TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE STANLEY MAJORITY.
THE worst enemies of the official Whigs could not have wished for anything more destructive of their power than this supplemental existence, since it establishes, experimentally, their more than in- capacity for governing. That which was incapacity they had shown before, but now they have proved the existence of some- thing beyond—they have shown that the official Whigs are in- compatible with government. The natural history of their genius may be read in the last six weeks.
This day six weeks, Lord John Russell became conscious that his Government was incapable of going on, and he threw up the reins. At that time, although his Administration laboured from inherent debility—although Lord John had caught the Anti-Papal fever, and Sir Charles Wood had shown such organic decay that a Budget could not be evolved—Ministers had some extraneous ne- gative resources which protected their existence. They had no considerable party arrayed against them except the Protectionists ; and that, by the confession of its chief, was unprovided with a staff of leading men. A return to Protection was confessedly impos- sible in the present Parliament; and Lord Stanley talked of making one more appeal to the country, as if he half anticipated a negative on the proposal to restore his favourite regime. Every- body declared a dissolution to be not only inexpedient but im- probable if not impossible. It was on these grounds that the Russell Ministry was forced back into office contrary to constitutional usage.
Now all is changed. Ministers have so played their game in the time of grace allowed them, that the sentence impends over them with augmented weight. They have proved their inability to recover questions that had slipped from them ; they cannot call up even a temporary flush of vigour ; they cannot command cir- cumstances enough to gather up their Budget, reconstruct it, and once more present it ; they have rendered their Anti-Papal Bill more impotent and inapt ; coming back from their flight before Mr. Locke King, they try to beg off or evade Mr. Baillie. Bad as they were before, they have contrived to look worse now ; and at the same time men have seen that there is really not much choice of political leaders just now. The six weeks have reconciled the pub- lic to anything—except the old Ministry. That they should be allow- ed to leave office vacant, is no longer regarded as the greatest of pub- lic inconveniences ; they have reconciled all parties to that by pro- ving that their continuance is a still greater public inconvenience. By alike process, they have reconciled the public to the idea of a dis- solution; a dissolution is no longer thought impossible, but most probable, and desirable to end this wretched continuance of the " frivolous and vexatious " as an organized government. It is no longer felt that Free Trade is certain of a majority at the election; oh the contrary, the majority will probably be one for Stanley, whatever may be his policy—a majority, in short, for a govern- ment instead of none. - The state of affairs was in some respects similar about ten years ago, when Peel was coming into office. Then we repeated what we had previously said of this same party- " When the characters of Ministers are irretrievably ruined, the Liberal party divided into sections, some opposed to others, without admitted leaders, party organization, or binding objects, and all, save the masses beyond the pale and a few of the extreme section of the Radicals, are crying out for a government on any terms,—then will be the time for the Tories." *
There are, however, serious and foreboding differences between 1841 and 1851. In 1841, the feeling was strong that the great objects which most moved the public were not dangerously menaced by the change ; on the contrary, if there was to be some abatement of professions in the incoming as compared with the outgoing Ministry, everybody felt that the change was to be for the better in point of efficiency—that Free Trade itself would not suffer substantially in its progress—that " whatever measures Sir Robert Peel proposes will be real measures, brought forward to be carried." Now, alas ! Peel belongs to the past and not to the fit- ture. His colleagues do not display his aptitude for growing with the growth of the age, seizing the spirit of the time, and framing statesmanship on contemporary facts : do they not stand where he left off? The victory for Free Trade which he crowned, and the Whigs inherited, has to be placed in pawn with Stanley ; who, if he be unable to destroy it, will certainly prove no friendly guardian. We have no confidence that his will be measures to be carried. Stanley is not Peel : yet, in 1851, the public is pre- paring itself to change Russell for Stanley ; because we want " a government," and our standard of qualification for office has been lowered.
To put it in the most favourable light, the result of the Whig rule is, that the administration of Free Trade is handed over to Lord Stanley, chief of the Protectionists ! From this result one might almost suspect treachery to Free Trade in its adopted fathers : to say the least, they were lukewarm at the beginning ; their adoption of " the maddest project that ever entered the brain of man," was an act of political, we will not say of temporary ex- pediency ; and now it passes, with the realty, to Lord Stanley ! But in truth we do not impute to the Russell Cabinet anything so positive and definite as an intention ; treachery transcends their faculties.
And we will confess that the Free-traders par excellence have helped the catastrophe. They converted the just object of their exertions into an all-sufficient idol, and then they lost their head. The creed was, " There is no Trade but Trade, and Cobden is his
• Rfrectator, August 7, 1841; " Position of the Liberal Party." prophet" All things were to be tested by trading standards ; the law-merchant was the Koran ; the till was to supersede the sabre. As the devotion of Islam made slaves of the victors, so the idola- ters of Free Trade became bondmen by their triumph. That trade should to free is most just ; but this maxim is no more the sum and substance of political wisdom than the shop is the only insti- tution of society, superseding the school, the gymnasium, the seat of justice, and the church. The best government for the shop—let us have it; but that will not suffice for the government of society. The Free-traders thought that it would. They instructed the Whigs—ever ready to take inspiration as a gift, second-hand--that Free Trade was the all in all; that if they took care of the pence society would take care of itself ; that the only golden rule was to watch the rise of profits in the Nilometer of the exchanges, and let everything else alone ; that to govern well was, not to govern. We have seen : all has been sacrificed to the idol, and now in the day of trouble, the misguided governors are asking their idol why it sufficeth them not? Nay, they begin to see that they are fain to decamp altogether, and to leave that very idol in the hands of the unbelievers. The idolatry of Free Trade ends in handing the ad- ministration of Free Trade to the chief of the Protectionists ; the bubble of laissez-faire carried to its height has burst ; the prac- tice of governing by not governing has rendered the Government a jest and a scoff; discreet men begin to discern that the end of such courses is anarchy ; and, rather than continue, they will ac- cept a government, whatever it is, from whatsoever hands, simply as a government. Six weeks ago, they were half inclined to wait rather than seek it through a dissolution or accept it from a Stan- ley : but six weeks more of Whig rule, rendered irresponsible by desperation, has quite reconciled the country to any alternative ; and now it will take a government, only too thankfully, even through a dissolution and from a Stanley.
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