee of the House the very worst tribunal for inquiring into such a subject. On a division, the motion was rejected, by 79 to 34.

SERVIA. In reply to Mr. DISRAELI, OR Monday, Sir ROBERT PEEL explained, that a controversy was still carried on between Russia and the Porte ; Russia contending that the late election of a chief in Servia had not been conducted in accordance with the treaty of Adrianople, which provides that the people of Servia shall make known their wishes to the Porte and elect their own chiefs from among themselves. Com- munications had been made to both powers from this Government ; which was anxious that the question should be fairly and amicably settled.