TOPICS OF THE DAY.
THE PARLIAMENTARY SITUATION.
WE apprehend that the Parliamentary atmosphere will prove to have been partially cleared up by the catastrophe of Mr. Card- well's motion. But the situation remains exceedingly grave, and will task to the uttermost the wisdom of those who stall have wis- dom to bring to its consideration and guidance. Still, as com- pared with the state of things three weeks ago, there has been a decided gain, of a negative kind certainly, but of that kind which had to be made before Parliament can enter into a course of healthy pristine action. Lord Palmerston and his late colleagues have attempted once more-to reconquer the position they occupied at the commencement of the session. Under circumstances of a highly favourable character they have tried to extort from the House an indirect reversal of the sentence passed on them for the Conspiracy Bill, and demanded a sort of amnesty from their party for their course during the last twelve months of power. But the failure of the attempt has been signal and complete. The causes, which combined to bring about this result, are so numerous that it did not require the operation of some to insure the failure. There is the great fact of the discontent of the party with its nominal chief ; his contemptuous disregard alike of them and their discontent ; his reported reference to the past as the index to the future—a reference which under all circum- stances, to say the least, could not be regarded as re- assuring : the damaging want of skill, of appreciation of the tendencies of the party and the country, shown in the whole plan of attack upon the Government: the equivocal appear- ance which clung to Mr. Cardwell's motion, of passing over, at least without disapproval, the policy of confiscation : and finally, the publication at the eleventh hour of despatches, which drove well home into men's minds the conviction of the folly at the pre- sent moment of settling a party question by a vague expression of opinion on Indian administration. All these things, with the terror of dissolution superadded, of which some members of the Liberal party confessed their dread in a manner at once ludicrous and undignified, caused the columns of attack to melt away at the last moment. Such a scene has never perhaps been witnessed in Parliament. This defeat of Lord Palmerston is in reality a more decisive one than that which he suffered on the Conspiracy Bill. It was mortifying, but strictly just, that the defect of allegiance to him, which he has steadily refused to consider and remedy in the private relations of himself and his party, should be exposed to the world in the flagrant fashion of Friday night week. What- ever may have been his past services, it is quite impossible for those who write in the fulfilment of public duty, to avoid expressing the opinion, that any further attempt on his part to assert a leader- ship, so obviously condemned by men and events, will be an utterly unpardonable breach of the essential duties of ado and decorum. The necessity laid upon the Liberal party to reconstitute itself is now so plain that unless it do so forthwith it will more and more forfeit the respect and esteem of the country. At the pre- sent moment it is in effect without a leader and without a policy. And it lies under the heavy reproach of having the majority in Parliament and therefore the material, visible power • while its utter anarchy and disruption, as well as its want of tangible pur- pose, render it impossible for it to place direct representatives of its abstract principles in the posts of Administration. The party, its composition, tendencies, leadership, and practices for the last two years, have this week been the object of a spirited invective from Mr. Disraeli. That gentleman speaks in a tone of triumph not altogether unpardonable. And it deeply concerns the honour as well as the efficiency of the party of the majority to consider the case, which their enemy makes against them. The Plain charge which Mr. Disraeli, who is not unnaturally provoked into the determination of making war " to the knife " with his adversaries, prefers against the Opposition is, that it is not an Opposition in the true Parliamentary sense, but a Cabal. And he declares that it is a Cabal which, when in power, ruled by corrupting influences, and specially ny one art of corruption, which, when stated in the broad form it is now by a Minister of State, becomes of serious importance to journalists. Mr. Disraeli avers that the leading and other organs of the press have become the parasites of this Cabal. He distinctly charges upon members of the fourth estate a corrupt infidelity to their public duties as guiders and teachers of the national mind ; he boldly pronounces the supposed majority in Parliament a chaotic mass of obstruction and mutiny ; asks the country whether it will tolerate that a party, from whom all practi- cal power, as he declares, has justly departed after protracted abuse of it, shall thwart a Ministry which is bent on requisite national " improvements," which is, in fact, " building up an empire." And all this is uttered in a confident tone, in the style of a manifesto, with the bearing of a man who feels, or pre- tends to feel, that he has the ball at his feet, and who thinks that his opponents are helpless enough not only to be triumphed over but to be trampled on. This is a curious result indeed to follow an election in which the country gave a supposed Liberal and spirited Minister a majority of a hundred and thirty or so. But here is the phenomenon, and 2t behoves all persons to give it 'a very careful study.
We will touch first that point in which we are most directly interested, the relations of journalism to the late Government. We fear there is only too much reason for Mr. Disraeli's vigorous
charge, that the shepherds of the people have been of late, in some measure, unfaithful to their function. But we are more anxious for a regeneration of all the influences which have gone astray, than to dwell upon errors that have been committed in this direc- tion. And we cannot forget that Ministers of State are but men as others are, and men willp at influences if' they can. Be- sides which we consider Lornsalmerston virtually no longer the leader of the Opposition, and we have no wish to press hardly either upon what he has done amiss, or what was done amiss for him, while he was in office. But we have it especially at heart to point out to Ministers and journalists alike what the experience
i
of the last few years must, if they reflect on it, amply prove, that there is no strength, but rather much weakness for both in the attempt to unite upon other terms than that manly mutual independence, which arises from sincere and honest work on both sides. The alliance between Ministers and the Press is valuable only when the first are pursuing an active policy, and the second giving it the benefit of criticism sympathetic, but independent. But it is a fatal error for Ministers and journalists to suppose that their union super- sedes the necessity for healthy administration and sound activity. The press lives upon the breath of justly-acquired public ap- proval and sympathy, not on Ministerial alliances. And in this day, publicity is powerful enough to master in the long run the organs of publicity themselves. This is a painful subject and we do not desire to pursue it. We will but add that in the regenerate Liberal administration which we hope for, and strive for, it will be perceived that to convert by whatever methods " leading " and powerful journalists into hot partisan supporters, is to bury a government under the weight of too much support. But the charges made by Mr. Disraeli against Ministers and journalists, however founded in truth, are of the " secret information" de- scription, and a graver statesman than that gentleman, one with more of purpose and self-respect, would, perhaps with more of prudent dignity, have foregone the use of this weapon of invective against his adversaries. It is but scavenger's business to drag intrigues into the light of day, and the men who really "build up empires," have seldom leisure or taste for such work. Their exertions are of a more serious and positive kind. But the patent unmistakeable facts of the disorganization, and political ineffectiveness of the Opposition ranks at this hour, were more legitimate subjects of attack. Mr. Disraeli may with perfect justice claim for his Government, from independent thinkers, so much of charitable feeling as was bestowed on Mon- tagues when Capulets were more than usually troublesome and anarchical in their behaviour. The failure on every ground of Mr. Cardwell's motion is a natural subject of exultation for Mr. Disraeli, who does not disdain to execute an oratorical war-dance over his prostrate enemies. But, in effect, he does them the great service of forcing upon their more serious attention the question whether and how they are to reorganize themselves into an effect- ive political and governing body. Mr. Disraeli evidently has a confident expectation, which he discloses, perhaps, rather too soon for prudent generalship, of being able to break up the Opposition utterly, by more vigorous action on the part of his Government, and the unsparing use of that poisoned dagger of ridicule, which he always carries about with him. It is very certain that the position of the party lays it open to both kinds of attack in no ordinarily serious manner. Events have so baffled all calculation, and expectation, that in a time of transition and reconstruction, a wise journalist will avoid every form of prophecy. But it is impossible not to see that Lord Derby's Administration is endeavouring to adopt so much of the appearance at least of liberal policy as may make it a very dangerous adversary on the hustings. We do not desire to see that Administration confirmed in power, because judging from the past it is not pos- sible for prudent Liberals to expect wise, vigorous, and strong national policy from Lords Derby and Malmesbuiy, and Mr. Dis- raeli. And we have no sympathy for Ministers who arrogate to themselves the whole merits of the release of the engineers Park and Watt, and of averting a war with France, of which the only proof is their merely succeeding to a Ministry which had been sub- servient to France. There is something offensive to the judgment and the taste in seeing gentlemen arrogate to themselves that which is due alone to the strength and health of the public feeling of the country. But public opinion has not a very acute taste, or retentive memory, or sound logic. And Mr. Disraeli, who created the characters of Taper and Tadpole, knows exactly what he is about when he uses these arguments to the " beloved " farmers of Buckinghamshire. It is a proper matter for nfleetion for Libe- rals that the Cabinet is getting into possession of the " cries" with the country. And, as regards Parliament, nothing is more justly fatal to parties in a public assembly than protracted help- lessness in organization and feebleness in debate. The debating power of Lord. Palmerston's Government was but small. But the great majority was supposed sufficiently powerful to dispense with debating talent ; not the least grave of the mistakes in the science of Parliamentary government committed by that Administration. But the same weakness in Opposition is absolutely ruinous. But most fatal, most discreditable of all to a party, is flagrant feeble- ness in debating power, precisely in those who assume to lead the attacking columns of a great party that has in reality fallen away from them. The Liberal party must not a second time exhibit the spectacle of a quarrel among themselves while in the act of mounting the breach. It will be a hard mat- ter to do away with the consequences of one such calamity in the
history of the party. Men are disposed to say now, next time they will positively say, that they must transfer their hopes and allegiance where there is some appearance of party organization, at least as much Liberalism promised, if not as much promise of Liberalism, and where a statesman, if he does commit a serious blunder, has at least the grace to cover it by self-sacrifice and re- signation. It is true that we cannot and do not expect much from Lord Derby's Government, but, unfortunately, we are not in a condition to be over-critical.
For the present, the Parliamentary rule that a Government has to prove its title by its power to wield a majority is in abeyance. It must be restored. But it may be restored by one of two ways. We hope that the professedly Liberal party will reorganize itself through leaders, and with a programme of policy and measures which shall carry it back again to power strong in self-respect, in es- teem for the men elected to be foremost, and in the public sympathy and support. This is one alternative. The other is its gradual de- cline, the further progress of its disorganization, by which it shall so entirely alienate the public feeling, as to give Lord Derby's Go- vernment a working majority, which by this time perhaps may be seen to be in some points better than a strong one, when the dis- solution comes. We repeat that events may baffle all calcula- tion. But this appears no hazardous conjecture as to the neces- sary development of the present state of things. The alternative which would answer more to our own sympathies and desires depends now, to all appearance, mainly, on Lord John Russell. It must be abundantly clear by this time to all observers that the new alliance and union between that noble Lord and Lord Palmerston, of which so much was said last week, really was no such political measure as afforded any solution of the real difficul- ties pressing upon their party ; if, indeed, it amounted to more than a casual agreement of opinion on Mr. Cardwell's motion. This truth is that, however incoherent, however inconsequent, and weak the independent Liberals may have shown themselves, whether in No. 11 Committee-room, or on the floor of the House, the growth of desires, ill-defined but substantial, for a broader, more liberal, more actual government, has gone too far for the Liberal Party to be any longer at the mere disposal of Lord Pal- merston and Lord John Russell, whether acting alone or in com- bination. It is to Lord John that the eyes of expectant Liberals are now turned. It is once again from his hand that men are willing to look for such a renovation of the Liberal party as shall give to the country a government strong in administration, as well as progressive in legislation. It is not to be disguised that serious difficulties hamper him in the fulfilment of this task; difficulties of hostilities, jealousies, and passions in the party, and still greater difficulties in his own undecided and reserved temper- ament. But the present is one of those critical moments in the history of a party, and a politician's life, when the seriousness of the country's position, and the feeling that the whole of his life's reputation is at stake, may well operate to give nerve to his will, and decision to his steps. Lord John is deeply sensitive to his own reputation, and is accustomed to reflect upon the position which he is hereafter to hold in history. He has the opportunity of gilding his declining years with the lustre of reputation, which will be his reward for reconstituting, with a firm hand, the great party of progress, upon such a footing as to conduct for many years to come the destinies of the great country, which has not yet for- gotten its ancient respect and reverence for his name. But to do this he must know how to distinguish between men better than he has done. He must set his face like a flint towards the work in hand ; he must forget much and learn much. He has his op- portunity and his choice. He can determine whether he will occupy hereafter in his country's annals the preeminently honour- able place that is reserved for those statesmen who combine the scattered elements of political power, and renovate a decaying political order, or whether he shall appear as the helpless repre- sentative of the past, the obstacle to the future, and the living representative and type of the decline of Liberal Government in the nineteenth century. We shall watch with no ordinary. cu- riosity and anxiety to see whether he is equal to the occasion ; whether he will know the things which belong so markedly not more to the reputation than to the peace of his last years of po- litical activity.
Previous page
