THE PUBLIC AND BEVERIDGE

By MASS OBSERVATION

" I think there are two good things that have come out of this war—the changed attitude to Russia, and the Beveridge Report."

By December 2nd, as many as 92 per cent. of people questioned at random knew about the Report. The great majority questioned during the first two weeks of December had read summaries of the Report, and had formed opinions about it.

During the first few days, in reply to the question, " What do you think is the most important part of the Report? " only one person in three named any specific item (usually pensions). "I should say it's all important," was the commonest form of reply to this question Many people saw in the Beveridge Report a possible end to their deepest anxieties ; a reply, from a C class man of 28, is typical of this: "It seems all right to me. It would be all right to be able to stop worrying about tomorrow, or your old age, or what was going to happen to the kids." Many people are, in fact, suspicious of the scheme for no other reason than that it is, on the face of it, too good to be true. " I've •heard of Utopias before " is the comment of one B .class woman of 56. "It's a grand thing if it means what it says, security for all," and "It's a won- derful scheme if it comes off," are remarks repeated, with variations, again and agqin. A week before the publication of the Beveridge Report, Mass Observation issued a question on feelings about social services. This was a repetition of a- similar enquiry made in the spring of 1942, and replies showed no significant change of opinion since the first enquiry. There was a decided majority who thought that sickness benefit ought to be paid through the Government, and not, as at present, through the insurance companies. In the case of sickness benefit, women were slightly more of this opinion than men, but in the case of unemployment assistance, the feeling in favour of a Govern- ment scheme was very much stronger among men. Reasons for dissatisfaction with the existing insurance methods were various. The administration costs of certain insurance companies came in for criticism, but the main grumble was that the companies take so long to pay any benefits. As a C class woman of 25 says: " It would be more convenient if you could go to the Post Office and say 'I want my sickness benefit ' than wait till it's payable through the insurance man."

It was generally and immediately recognised that the Beveridge scheme is against the interests of the insurance companies, and that opposition from this quarter is to be expected. There was con- siderable difference of opinion, however, as to whether or not the insurance companies would be justified in opposing the scheme, the proportion of opinion being about two in favour to five against the companies. Asked whether or not they wished to see the Report passed by Parliament, seven replied that they did for every one who not. Opposition came mostly from those whose atti- tude to the insurance companies was sympathetic ; who are very often those who dislike changes of any kind, preferring the known to the unknown evil. The comment that the scheme would cost a lot of money was fairly general, but on the whole it is surprising that there is not more opposition on grounds of expense. C and D classes raised this point more often than B class, who would, in practice, lose more and gain less under the Beveridge plan, based as it is on a redistribution of income among the wage-earning classes. In some cases, at least, the explanation seems to be that in view of the present heavy income-tax, the cost of the plan seems slight.

As this B class woman of 35 says, " If people can pay all this 'heavy income tax now, they can easily pay six or seven shillings a week for this pension scheme."

There seemed at first to be a widespread impression that the Government was committed to the scheme, and that it would be passed into law without question ; and a few people think, as does this B class woman, that " It may get pushed through as quickly as possible, like the Lloyd George scheme in the last war."

On the other hand, a rather large minority express doubts whether the Report will ever become law, as, for example, F 35, C:

F35C " It's only a report after all. People seem to think it's already passed. I think it's just a carrot to hold before the donkey. They'll find some excuse for sliding out of it after the war."

And this, from a B class man of go: " I share the prevalent doubt whether it will ever come to pass."

But this scepticism has shown no tendency to increase, as might

have been expected. People on the whole seem content to wait and to reserve further judgement until the Report comes before the House.

Questions asked on December 2ISt show a decline of interest in

old-age pensions and health insurance, but not in unemployment. It was evident, at the same time, that the Report has influenced public opinion and that the details are becoming familiar. On each specific subject people spontaneously suggested those measures that are set out in the Report ; or, in many cases, simply said that they would like to see things done " like it says in the Beveridge Report."

The proposals have, in all cases, a majority backing. The principle of universality has gained adherence since the Report

was issued. Very few mentions of this were recorded in the earlier inquiries, but by December 21st many people were mentioning it spontaneously and with approval. Speaking generally, for the first time, the mass of the people are looking forward to the post-war future with hope. That is perhaps the first concrete result in this country of the Beveridge Report.

Mass indifference and cynicism about the future was high during the first two years of the war. By September, 1942, indifference, if not cynicism, was certainly much less—for it is important to draw a distinction between public hope and public expectation. Replies to questions in September, 1942, showed that quite mild reformist measures after the war would be more than many people expect, though less than they hope for. It is striking, in this context, how little public expectations, for better or worse, have been focussed on any particular party or leader. The post-war aspirations of the British public have remained very largely on an abstract, and often a moral, plane, but without any focus or programme—a widespread and rather vague hope for a change of heart. This abstract reformist mood is a propitious general background for suggestions of a concrete nature, and conversely a dangerous one for negative gestures, in the months ahead.