HOW SHOULD THE NEXT LIBERAL MINISTRY ACT?
IT will not be denied that the speedy return of the Whigs to office is within the range of probabilities • and though it is neither necessary nor desirable that all the late Ministers should fill their former places, yet there are unquestionably several of them whose reinstatement would be hailed with satisfaction by the Nation. Supposing this to take place, and Lord MELBOURNE, for instance, to be commissioned by the King to form a Ministry—on what plan and principle ought he to set about it ?
In the first place, he should be careful to select colleagues of one mind on leading subjects. There should be no essential dif- ference of opinion as to the mode of dealing with Ecclesiastical or Corporate abuses in Ireland or England. They should be pre- Pared to apply a vigorous remedy in the shape of Poor-laws to the evils which render the social condition of Ireland so unbearably wretched. As regards the grievances of the Dissenters also, the Ministers should be ready to speak out, and act with decision. These are some of the points on which the Cabinet ought not to be divided.
But if unanimity on these subjects is necessary, then some of the members of the late Cabinet cannot form part of the supposed one. Lord LANDSDOWNE, for example, cannot act cordially w Sh Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Mr. ABERCROMBY on the Irish Church ques- tion. His Lordship's presence in the Cabinet may be easily dis- pensed with. He is not formidable in Opposition, and he has no reputation in the country which can render his presence or absence oh ecnsequence to any Ministry which rests upon popular support. Lord BROUGHAM, I00, must not be permitted to wriggle himself into the next Liberal Cabinet. We say nothing of the Sovereign's Personal dislike to him : were he necessary to the public good, the prejudices of WILLIAM the Fourth must yield, as those of his father and great-grandfather were forced to give way to the over- Powering influence of a popular Minister. But Lord BROUGHAM has proved his unfitness for the Chancellorship, and must never 'On press the Woolsack : he is an indifferent lawyer, he is defi- teat in the temperament and bearing becoming a judge, and he
larks the confidence and respect of the bar. To be sure, he might join a Cabinet in sonic other capacity ; but he would be a serious drawback on its power to do good. The Nation would regard his admission as evidence of an intention to trick them in one way or another. Besides, it is quite impossible that even his own col- leagues could rely upon a man whose morbid restlessness and propensity to mischief seem to be irrepressible.
We will suppose, then, that a united Ministry formed on Liberal principles is ready for action. Now, what should be their compact with the King ? The only bargain they ought to make should be this—that his Majesty should on all occasions givo them his hearty support, or dismiss them at once. There should be an end of the system of compromise. The courtly style of talking about the King, which every Minister, virtute qffieii thinks it proper to adopt, should be changed for one more open and honest. When the King puts obstacles in the way of good tnea- sures,the fact should at once be stated to the National Representa- tives. It covers a Minister with contempt to assign false reasons for his conduct.
The King must be made to understand that the Ministers will no longer shelter his odious Pension.list from revision. The amount guaranteed to him must be held entire; but the House of Commons has no right to divest itself of the power to prevent the improper bestowal of the public money. The Country will form its opinion as to the real honesty and capacity of a new Ministry, very much upon the manner in which the question of the Pension. list is dealt with.
The Household must be cleared of Tory spies and informers; at least of all who arc known or suspected to be such. Lord MELBOURNE should not leave a Tory "cat or dog to mew about the King." The Duke of WELLINGTON would adopt this course : he would insist upon every member of the Household, upon whose obedience he could not rely, being dismissed without warning. The King's private inclinations must be made to give way to the public good. The return which his Majesty has made for the subserviency of the late Ministry, must convince them that they can trust nothing to his personal regard. They have lost much, and done much to conciliate him; and have been recompensed by the most contumelious and insulting treatment ever experienced by Ministers from their Sovereign. There must be an end of all confidence in the Court.
Of course, Lord MELBOURNE would make a clearance at the Horse Guards. Much reliance, and with reason, has been placed by the Duke and lois satellites on the attachment of Lord HILL and Lord FITZROY SOMERSET to the Oligarchical faction. That source of power to them and danger to the public must be stopped up. The Court, no doubt, will strive to prevent such a change ; but what would Lord CHATHAM, or his son, or Mr. Fox, have said, had the command of the Army been given to their political opponents ? They would have resigned at once, rather than hold office on such insulting terms. All the efforts and arrangements of a Liberal Ministry would, however, be rendered in a great measure nugatory, unless an alteration be made in the constitution of the House of Peers. He must be stupid indeed who does not now see that the two Houses of Parliament, as at present constituted, cannot go on together. Either we must recur to the Rotten Borough system, or the Peers must be made a RESPONSIBLE body. Tho exercise of vast irresponsible authority by an irresponsible body of men, is opposed to the principles, not only of the Con- stitution, as now understood, but of common sense. The old de- fence of the system can no longer be urged. It does not now work well. Soon it will not work at all. It must therefore be changed. The King, then, should be required by a Liberal Ministry, as the condition of their taking office, to create a number of Liberal Peers, sufficient to enable Ministers to abolish the heredite of the Lords as lawmakers, and remodel the constitution of the Upper House, so as to render it a responsible body. If this seems a strong measure, we ask any one to look a-head, and say if he can in. any other way avoid the breakers which near and far lie in the course which the state vessel ought to steer. The fact is, that we have only to choose between the virtual restoration of the Rotten Borough and Oligarchical domination, and the remodelling of the House of Peers. But to this it must come at last; and a favour able opportunity for effecting the change seems at hand.
The more selfish Whigs who are hankering after office for themselves, and their partisans, will be offended at the plainness of these remarks: we cannot help it—we deem it the wiser part to look at things with open eyes, and the honester to speak what-we think the truth.
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