29 FEBRUARY 1840, Page 2

nava% elnb iprombinas in Varliament.


The House of Commons was occupied with this subject on Thursday. Mr. LIDDELL had given notice that he should move resolutions-

" That it appears, by a copy of a warrant on the table of this House, that a pension of 1,000/. a year has been granted by her Majesty to the late Comp- troller of the Exchequer on retirement from that office, on the ground of zealous and efficient services rendered to the public during a period of nearly bait' a century ; in which interval of time he tilled the offices of Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland, and Comptroller-Geueral of tho Exchequer for the United Kiegolotn.' " That it nppears that the said Comptroller-General filled the office of Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland during the period of thirteen months only ; viz. from the month of February 1806, to the month of April 1807. That it appears, by reference to the Act 4th and 5th William IV. c. 24, (by which the granting of pensions for political services was regulated,) that no person is qualified to receive any pension on the ground of public duties ,„ ,..jKrferrectlin the highest offices of the state, unless he shall have continued in ;the lietimWance of such duties for a period of two years at the least. • That it appears that it was also specially provided by the said Act, 4th 7 ' and 5th William IV. c. 24, that the holder of the office of Comptroller of the Exchequer should be precluded, on his retirement from that office, trorn all claim to any of the pensions which the Crown was thereby empowered, to bestow for civil or political services. " That it appears that the person holding the office of Comptroller of the Exchequer now constitutes the sole check (in lieu of all others formerly existing under the ancient regulations of the Exchequer) on the expenditure of all public monies issued through the Exchequer by the authority of the Commissioners of the Treasury ; and it is specially provided, that he should be incapable of holding any other office tinder the Crown in conjunction with such Comptrollership ; and should be irremoveable from his office, except in pursuance of an address from the two Houses of Parliament ; this officer being thus withdrawn from the exercise of any influence of the Crown over his, is the discharge of his functions. " That it appears that provision was made in the Act 1st and 2d 'Victoria, ea, that the sum which her Majesty might be empowered to grant in pensions on the Civil List, in any one year, should not exceed the sum of 1,200/. ; and that in conformity with a previous resolution of this House, such pensions should he granted • to such persons only as might have just claims on the Royal bend. cenee, or who by their personal services to the Crown, by the performance of duties to the public, or by their useful discoveries in science, and attainments in literature and the arts, had merited the gracious consideration of the Sow, reign, and the gratitude of the country.' ''That, considering all these circumstances, and more especially the great importance et' keeping the Comptroller-General of the Exchequer independent of the influence of the Crown, as also of insuring a strict adherence to the spi. rit of the resolution of this house on the subject of Civil List pensions, this House deems it expedient to express its decided opinion that the gnat of 1,0001, a year to Sir Jobs Newport, under the warrant before-mentioned, ought not to be drawn into a precedent."

Lord MORPETH had put the following resolutions on the Vote-paper, to be moved as an amendment on Mr. Liddell's- " That it appears to this House that the Right Honourable Sir John New. port, in his official capacity of Chancellor of the Exchequer in Irehind, exerted himself to the utmost to restrain useless expenses, to promote education, and to improve trade and intercourse between Ireland and the other parts of the United Kingdom ; that while in the said oflice be directed, and after leaving office suggested various inquiries which led to the adoption by Parliament of measures highly conducive to the better administration of the law, and hese. tidal to the revenue; that after serving for five years in the honourable office of Comptroller of the Exchequer being then upwards of eighty years of age, and afflicted with bodily intirmity,'he withdrew from public life, respected for the unblemished integrity of his character, to pass in retirement the remainder of his days. " That, considering that Sir John Newport was not in affluent circumstances when he thus withdrew from office, this House is satisfied that the grant of a pension to a retired Comptroller of trie Exchequer in circumstances a peculiar cannot be drawn into a precedent in favour of persons who have Hot • just claims on the Royal beneficence,' and are not distinguished by ' the performance of duties to the public.'" Mr. Denim. opened the debate, by expressing satisfaction that the Government intended to " show fight." He had as much respect for the Government champion as one man could have for another, but lie could not compliment him on the choice of his weapon. J more tame, spiritless, pointless amendment than Lord Morpeth's, he had never read. It asserted, that while Sir John Newport was Chancellor of the Exche• quer for Ireland, he did his duty. Mr. Liddell did not dispute that statement. Since the last discussion, he had referred to the tittle during which Sir John filled the office of Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer; and he haul no fault to find with him. Sir John had laboured to prove trade and intercourse between Ireland and other part; of the kingdom ; but that was nu reason why he should have it pension, Others had laboured for the same object—Mr. Pitt, for instance. The amendment declared that Sir John Newport withdrew from public life and the Comptrollership of the Exchequer, being upwards of eighty years of age, and afflicted with bodily infirmity. This was not quite correct ; for, several years before he accepted the Comptrollership, Sir John had announced his retirement from public life to his constituents, alleging his inability any longer to discharge public ditties. his ap- pointment to the Exchequer under such circumstances was highly in- judicious and improper. The amendment asserted that the grant of a pension to Sir John Newport under such circumstances could not be drawn into a precedent : but this was begging the question— There could lie no doubt, that if this pension were allowed to pass without proper notice on the part of the House, it would be drawn into a precedent for many improper pensions. It was an object of the greatest importance to keep the Comptroller of the Exchequer independent of the influence of the Crown; but what was to become of the independence of this officer, if a system like that here presented to the notice of the House was to he continued ? Suppose that any future Comptroller of the Exchequer was desirous of retiring on pension, was it supposed that Government, if unchecked now, would not most readily avail themselves of the precedent of Sir John Newport, made to obtain the patronage of so high and important an office ? It was incumbent upon the House now to come to a vote which should put the chance of any such future jobbing out of the power of Government.

He had no wish to treat Sir John Newport harshly, or to deprive him of his pension ; but he hoped to have the concurrence of the House in denouncing time principle on which it was granted. With the excels• tion of Sir John Newport's, he found no fault with the pensions granted since time House passed the resolution that they ought to be confined to those who had merited them by personal services to the Sovereign, or by performance of duties to the public, or by discoveries and eminence in science and literature— There were many individuals on that list whose names would do honour to this or any other country. They were distinguished for literary attainments, and fitting objects for an act of grace from the Crown. He timid the names of Southey', Moore, Brewster, Bonito, Miss Mitford, Mrs. Somerville, and others, whose title to be there no one could question ; but he might be permitted to observe, that -there was one great name, equal if' not superior to any of them-- the name of a man who had done more than any one to open the human heart to the influence of nature—whose writings combined the most exalted spirit of piety with the highest inspiration of poetry ; but that man did not appear in the list of those graced by the bounty of the Crown—he need not say that he alluded to Mr. Wordsworth. [A Member observed, that Mr. Wordsworth held an office.] He was aware that he held an office, and he did not bring the subject forward as a matter of reproach to the Government, but he must be permitted to make one or two observations upon the point. It was true that Mr. Wordsworth held an office from which he received a tolerably respectable income. An otter was made to Mr. Wordsworth, in consequence of his ad- vanced period of life, and imperfect sight, and of his having suffered in mind from many causes—an offer was made, which was kindly intended and kindly meant, that the office should be transferred to his son, and that his name should be placed on the Pension-list, but with a pension much lower in amount than granted on the ground of literary distinction. A pension of 1501. was paws „onosed, instead of 3001, ; and Mr. Wordsworth, though a man of as little tocis any one, yet felt, from a self-esteem which did him honour, compelled lo decline the arrangement, on the ground that his name would appear on the Civil List as reemaenga pension inferior to what individuals received whom, without very great vanity, lie might consider as not equal to him in merit. He did not mention the case as matter of reproach to the Government ; but it would give him, and, lie believed, Nrould give the country at large, great satis- faction to see Mr. Wordsworth's name on the Civil List on the same footing with other literary men his contemporaries and compeers. lie would mention another instance in which the application for a :very small pension had been refused— It was for an individual in very humble life, lint whom he would take that opportunity of alluding to in the very highest terms of commendation—he alluded to the case of Grace Darling. ("Hear, hear!" and cries of " Oh!") Did the honourable gentleman who interrupted him know that that humble indivi- dual had, upon a barren rock, by an exertion of the coolest and most deter- mined courage, rescued from death eleven fellow creatures ? It had been sought to obtain fifty pounds a year to be settled on her for life. She belonged ton most honest and industrious family; and the object in seeking for that pensina ;vas for the sake of example, and not for the pecuniary benefit, which she did not regard. There was another ease, of which lie had heard within the last forty-eight hours, which he would state to the House as illustrative of the manna in which equal justice was dealt out to different classes by the present Government. The individual to whom lie referred, and whose name was Leg- gett, held effice for thirty-four years. In 1820 he was appointed solicitor to the Board of Taxes, and obtained a salary of 1,500/. a-year, with an official re- sidence. In 1833, Mr. Leggett, after thirty-four years of service, and without any imputation on his character, was compelled to retire, upon the consolidation of the offices of Stamps and Taxes, and receive a retiring allowance of 1,300/. a year. lie had valued his official residence at 1,0001. a year, and considered his place altogether worth 3,0001. a year. This man, after retiring upon his pension, having entered much in his mind from the pressure of a large thirdly, and the great diminution of his means, in a tit of desperation put a period to his existence, leaving a widow, with only a jointure of 300/. to depend on, and having to support six children, of whom the eldest was only seventeen and the youngest two.years old. Hero was a case for the artponentunt ad ntisericordiam, which had been o [tidied in the case of Sir John Newport. This poor woman made an application to the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. Sprints. Mee, who re- plied, that the power of giving any relief in such a case rested with the First Lord of the Treasury. The widow then applied to Lord Melhoumes ; and his :,:eretary wrote in N.H.% that he was desired to acknowledge the receipt of the letter, and to inform 11,r that, in consequence of' the regulation that had heen laid down he the 'louse of Commons with re', :...1 to pensions, he was not enabled to comply with her rope st. Now where was the justice of this mode of treatment ? Would any p,..rsou thaw the justice of the claim, or maintain thyt, if the regu- lations of the II miss! of Commons prevented Lord Melbourne front doing what ought to have been a grateful task, they ought to have suffered bins to carry into etfret a transaction which he hail designated a job, and which would con- tinue to be designated a job.

lie concluded by moving the resolutions.

Lord Moitemerit rose to propose his amendment. Mr. Liddell. at the Commencement of his conclusive and crushing speech—(_llinisierial cheers and laughter)—bad expressed pleasure that the Government intended to show fight on the question; but Lord 31orpeth would remind him that this was not the only occasion on whielt the Government had shown fight this session. It -,.m-as indeed a subject of congratulation to Ministers, after the announcement, so formally made, that they were to expect a more keen, formidable, and better-organized opposition than they had hitherto experienced, that the gentlemen opposite could find nothing to come twice to the charge upon, in the whole range of Do- mestic and Foreign and Colonial policy, than the pension of John Newport— "I must say, that, after all the denunciations which have been thundered against us during the recess, as well as those which werebettled up for explosion after the opening of' the session, I do feel relieved and reassured to find. that of III our large misdeeds, this is the leading and crowning enormity. I do not wish to handy epithets with the honourable Member for North Durham, with respect to the clutracter of the resolutions which he has proposed, or the amend- ment which 1. wish to substitute instead of part of them. I can only say that, if my amendments ace what he terms them, pointless and spiritless, any thing better corresponding to the original resolutions I cannot well conceive. There is this difference, however, between our weapons, that while at all times sonic degree of point is expected in the spear with which an attack is to be inside, We never look for it on the shield which is used for the defence, and which will be sufficient, in this case, if it can repel a pointless blow. With respect to the whole of that long string of resolutions which have put been moved by the honourable 31einher, they do seem to be of that colour and character that no man need feel lunch discomposed at any thing that may betide them, With respect to the greater part of them, as well as the considerations by which a case for them was attempted to be made, notwithstanding the terms of respect which the honourable Member has been pleased to speak of me, I cannot help designating them as most didactic twaddle." Lord Morpeth proceeded to criticize Mr. Liddell's resolutions; show- ing that, with the exception of the last, they merely contained a state- bent—but an imperfect statement—of facts. The last resolution con- tamed an expression of opinion ; and his amendment was intended to express a different opinion- " The difference consists in this, that whereas the last resolution of the honourable Member states 'that the grant of 1,0001. a year to Sir John New- port ought not to be drawn into a precedent,' the resolution which I shall have the honour to move affirms that the grant of that pension 'cannot be drawn into a precedent in favour of eersons who have not just claims on the Royal beneficence, and are not distinguished by the performance of' duties to the public.' Now, the honourable Member for North Durham stated that the knotty of this resolution was, that this pension could not be drawn into it precelent. Re entirely misconstrued and misinterpreted the meaning; which is, that this pension having been fully deserved, cannot be drawn into a pre- cedent for future grants of undeserved pensions." He would now proceed to examine the facts of the case; declaring his wish that the whole transaction should be sifted and looked at in every possible light. The resolutions did not state that Sir John New- port's retirement took place to effect Lord Monteagle's accession to the vacant office; but he nevertheless thought it right to give to that state- ment, which had been covertly insinuated and darkly made, " the most distinct and unqualified contradiction on the part of all the parties con- cerned in the transaction "- " If there is any one who disbelieves the deliberate assurance of such parties, can only say that I leave them most cheerfully to the latitude, the felicity, and the pride of their scepticism. In the year 183S, Sir John Newport, feel- ing,from his increasing infirmities, the discharge of the ditties of his situation irksome and uncomfortable to himself, expressed from time to time to seine members of the Cabinet his iii-position to he relieved from those duties. IIe was induced to consent to continue the possession of his otfic,:t; but in the year 1839, being about to pay a visit to his native country, he solicited and ob- tamed P. personal interview with the First Liosl qf the Trees:try, at which in- terview he placed the dispo•-,al of his office in the 1,--hs of Lord Meth urns. I have received the most distinct assurance, that in the month of May last, if the right honourable Baronet opposite had sneer.-,l, d in the formation of a permanent Adinieistration, he would have found • 1''of the Comptroller of the Excheeiner at his /mud I ") It is true that, on his return to the administration -.. od. Melbourne did postpone accepting the resignation ,:f Sir Jelin es • •te•1 tiir Joins New- port did nut give up the (Alice till the end a!' lint, S3 far from

that retirement having the most remote (mires:: .esseeslea of Lord

Monteagle, not only was the office held he many


interval, to another pesos—(T,ond rho -

o rs)b n

Members on thisside of the 11011+C. it elle on the other side, end earl he hnewn to none' hetter then • at that time,

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Ie..' el .1 1.1..vi to •••• :,-•' •., It this llott,,e.- Bat what i.. lier,• John Newv.,rt's which en- titled bim e 1.,...•-ation le! had re le eeeeeel Par- liament '"cd. 11leets.■er foe tiro ,v co During that peri:el, He , , USQ1V.,7; unc„,, c,,.; : .;;:„:, sion; luid the of a free cure-tramle le:tee:ea Ire:a:I:I mid England; took the first stepe, conjunetion with use Disiee of Be lferi, for esta-

blishhg a good system of education in irelen 1: itlezittsted an inquiry

into tile Customs, whielm promluced the el:oil:dee several sinecures ; corrected abuses in the Treasury and t'e et- : :moved an inquiry into the tithe system; procured a commi-,ion :mt. M:i.mel-y into time Courts of Justice of' the United Kingdom, :: Im: seethe, to suitors in flue Irish Courts alone of '75,(111:11. ; lie I:rnelit I •:e...ard useful mea- sures respecting the poor. ;Ind mins- I; p tho repert which led to the establishment hospital., its Ltel:11,1 ; int v.:lees-1 various bills for rem-whits tsleises the 'tie!' Church t fret tetieeding the Grand Jury laws ; in short, the,-.: was no great sabjee, Irish a.Ltional policy —no one detail, however trivial, eminneetsal witic Itteei o ,ititiistration-- to which. Sir Jeloi ei-mot did net eive, is Parliallent .:all oust of it, his unwearisJ epetn.i.tloti a.e.1 s n ithu,t.0 is It justification for rewarding suell se.seiees kiss Ity L :rd M mrpeth re- ferred to the itetememi,deett . r.cc 1 e :\ • ie ; ae 1 to the proeieion made foe the families 'ri..traety, ay 1 Slintidan ; whese lives were passed in eepasit The SPE.k1('CIZ. having pet Ler," M.mreeelle ameeedeeet-, Mr. Lieeteet rose. It' tbe '• ‘1E•i 1-tie twaddle' as Lord Alorpeth pronounced them, in his oeinien the emeieltueut was twa,bile and misreirresentation - It was ditlioult to mulcts:hold whit le.ts Ia.-to-eon the resolu- tions proposed and the amen:line:it so,h.rtittet1 to the II muse. The one said that this ought not to be dra.vn into a precedent; the other s It ...',Innot be drawn

into a precedent-

Stron;:e. :nett a ,hiller onte t' ,,re ,hoold.

'Twine "1. weedledunt and The noble lord hail referred to the provision that had Itocn made for Mr.

and tor a lon,e tans the views of Lon] el tally sliffel'slIt object."

Ire could not agree, as cuss intended resallitions, that a pereon Sri Cssitiptroller of the Exelletitsee, shun! l pensitamm. merited Imy other services, fuel vices. 'flat was not a rule which gen . " I believe it is stelicieet to say, that. it that the person 11.,1.-11;1-f t'a.e office of Tr:, ,,.•- entitled to any '' e.e.estion allosvahee, (tithes _lad yet tt, Lot ,..

ivlost •■•■• 111 1.•,•.V.,•,15,1111

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age;did not is haterrs it to his.: son, hi the an et I do not, Sir, c c, r,c to (ittestiott thy •I v of that tetition. to it, 1.,1 the porpo..:e !h.:• latent in au ac, tho-li...nent, 0 t in. ••

retiring all.o.van :Fa! .!• :owl, a ! tar

held syco,111 : -s, Ii


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- _too-I . 11-1 Lord.

trine of the day, be had a right to compensation. lie was a man of ability, of I experience, of unquestioned integrity, in the prime of life, and fully able to the performance of the duties of the office. Why then was he not appointed? It was because in this case, as in all others, the public service was lost sight of in order to advance party purposes. The Whig party then thought it necessary to get rid of Sir Henry Ellis ; and they dismissed him with a retiring pension of 1,4001. a year, to which he had a clear right, and Mr. Leader did not blame him for taking it. In considering this case, the House must bear in mind that a certain amount of public money had been improperly spent in this matter, and to a certain degree jobbed'. When Sir Robert Peel came into office during the year 1834, the name of Sir Henry Ellis was found in the list of persons receiving public money, being able to perform public services, but unemployed, although willing, and indeed anxious to he employed. He was asked, Ala Leader believed, whether he had any oljection to go back to Persia a.r. Ambas- sador, and his answer was, that he would prefer some office nearer home; but that if the Government chose to employ him, rather than receive the public money in idleness, lie shoula accept the (Alice. Ile believed that it was arraoged that isir Matra Ellis amid go out as Ambassador. Then came Sir Robert Peel's disinlisal from aim, and the pare Whigs returned to office. Then, as upon the oecasiou of the remodelling the Exchequer, it was found inconvenient to employ Sir Henry Ellis in any perinaitent office; and lie was sent to Persia, merely to congratulate the Shah, while ;mother person was sent there as Atn- hassaama Theic were no reasons except I.arty reasons for itot placing Sir Henry Ellis in the office of Comptroller-General ; and for these party reasons 1,4001. a year of the public money was thrown away. He now came to Sir John Newport's appointment— He would not mutter a single word against that right honourable gentleman, or against the very great services he had rendered to the public, from the time when lie was the lenient master of those distinguished figs Lord Wellesley and Lord' Grenville. (Laughter.) He was astinlished that Lord Atorpeth had put forward claims which only slimed the weakness of his case. The noble lord bed stated that Sir John Newport had been the means of saving to the publi6 75,110 a/. a year of the public money : was that a ground for giving a pension to a Member of Parliament? Did not many of the Members of that House come to the Ihnise pledged to economy und retrenchment; and were they to be paid for doing their duy ? 'pon that ground the honourable and gallant Member for Lincoln was entitled to a pension. (Great laughter.) The honour- able and gallant Member had saved the country 20,000/. a year out of Prince Albert's salary. (Great laughter.) He should like to know what amount of pen- sion would be sufficient to show the gratitude of the public, and the sense they entertained of the service of saving public money—what amount would be sufficient to remunerate the homy iambic and gallant Member for Lincoln for hit public services. (Cm(inned laughter.) The real fact was, that this claim was a very bad claim, and had no foundation whatever. If the Members of that House were to he paid ffir their pullic services, they would become mere competitors for the money ; and the public would be justified in saying that mch were not actuated by a wish to serve the public, but were thinking of the example of Sir John Newport, who gat 1,0001. a year because he saved 75,000/. It really showed that the noble lord had not a good case when he founded it on such reasons as these. Ile had read a long list of motions which Sir John Newport had made in Parliament. Alr. Leader was very much dismayed at hearing that list read—it seemed to him to be a sort of incitement to Mem- bers to make as many motiona as possible. The argument of the noble lord was, " Give this man a pension because he has done his duty so well, and made such a quantity of motions." Of course the pension must be in propor- tion to the number of motions. Without wishing to say a word against Sir John Newport—(" Bear, hear !" .from Lord John Russell)—what could the noble lord mean by that very expreaave cheer ? hie had not said a ward against Sir John Newport. Ile believe:I that Sir John Newport was a very good master to Lord Wellesley and Lrod Grenville ; he believed that he did save MOM/. to the public; he believed I hat lie had dope his duty as Chancellor of the Exchequer in Ireland ; and he believed that he was a very good old man in Ireland at the present moment. But what of all this? It did not at all fur- nish a reason for giving Win a pension, especially when he considered the way in which he was appointed to office, and the understanding on which he must have taken office.

The third part of this job was the worst of all. The circumstances Must be fresh in everybody's memory— Towards the end of last session, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer had given such dissatisfaction to all commercial men—almost all, without exception, throughout the country—that the Government found they must positively get rid of him, or the commercial interests of the country would drive themselves from office. Having, then, timid it necessary to get rid of this most inefficient Chancellor of the Exchequer—for he stated without fear of contradiction that he was inefficient—the Government did not know what to give him as a sop. The Speakership at first suggested itself, and Members of the Government went round canvassing Members on that side of the House for votes. (Loyd cheers from the Opposition.) Ile stated this openly, and lie knew that many honour-

able Members would hear hint out in the statement. It was stated to him- " Spring Rice is unpopular as Chancellor of the Exchequer, lie must be got rid of; and as you wish to get rid of him as Chancellor of the Excher, will you

not vote for him cm Speaker? " He plainly and openly answered that he dis- liked Mr. Spring Rice as Chancellor of the Exchequer, but that he certainly would not vote tor him as Speaker—that lie thought they had better get rid of

him Its Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and as to the Speakership, be proceeded to state that if Ma Spring Rice were put up as Speaker, lie would be sure to

be beaten. (Cheers and laughter.) "Afterwards," said Mr. Leader, "for our good tbrtunc, Sir, we elec.ed you." ( hood cheers.) It was then necessary for the Government to find astute other retiring-place for the late Chancellor of the

Exchequer; and as he supposed that right honourable gentleman considered himself a very ill-used moan in not being made Speaker, they were oblig&I to give him a most disproportionate reward for his party services—for lie would not call theta public services. Wilco a man retired from office after long pub- lic service, he ciai local generally one of two things : if he were a needy man, and wanted money, lie would perhaps claim sonic good place, which would enable him to live comffirtably ; if, on the other hand, he was a mat not caring so much for money, but caring for the hot ttttt r and power which a Peerage gave, he claimed the honour and power of the Peerage. In the case of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer there was an necumulation of rewards. Not only was a Peerage not sufficient, hilt he added the very agreeable and well-paid office of Comptroller of the Exchequer.

Now as to the question of money—

They might be told that it did not signify to so great a nation that 2,000/. or 3,000 of tine public money was given away but Air. Leader thought

it signified a very great deal. That was the sort of argument which the reckless spendthrift used when he found his ffirtune embarrassed. Such a person would say, " It does not signify whether 1 spend a few thousands more

or less; I am already half ruined, so that it can't make much difference." So the Government said, " We are under the necessity of raising new taxes, and it does not signify whether we raise a fbw thousands more or less." But

the public did not feel so. The public generally, if not individually, felt the bad moral effect which such conduct had on the country. He asked, was the present a time for extravagance, and for jobbing in public offices, when amongst tho working-classes there Wits SUCII great distress and discontent ? Was the present a time forgiving it fresh argument against the institutions of the country? Thee was 2,000!. or 3,000/. a year clearly thrown away; The arguments that wouldia founded on this job would make many more Chartists than twenty of the most violent speeches at the most violent public meetings. It was this wanmof consistency in public men—these hollow professions of economy and retrenek, went— that made Chartists. The whole thing was a job, and not only a job, but a job perpetrated by those who professed a great abhorence of jobs, and who got into office chiefly by that profession ; and, to sum it up in the fewest pose sible words, and at the same time tine most expressive, to show that it was a gross and clumsy job—he would pronounce it a Whig job. (OppositiA eneerS.) Mr. IlAnnox spoke in praise of Sir John Newport's public character; and asked the Opposition whether they would wish to see one of the oldest and best of public servants sink into the grave with a vote of censure on his head?

Mr. O'CONNELL protested against Mr. Leader's attempt to inflict a stain on the character of an aged and respectable man. In his opinion there was something worse than Whig jobbing, and that was " Chartist cant,"-- for there was something of cant in talking of increasing the public ter. dens when not one shilling: was to be added to them. He protested against the system of assailing one individual with a view of reaching another.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM eulogized Sir John Newport's public and private character, and acquitted hint of all blame in the transaction ; bat he condemned the conduct of Government and of Lord Monteagle. Re must sly, that the accounts given of Sir John Newport's resignation did not allay, but increased his suspicions— Lord Morpeth stated, that in April 1839, Sir John Newport avowed to Lord Alelbourue his inability any' longer to discharge the duties of the office of Comptroller of the Exchequer, and intimated his intention of retiring to Ira land. Tito noble lord stated that in May 1839—so he understood bun—this office was offered to another person, and as distinctly referred to Lord Mont. eagle as desiring to till the station which the Speaker so worthily filled. The chair was vomited in the beginning of Alta-. The election of the present Speaker to that chair took place on the 27th of May. From that it was clear that Lord Monteagle to the end of' May could not fill the office of Speaker, and could not take the office of Comptroller of the Exchequer. Now, Sir John Newport Wits unable, to discharge his duties, and Lord Montengle could not fill the office; and they kept Sir John Newport there throughout May, throughout June, and July, and Augnst, until the end of the month of Sep. teinher—till the session of Parliament was over, when the Ministers Mune& ately appointed their own Cabinet colleague to fill this office, with the sole control of the Exchequer. This was not an attack on Sir John Newporabut it was a direct attack on the conduct of her Majesty's Government in giving an office of great trust and confidence, constituting the sole control over the expenditure of this country, under circumstances which, to say the least, were open to great suspicion. Thee would allow hint to ask what was the object of keeping this office open from May to September? What great feats had Lord Monteagle performed ? Let the House review his performances during the session— The first of his great performances was to omit to fund Exchequer Bilh, when Ile might with great advantage have raised the interest on them ; and then lie funded Exchequer Bills in such a manner as to leave them at a dim. count. What had lie done since? He introduced a new mode of bidding for loans, which produced no bidders, but was scouted and laughed at. His next operation was the making of most abstract and abstruse calculations for a new mode of leasing Church property, on which he rested his credit. On exami- nation before it Committee of that House, they were exploded and Moen into air. Then, a Cominitiee appointed by the hate Chancellor of the Exchequei sat for three years to examine evidence on Joint 'Stock Banks. The late Chancellor of the Exchequer was their Chairman. On behalf of the Govern- ment, he tendered them no advice whatever with respect to the banks ; and that Committee, over which he presided for three years, sitting on a subject of most vital importance, involving questions with regard to banks of issue, bad to this day presented no report. Ills next step teas the causing of a deficiency of 3,000,000/. in the income to meet the expenditure of the country ; having 'so managed the finances of the country, that year by year, for three years cense- cutively,,he had been a million deficient, and had increased that deficiency the last year.; and when last lie had brought forward his budget, in the face of in- creasing expenditure and deficient revenue, he brought forward that notable project which sacrificed 1,500,000/. a year in time Post-office revenue; and in order to work out that scheme, actually advertised a reward of 200/. to any man in the United Kingdom who milli help him to devise a plan to carry a out. Ile then brought ffirward a measure for the renewal of the Bank charter of Ireland—a measure of vital importance, and pointed out a way of effecting a saving of 25,0001. to the public ; and, as his last act, before bidding then farewell, showed that it was necessary fur hint to succumb to 'Mr. O'Counell's commainfing and overweening influence.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, expressed himself exceedingly surprised by Sir James Graham's attack on Lord Monteagle, his former colleague, and a most efficient member of Lord Grey's Administration, who was not present to defend himself- " I do not fkel it necessary to enter into a defence of my noble friend's con• duct, because it does not properly come beffire us; but I certainly was surprised at the attack which has been made, because I remember that the right honour- able gentleman was for a long time a member of that Cabinet under which Mr. Spring Rice was all able and efficient secretary to the Treasury ; and 1 should have thought that the right honourable gentleman would have recollected with some gratitude, the able, zealous, and eloquent speeches which Mr. Spring Rice made in defence of that Government, when the right honourable gentle- man so often shrunk from his duty in maintaining its acts. ( Vehement cheers.) I should have thought, certainly, the( the right honourable gentleman would not have altogether forgotten those s,:rvices, or failed to call to mind how mach that Government, of which he was a member in a very high office, and for which he said so little, owed to the very able and efficient speeches made by the then Secretary to the Treasury, and that he would have at least been in- clined to spare a man not now present to answer him. But if those speeches and services, both official and Parliamentoxv, all of them showing, not only great zeal and industry, but great ability likewise, produced no impression on the right honourable gentleman, they did produce an impression on the noble lord at the head of the Government ; because the noble Member for Lanca- shire no sooner resigned the office of Secretary to time Colonies, than Lord Grey thought he could place the seals of the Colonial Office in no batter hands than in those of the noble lord, whom the right honourable gentleman, when no ques, Lin was before the 1 louse as to his conduct, thought lit to censure in such harsh terms. In that course Lord Grey thought himself justified, and Lord Alelbourne thought himself justified la. the conduct of Lord Monteagle in the situation which lie then held: and this 1 am sure of, that, if the right honourable gentleman ventured—which I urn sure he never did—to make such an attack as he has indulged in to-night, on my noble friend's conduct of the financial affairs of the country, lie would have met with an answer which would probably have deterred him from repeating it. (Loud cheers.) Butt if the right honourable gentleman thought it safe to refrain from impugning the services of my noble friend when he sat on these benches, and was selected for flies by Lords Grey and Althorp, it was still more safe to make a laboured attack against a man who is now a member of the other House of Parliament. But Sir, the question before the House does not relate to the financial conduct of the affairs of the country during the last session. I will not be led into it by the taunts of the right honourable gentleman, and his evident end anxious wish to escape the question which his honourable friend has brought forward." Lord John maintained that public services fully entitled Sir John Newport to his very moderate pension. He would compare the remu- neration Sir John Newport had received with what had been done for others— Mr. Ward and Mr. Ilehhouse received 1,0001. pension ; Mr. Lusbington, Mr. Croker, and Mr. Planta, were paid 1,5001.; Lord Auckland and Mr. Goalburn were each pensioned 2,000/. a year ; Lord Bexley. had 3,000/. 1 shall only mention another, Lord Sidmouth, who manfully and fairly gave up the pension to which he was entitled. But then, it is said these pensions have been granted maim. an act of Parliament. (Opposition cheers.) Now, I do not think it a sufficient claim to a pension that a man has served a certain number of years in office, without doing any thing reniarkable, or performing any essential service. Well, then, it is to be considered whether there arc any grounds on which a person can be recommended to the Crown for a pension. As there certainly are such grounds, the question arises, who arc to be the judges of the qualifications entitling a person to such a recommendation ? I say, the First Minister of the Crown can best know whether a person lots per- formed his services in such a way as to justify the grant of a pension, I own that all the pensions I have referred to may he questioned. 1 admit, if I were

asked what Mr. Croker had done to call a pension, I could not give any

reasons for the grant. But I think such things are very properly placed in the hands of the Crown ; and no doubt the Minister of the day advised this pen-

sion, not merely because Mr. Croker was a Secretary of the Admiralty thr twenty years—which may be a very agreeable occupation—but because he rendered essential service in that situation. I am of opinion, thereffire, that

the Crown, being granted a certain amount on the Civil List with regard to those who have served the Crown, (as to those who have not, that is another question,) the Prime Minister is the proper person to give advice as to those who should receive pensions."

He repeated Lord Morpeth's account of Sir John Newport's resigna- tion, and stated as the reason why )1r. Ellis had not been appointed Comptroller of the Exchequer, that Lord Althorp could not recommend him for the office. He ridiculed the motions with which the Opposi- tion assailed the Government. There was Sir John Yarde Buller's attack, how did that end?-

" They had very little to say, and a great deal of what they did charge on us recoiled upon themselves ; but the result was, that after four nights' debate, they were completely discomfited on every point. (Cheers nod counter-elm Iv.) It was a question, not for the produetion of a return. It turned upon no meagre and gingerly resolution, but on a plain vote of want of confidence.

(Cheers.) I really thought the party opposite had made up their minds to

this resolution—' We don't mean to harass you on little points; we dou't mean to snatch a vote here and there against you; but we shall submit a pro- position perfectly intelligible that the Ilouse has no confidence iu the Govern- ment, but in the Tory party.' To that proposition an answer unffivourable to those opposite was returned; and this, and all such other attempts to hurt the feelings of an old man—(4 Oh, oh!")—only ,bowed how forgetful those op- posite were of' the profusion which characterized their own government ; state of oblivion in which 1 am persuaded neither this Home nor the country participate." (Loud cheers.) Sir Romsaur PEEL said, that however pointless. spiritless, and gingerly the resolution might appear to Lord John Russell, that noble lord had exhibited ample proof that lie did not consider Sir James Graham's speech as pointless, spiritless, and gingerly—

It seems to have had the effect of completely obliterating the recollection, not only of the services of my honourable friend, but of the unvarying testi- mony borne by the noble lord himself to the value of those services. llas not

the noble lord said that the separation from office of may right honourable friend was one of the most painful in his life, on account of time proof which he had given of the value of those services which the noble lord thinks it decent now to decry? The noble lord says to-night, that my right honourable friend, when one of his colleagues, and a member of the Government, shrunk from his public duty ; and such was his expression, after the testimony to which I have referred of the estimation in which he held the services and character of of my right honourable friend. Is there the slightest 'immolation for the asser- tion that may right honourable friend ever shrunk from his duty ? -Who was selected to assist the noble lord in his preparation of the Reform Bill ? Was It not my right honourable friend? And will time noble lord now, with his impressions of Reform, deny the services which my right honourable friend rendered on that occasion ? Does the noble lord deny the services of my right honourable friend as First Lord of the Admiralty ? Lord J. RUSSELL-4' No." Sir ROBERT PEct,—" No, says the noble lord. Then what does lie mean by saying that my right honourable friend shrunk from his duty as a member Of the Government ? Who reformed the civil department of the Navy ? Who was it that took credit for the great saving in the Naval Estimates during the government of Lord Grey—and can you deny that the whole merit vi' it was due to nty right honourable friend ? Oh, I am reviving in the noble lord's recollection sonic sense of my right honourable friend's services. Why, this very debate should recall to the noble lord's reerdlection seine of his services. Who reformed the Comptrollership of the Exchequer ? Who was it that, burdened with the laborious office of First Lord of the Admiralty, found time to. extend his inquiry into the whole department to which I have reti2rred ? ho altered the regulations of pensions granted for civil services ? It was ray right honourable friend, whom the noble lord, forgetting his past acknow- meat of his public services, has charged with shrinking from his duty. I will tell the noble lord what lie shrunk from—he shrunk ii.om ',glee, in vindication of his principles. (Loud cheers.) Rather than conseut to the principle in- volved in the Appropriation-clause, by which I was deprived of office, my right honourable friend abandoned his office; and, perhaps, seeing the place which my right honourable friend now occupies, from adherence to his prin- ciples, and, recollecting the fate of the Appropriation-clause, the Iloilo lord may be excused for the irritation which lie has displayed." (Loud f ,M) But Sir Robert would not follow Lord John Russell's example, and would apply himself to the question before the I louse. By the act of Par- liament which provided that grants and pensions should be given to various officers of State, the Comptroller of the Exchequer was spe- cially excepted by name from receiving a pension. [7 lie Chancellor of t to Exchequer said, " No, nor] Sir Robert Peel quoted from the Act the words which excepted the Cmuptroller of the Exchequer— "Was I not warranted, then, in saying, that specially, and by name, there was one office the holder of which wits disabled from receiving a pension ? What could be the meaning of that particular exception ? What but this—that that officer should be kept not only independent of parties, but, being the sole cheek But Lord Morpeth admitted that Sir John Newport's case ought not to be made a precedent- " Now, we do not propose to deprive Sir John Newport of his pension; and I say at once, that it he wine deprived of it, anti it should he proposed, in consideration of the particular eireionstanem s of his elle and the expectations held out to him, that he should be provide: for by n special act of Parliament, I %mould vote in favour of such a pvep.,•ui In. A lime mine to sy, however, that I am surprised at time terms of the noble hears resolution ; because 1 was the person who stated the ether night that I ilioniffit, in special and particular cases, Parliament ought to be appe:;l,i ; and the h,namt,thle gentleman the Member for Kilkenny was one of the very first who assented to that opinion. (Mr. Ilume, " No, no l") I certainly thought so. It is possible that 1 might have been mistaken ; but it certainly appeared to me that tile honourable gen- tleman assented to my proposition, and spoke in support to it with unusual enthusiasm. (Cheers wed l'anghter.) 1 tele:it iny opinion, notwithstanding what has been said by time lath!, lord. T smill I !Ink, that in casta., where Meet have performed such special and perm:liar Parlimintentaty services as shall appear to entitle them to a pecuniary leo:int, it is better that that reward should be given by Parliament than that it should be conferred by the Crown. If ser- vices have been rendered in Parlimon tut, ht Parliament be the judge of their worth, and determine time reward that shall be meilorded for them. am sur- prised that the noble lord, when he was preparing his resolution, did not recol- lect the case of Mr. /...leatian. rat I services were not rewarded by the Crown—he was provided the by a vote of l'arliatuelit. Mr. Pitt's debts were provided for by a vele of Parliament. Ile it observed, however, that when say that I thin]; l'ariiiiment ought in seem imil c 1st s to make provision for Parliamentary services, I am of oviinion that the vire:tin:dances under which such a provision should be awarded slum iffil be sa p,.ettiiar mid Cu extra- ordinary, that no mere majority of a Nlember's own rrty should he enabled to vote it, but that it should conic to him mm ith the genarmil assent of the a hole llouse, as a boon conferred in consideraticn of the spt mild and particular nature of his case."

Now with regard to pensions, ivlmt did the House do in IS34 ? I; We provided that the witela mower, p,:n,"ees al.irlt lime Crown should. have the power of grating tar rho re..., .1 ..m library service, for scientific eminence, and fin; services rendered 1,, 1 ee Crown, slienlml be 1,a,.9t a year. That was time 't, and what have y a.: have gaited at one swoop tive-sixths of the whole or 111% sn: t .• t'11.11:t:fil entry service. (Lind dicers from the Oppnsit,...d.) I --.y that tl: .;i< CM;lrary to the intention of Parliament. (11( :o wed eLeel::, r. r.) Now let one appeal

to every man in the (.;1:i.0 i lift otiice in IS!'5-1 put

this question to thus: v.lto ve re i lly ie.:la:sea to me—suppose. when I eame into of ice ill IS:75. e tha Of el,' 11011.5C 'limiting the grant of pensions to ; f..u.% in the wind of every one—

suppose at that time t don: a let you I rev a dene—suppose' I had

taken tire-sixths of tin ‘• lade of the sem. and lm of g it to some gentle- Mail on this side of time Deese who hal de., ot Idles:mt. to the public service 'arliament, but had not Itelti office long enough to emit ilk Nita to a pension miller the act of I arliameet—soppose I nal created a vacancy in this office, which ought to he indepemplent of the Crown, bt• granting a pension to the person who held it on condi; ham of his re-ire int fit —61111p0 I had facili- tated stone politival arrangement—a.. putting a friend of mine into the oiliet,—supp,)se 1 had dime this, 1 ask yon whether, by an immense majority from your slile of the loti:e, you would not have condemned such an act on my pert in much .imager language than is emploeed in any part of the resolutions unwed lie mbe bemmeseide member for N. nli l/arham ? '1‘ :,-iet it emmtented you: - ith a.h elde (tech- 'adieu Out such an act egglit n,it to tie (1.1%1%111 11110 a lee:, deem 1Vould you trot

have said, "lids is a vieh.tion of the intlepentleuee the mella.;,:' Coe.ptroller

of the Exchequer: this is an absorption, for party and political purposes, of five-sixths of the whole stun allotted by Parliament for the reward of every species of merit? and wouhl you not pro; ose ::11.1 carry by acclamation, if you could carry it all, not a 1e:dit:ion declaritig that this act of mine sestet a ; recedem. but mem humble address

should not be draw to the Crown,

praying that I might forthe ill/ be rese ne', fr, m (thee. 'f lett, undoubtedly, is the course that you would have take.... I ask you to maintain nt least so much of consisteney a.; to vote to-imilit that such an act might not to be drawn into a preeetlent. (Opiemsititma (la ce.m.) Dec ion trust to Ministerial declarations. The power of johloing Mum us:'. You can hardly put a limit to the pos:41,ilily W11;;I ran 1': done. It' you will om.ly convert van' into ought'—((i, /deeild, m.) —if. instead of considering, what can be done,' you will pro-,•rilii. wluit • on:ots to Ire ilouo; it is possible that your deliberations may attaina useful evil.-, A long catalogue of various Parliamentary se e\ sees performed by Sir John Newport had been read to the i louse- " Why, surely, these are deties which a mnitti (meta to parform : surely these upon the issues of the public money from the Treasury, should also be kept in- dependent of the Government and of the Crown ? It is plain that, under the terms of the act, the Crown was not entitled to give a pension to this officer. The act contains another provision which is somewhat analogous—it declares that the Crown shall not be entitled to appoint the Comptroller of the Ex- chequer to any other situation held at time pleasure of the Crown ; and that that officer shall be removeable, not at the will of the Crown, but only upon an ad- dress from either !louse of Parliament. Can there be stronger proof that the intention of Parliament was, that the Comptroller of the Exchequer should not look to the Crown for favour or promotion of any kind whatever. What, then, has been done ? The Crown, ace ..ding to the provisions of the act, could not grant me pension. How, then, has it been obtained ? hy, it has been granted out of the Civil List. Time noble lord says that lie thinks this pension ought not to be drawn into a precedent. The noble lord admits that. Well, then, tither the noble lord differs from the resolutions moved by the honourable Member for North 'Durham, and thinks that there was no impropriety, in mak- ing the grant of a pension to this office ont of the Civil List, or else he thinks that the case is questionable and ought not to las drawn into a precedent. If the noble lord holds to the first of these propositions—if he thinks that the grant is defensible—if he thinks that the holder of this office is entitled to a pension (and if this bolder, of course all other ladders of the same office)—if the noble lord thinks this, why does he not meet this proposition by a direct negative?" was made Comptroller of the Exchequer, his performance of the duties of that office ought not in justice to deprive him of the benefit of a pension. No doubt, that pension took 1,000/. out of the 1,2001., but then it should be remembered, that Sir John Newport was a very old man, and not likely to reeelve it for many years.

Mr. Hums wished that the date of the letter containing Sir John Newport's offer of resignation had beeu given to the House. At pre- sent the transaction was loolZed upou as a job, Sir John Newport's claims, and all others, ought to be brought before Parliament, and stand on their own merits.

Lord Jonts RussEL.I, said, that the statements of Lord Melbourne, Lord Domani:on, and Sir John Newport, ought to satisfy the House that there was no connexion between Sir Jo'a Newport's retirement and Lord 11Ionteugle's appointment.

Mr. Ti1031As DUNcomBE agreed that the transaction was a gross job ; but the public interest was not regarded i.: any of the three propositions which had been made-- All the end that the propoAtions came to fhis—except, Weed, that of the honourable Member for Kilkenny, who propteed. to vat LOOM It year additional upon the public burdens—that de honourable :s leather for North Durham said that this pepsin, to Sir John Newport " ottg:it not to be drawn into a prece-

dent ;" whilst the noble lord the Member fin the Wi.:4 sahl "it cannot be drawn into a preceded" New, the right honour,Lie Baronet the Member for Tamworth advised them, •• I 1...1 trust to 1:tat detkration ; it never could

be depended up.,a,- fer, C.: right Itonouni'dc genticurin, " although

this I louse may :el:, feet ;:es be drown into a precedent, and although

it ought not to be et 1:..‘ next Massecomtnuns, Nvith the Tory Administretion tilde!: itt succeed the pre.,ent, will do the very thing that we Sly cannot a,. i ‘.<

Between Mr. Liddere te.1 Morpeth's propositions lie had little to choose ; but Mr. I lunie'e we: the most alieurd of the three ; and

therelbre, in this state o:. :.1tould vote with the party

whose administration I:1:.: ht IROSt to the country.

Mr. WYNN fel: local L tie act of Parliament to vote with Mi- atisters ; for this net u:ei.1 tin.: Crown to bestow pensions to the extent of leeted. a year oil t;:. -.: who had just claims on the Royal bene- ficence, and he be yes! eIir j:din New poet had those

Mr. Leontad. repIital; el tl• ileuse diehted_ For Eidfle;effs te,ulotion,F. 240

For Lord 31orectiCe amendment 212 Majority egainst Ministers 2S

The Conservatives cheered loudly when the numbers were art nounced.

Vosys i' IllEt...1xn.

A long diseasion ur i Commons, on Tuesday, on a motion by Lord STO NM: f:r Iva:, 1- '1 ri a• iu a hill to amend the laws relating

to the registretiee 1..eland, and to assimilate them to the laws of nightie!. Ile retie the abides tied inconvenience of the resent see tee:: of reeis;;:t.' in Ireland, and Cie facility it gave for the creation of fraud' t

If a person g,:t r • 1: mi impr,pyr..,,l.e might, upon objet• Lion, be shawl,. of the : . Pat in Icefica!, if a porson got on the list, he proved hi, title ',Hi affidavit :la, reifistered by the clerk of the peace os the recer,!5 ,nay. The claims tit then received a certi-

ficate from the chefs of the peaf-e, w hich allowed him 1,i tender his vote at every election for eight yaws, wiihwit examination. These certiticates, if some of the decieiees of the eRsisiaid-herristers here correet, extended it only to a period

of eight Yc"r'/-1,), H? 1tto:,r-n:,,:: it %I.', held in ireland that the production

of a certificate it: the tar not by the party hinhelf, but by some

persons whom he c!.paccti .brie:, into „or:11,n filch: evidence of his title to another ceriiiie:tte to v,,:e 1:11 t he year I,F,48. The certificates, there- fore, were almost in the 1.1.t tiro of Exchequer Bills; they were renewable and

transferable, and there pretcnt the person who renewed from bandingover the Oil coil:I:Ales to oLaers Mr the porpo e of thing them to pro-

cure fictitious votes ; th,., c% or the death of the voter, nothing more was acres-my than to obt,:n the p c u,-ion of the certificate, and making the oath of ideetity,—fer that was the i- .!v question put on the occartion, except who, the e„liait- c,„ hy the Upper I louse, and on certain pro- ceedings on a petith.m before a 1%,11::::11■2ntary Committee. Be a multitude of

these fraudulent returns might he made to that House, and whether the party in whose name the ('t el was first taken out was dead or alive, his name was still availahle as havh:g here entered on the register.

In order to remedy this mid other abuses, he proposed that the regis- tration should he emote I instead- of : that a twelvemonth's occupancy should be required from the electer ; that Revising Barristers should act peema nen tly in the same pii,tticts, and that au appeal from their decisions eleedd lie to the Judees at the Assizes following the registration.

Lord Monetern rallied Lord Stenley epnti his having become a con- structor instead of an obstrneter. Ile vo,uhl not oppose the motion for bringing itt the bIll. lint iambi mot ilpi.1)Ve of this attempt to alter the Irish system of registration, as a plan was under the consideration of Government for bringing the registration of England, Ireland, and Scotland " under etc junta antl timied pin.-

Sergeant JaelesoN was glad that no opposition would be offered to the introduction of the bill ; which was a eve.. s- tiry measure, and would hear the closest investigation.

11r. &Coss reid. said, that Lord Stanley was the last person in this world who (meld to have ine,!,!led wi:h this subject. The principle of Lord Stanley's political conduct had always beet to limit the Irish franchise as notch is possibl,,. I would not enter into the details of the bill ; but its principle wilS vexation, delay, and trouble. It might he justly entitled a bill 1,, c-::: vat rs mkt prevent them from obtaining the franchise txteitt i:it the etm.-‘1frit of their landlords. Ile knew there were great evil, in the preened system, hut this bill would aggra- vate them ; and there was no pottree of opposition which he should not be justified in tolopting towards it. One part of the measure—that

which made the Judges a Court .Appeal—watild meet with universal reprobation in Ireland.

(hi the 1, lode, the precut bill appeared to him to be one calculated, not for the purpose of sycuring, a. it pritended to do, a fair investigation of the claim- ant's right to vote, ban of introducing such vexatious details us would be in- consistent with the situation of the 1,..nantfy in Lelnd—as would be ruinous to them in point of expense and time—as would bring them twice every Teat under the lash of their landlord—as would expose them to the most meredee, intimidation, and thus annihilate the elective franchise. Certainly the situa. Con of the Irish people ought to have excited commiseration rather than re. sentment in the breast of the noble lord, for he had left then, so little of the franchise in his Reform Bill that it was hardly worth while now to endeavour to extinguish the remainder. Lord STANLEY defended himself from the charge of unfair usage of Ireland ; and went into a close comparison of the franchise of England and Ireland, to show that if there were any difference, it was in favour of the Irish electors.

Leave given to' bring in the bill.


The Marquis of LONDONDERRY addressed the House of Lords at

great length on this subject, on Tuesday. His aim was to prove that the intethrence of the English Government in behalf of the Queen, against Don Carlos, had not only cost this country an immense sum of money, but had been injurious to its fame. He especially condemned the sanction which had been given by the British Government to the treachery of Maroto, and the part which British officers had takenin the Convention of Bergara. Be moved for a copy of that Convention, and for copies of communications between the Foreign Office, the Ad. miralty, and the British authorities employed on the coast of Spain front the 2Stlt of July 1839 to the present period.

The Earl of CLARENDON replied to Lord Londonderry. He con- tended that the British officers were fully justified in encouraging I. roto to desert the Pretender Don Carlos, and come over to the side of his lawful Sovereign. It was not Maroto only who desired to return to his allegiance ; all the best officers in the Cellist army, all the more respectable supporters of Don Carlos, had become convinced that their cause was hopeless, and that even its triumph would insure lasting misery to their country-. This opinion was shared by the great body of the troops ; and no sooner was the convention of Bergara known, than twenty-one Carlist battalions laid down their arms, and joined the Queen's troops with the utmost cordiality— The arms were piled outside the town ; the troops marched into the town unarmed ; they received their pay, they marched out again. They were ordered to resume their arms by Espartero, but there was not above flirty Bit- evens who would do so ; the rest returned without arms to their own homes. Of the Castilians, a great part took to the service of the Queen, the remainder went home, but, in fact, the greater part of the arms were returned to the depOt. They were brought in by the old men and by the women front the villages, to prevent the possibility of the peace, for which they yearned, being once more destroyed. Another remarkable circumstance showed most plainly the disposition of the people of those provinces. Espartero made a progress through them : he was everywhere received with enthusiasm by the people. They made every demonstration of joy. He took opportunities of making addresses to the people, and in every place he haul three elieers,—one for the peace, another for the Queen, and the third for the constitution, which were all responded to with equal fervour. Such was the joy with which the peace was received, such was the enthusiasm, such the gratitude as well of the people as of the soldiers. Such proofs required no comment ; they demonstrated that the provinces were every way satisfied with the terms of the peace established by the Convention, It sees not that Marotta betrayed the provinces to the Queen ; there was no magic in his acts; he had no extraordinary power to perform his wishes ; tin, troops were not lid into any ambuscade; they were not betrayed by any stratagem into the hands of Espartero ; there was nothing to prevent the soldiers from leaving their general; there was nothing to cone• pd them to lay down their arms; whilst, as to the peasantry. Maroto had no more power over the people ; he had exercised, and he had attempted to exer- cise, no more influence over the people than had the noble Marquis hiinseIC It was manifest, then, that what Montt° did, he did only to give effect to en opinion and to a feeling which lout been long known to exist. He had had ample evidence of the conviction of the Carlist chiefs; he had had full proof from the people, that the sacrifices necessary for the war had become milieu- able.

lord Clarendon described the misery which the triumph of Don Carlos, who was even more bigoted and despotic than his brother Ferdinand, would have entailed upon Spain ; and he contended, that if England was really interested in the welfare of that fine country, and in the establishment of Liberal institutions, the British Government, which had so effectually supported the Queen, deserved thanks in- stead of condemnation for their conduct in the Spanish contest. The Earl of ABERDEEN said, he always approached the discussion of Spanish affairs with extreme reluctance— Not that those affairs might not be well deserving of their Lordships' serious deliberation; at the same tnne, in his opinion, the conduct of both partici in the wretched contest that was going on in that country had been so atrocious, so abhorrent to every feeling of humanity and civilization, and so utterly dis- graceful to the age in which we lived, that it was very difficult to feel any thing of interest in the success of either party, or to look at the result of the contest, except with feelings allied to loathing and disgust. He denied that because Don Carlos might be the supporter of Absolute principles of government, and the Queen and her party of Liberal opinions, it wits just or politic in this country to interfere in behalf of the latter— As to the idea of nations entering into treaties for establishing liberal in- stitutions in other cowards, it was absurd. Did the noble Earl think that we could, by treaty, arrest the despotic views of the Emperor of the North? Such topics were all very, well as matters of declamation in that Ilouse, and as subjects for paragraphs in new:Tapers, hut it Was not a course of policy for a wise government to adopt. But the doctrine of the noble Earl was not true, nor did history show that the establishment of free institutions in the nations with which we were allied led to the promotion of the interests and prosperity of the parties concerned. Look at Off OW11 connexion with Portugal. Portugal had been fin. one hundred and fifty years so closely connected with England, that it was always called by the other powers of Europe an English colony; and yet Portugal was one of the most arbitrary and one of the most bigoted governments in Europe. By the by, he should like to know whether that coun- try was more friendly towards us, now that it had become more liberal. Look, again, at all the great powers of' the Continent, t "Which of them had been the most permanently connected with this country ? The great Austrian empire; and yet that was a despotic power. But then, it was a power with which no English interests ever came in collision ; and for many years its policy bad Teen essentially pacific. That, indeed, was the great object to be regarded. The aim of this country ought always to be to enter into those relations which were most likely to continue the preservation of the, general peace. It was in this respect, therefore, that lie looked upon Austria as the natural friend of this country. It would be preposterous to suppose that any such alliances as those to which the noble Earl hod alluded, that of having for their object the spread of liberal institutions in other countries, would. ever enter wisely into the policy of this country.

Lord MELBOURNE maintained that this country had not gone beyond the stipulations of the Quadruple Treaty, by which it was bound to assist the Queen of Spain until the termination of hostilities. With respect to Maroto's conduct, he did not see that the House had any thing to do with his motives. The British Government was employed in the pacification of Spain, and was therefore called upon to encourage the return of revolted subjects to their lawful allegiance. They had done nothing more than this in the affair of Maroto. Lord Londonderry's motion was agreed to.


On the motion of Lord ELLENBOROUGH, on Tuesday, the petition of the East India Company, presented by the Marquis of Lansdowne on the 14th instant, was referred to a Select Committee of the Lords. On the same day, Sir RICHARD JENKINS, Chairman of the East India Company, called the attention of the House of Commons to the restrictive duties on the produce of the East Indies, and other disadvantages which the commerce of that portion of the empire laboured under. In conse-

quence of the low tone in which he spoke, most of Sir Richard's observa- tions were inaudible ; but the substance of his speech will be found in

the following resolutions, which he moved the House to adopt-

1, That, with a view to carry out the intention of the Legislature, that sugar from the Last Indian possessions should be admitted on equal terms with sugar from other settlements, it is the opinion of this House that, on the pro- hibition of the importation of sugar into ports in India by the local govern- ment, the importation of sugar into this country front the ports of India at an equal rate of duty, ought to be permitted. "2. That spirits, being the produce of British possessions, are in no ease, except that of India, subject to a higher rate of duty than 9s. per gallon, the duty on spirits from India being 158. per gallon ; thdt it is the opinion of this Haim that the duties on spirits front all British possessions should be

et] .1. 1

"3. That tobacco, the produce of British possessions in America, beinf, sub- ject to a duty of only 28.9d, per pound, while that of India pays 3e., it is the opinion of this House that the duty should he equalized. 114. The while cotton and silk piece-goods from the United Kingdom ere admitted at the principal parts of India at an ad valnrenz duty of :36 to 7 per eat., similar goods from India are subjected to duties of 10 and 20 per cent. It is thereffire the opinion of this House that the duties on cotton and silk goods imported from India should be subject only to such ditties as are payable OR the same description of goods shipped from this country to ludia. "b. 'flint, with a view to the encouragement of the cultivation of the tea plot in British India, it is the opinion of this House that the duty levied on tea, the produce of British India, should be lower than that on tea imported from China.

116. That it is the opinion of this House that all inequalities existing in any of the colonial possessions of her Majesty, in the amount of duty levied on goods the produce of the 'United Kingdom and those the produce of India, ought to be removed. " 7. That, under the construction of the term ' British possessions,' the produce of many parts of India, subject to the authority of the British Go- vernment, is charged with rates of duties applicable to the produce of foreign countries- That it is the opinion of this House, that the whole of the terri- tories of British India should receive the benefit of the term for commercial purposes. " 8. That those provisions of the existing laws of England which exclude seamen, natives of the territories of India subject to Oft 13ritish Government, from the privilege of being considered British seamen, while that privilege is extended to natives of otitis:. British possessions, operate prejudicially to a class of persons entitled to the protection of Parliament; and that it is the opinion at' this House that the law in this respect ought to be amended."

He also gave notice, that on Wednesday next he should move that the whole House resolve itself into a Committee to consider the duties payable on articles the produce of the East Indies, with a view to their reduction.

Mr. Hoe; seconded the motion; and pleaded for the protection of the House to the natives of India.

Mr. LABOUCHERE stated many facts, and read several tables relative to the commerce of India, showing, that in consequence of measures adopted within a few years for extending the trade of India with this country, there bad been increased production in India and increased consumption in England. He was not prepared to adopt the resolu-

tions ; but was resolved by every fair and practicable means to carry out the principle they embodied, and which, indeed, had for some time been the policy of the Government. The House, however, would be taking a leap in the dark by adopting the resolutions; and it was the duty of Government and the Legislature to take care that in giving effect to any principle, however just and sound, they did not unduly disturb existing interests.

Mr. Hums:, Mr. Ewaner, and Mr. CHAPMAN expressed their concur- rence in the resolutions.

Sir JOHN HOBHOUSE stated the course which Government had deter- mined upon— He was prepared to propose, and he thought it would be a satisfactory pro- posal, that the same course' which had been pursued in the House of Lords should be pursued in the House of Commons. He was willing that a Select Committee should be appointed, and lie was quite willing- to leave the selection of that Committee to hi, honourable friend the Chairman of the East India Company. lie was willing that that Committee should proceed pani piessu with the Committee of the House of Lords to investigate all the allega- tions contained in this petition. He thought this proposal just and tidy. that it met all the reasonable wishes of his honourable fri,:ad opposite, and that it would street whatever could he effected by a Parliamentary inquiry. Ma ny of the topics which Intl been alluded to in the course of this discussion had already received the careful attention of the Government, both at home and in India. For instance, the transit-duties had been altogether abolished in Bengal; they had also been abolished in the Bombay Government, and in the Madras Go- vernment they had been partially abolished, and preparations were in progress for their entire abolition. Again, with respect to cotton, the nonie authorities and the Governor-General, Lord Auckland, had paid the greatest attention to the subject of the cultivation of cotton III India. Experiments had been made of the utmost value, and the authorities had endeavoured to get the best in- formation upon the subject from America. When the time arrived, he should be happy to lay on the table of the I louse sonic valuable documents, and most particularly an admirable minute which had been dratim up by the Governor- General on the cultivation of cotton. He might also refer to the cultivation of the tea plant ; but lie really did not consider it necessary. lie might also, if necessary, proceed to show what had been done by the Court of Directors and the Government of India with respect to one of the most important branches of public improvement, lie meant the marvellous effects produced by steam-navigation. That important subject had received such improvements as would doubtless soon add to the prosperity of the country beyoud what the most ardent imagination could conceive. He alluded to these few points to show that Government was by no means inattentive to the tveighty and im- portant interests that were intrusted to their care.

Sir RICHARD JENKINS acceded to Sir Jolm Hohhouse's proposition. The resolutions were withdrawn, and it was agreed to apeoint a Select Committee.


IRISH CORPORATION REFORM. The loose Of C0111111011S went into Committee on Monday on the Irish Municipal Bill. Amendments proposed by Mr. SHAW and Mr. Sergeant JACKSON were rejected; and 214 clauses having boon agreed to, the House resumed.

STATE or THE FRANCHISE. Mr. Hump., on Tuesday, moved for a series of returns stating the number of registered electors in each county, city, or borough in the United Kingdom, the nature of their qualifications, and the increase or decrease since 1535. Several Mem- bers objected to the great expense and trouble of making out the re- turns ; but they were ordered, by a majority of 67 to 7th

THE IMPRISONED SHERIFF. A motion by Alderman Wool) for per- mission to Mr. Sheriff Evans to wait upon the Queen to a-certain syhea her Majesty would receive the congratulatory address on lees merriage, from the City of London, was opposed by Lord Jonx RUSSELL, sup- ported by Mr. FRESIIFIELD, and rejected, by Si to 39.

111-:ixEss or THE HOUSE. Lord JOHN B moved. that after the 1st of June next, orders of the day should take precedence of notices of motion on Thursdays. Iis apprehended there would he no objectioq to his motion, which was intended to facilitate the peogress of bills to the other 'louse. Sir BOBERT PEEL had strong ol,jections to this pro- position. It materially affected the independence of the HouSe of Commons— He saw what it would end in—flint it would become the universal rule. If the House were to take into consideration inditre Easter the state of business, and if any special circumstances should render 'malt a mmi.m expolieat, he

should he prepared to supp irt it But it' it were agreed to m -iw, there was nothing to prevent the motion from bring drawn into an noivers..1 precedent.

Lord JOHN RussEln, said, if it were thou* desiralde to postpone the motion till the eve of Easter, he would nut press it, but be hoped it would not be opposed then.

Motion withdrawn.

INTERNATIONAL COI.YRIGHT. Lord Paintnesbost stated, on Wed-

nesday, in reply to Lord SANDON, that c 1.1 taken place with Foreign Powers with respect to :nee eelooal o me tilt, but they had not come to any agreement.

THE JUVENILE OFFENDERS BILL. ,.:1•Anlary jurisdiction in certain misdemeanours read

a second time, on the motion of Sir Ea n man: Wilener. by : 49 to 10.

PORT MAHON. In the House of lo "."1s, on Monday. I innenox- DERRY asked for some explanation of tins oectiemtion Islet, in Port Mahon, by the French: Lord ■ .1..111EN DON S:1:1, ware- : honse and hospital on the islet had bees leased by the Se.; (1 'vent-

ment to the United States; who were allowed, to

assign the le se to the French Government, who e .1. the se:'ion as a -

depot for coal:. Inc thounht there coed be no of j: et ta their using

it for that purpose. Lord ABERDEEN '.1.islied for s.,,ne that the

French would not convert it into a military station. Lard to:Nooss had no apprehension that the French. in contraventi ei of their lease, would erect military buildings on the islet.

CLAIMS OF THE BRITISH LEGION ON trim SPANISH GOVERNMENT. A motion by the Marquis of LONDOND:-:Hity ibr returns " of all decisions of the War-Office on the pensions and compensations granted' to the wounded officers of the British Auxiliary Legion. and also a return of all the outstanding elems of the Dien of tiro Le,:ion not presented before the 311th of September 1539," was opposed by Lord CLARENDON and Lord Mmmounsan ana withdrawn. Lord LONDONDERRY preferred two charges against Ministers—that they had not made sutheient efforts to procure the liquidation of the claims froma the Spanish Government ; and that, while the privates had been nesdected, the officers of the Legion had been unduly promoted, and preferred to a yariezy of employments over the heads of their seniors in the British service, Lord Ciesnr.xooN said he had done his best to obtain payment of arrears for the soldiers of the Legion, and that in point of fact, in consequence of his intervention, all the men who went away, except about 25o Lancers. were paid as fully as if they belonged to the British Army. As to the officers, Lord CLAREN■ DON and Lord MEbnounsn contended that they had richly merited the honours and rewards they had received, and. each case could be de- fended on its own ground.