MR. ASHTON YATES—THE IRISH OF the personal respectability and good

intentions of Mr•

A

YATES there is no doubt: his consistency and independence jects of discussion. In a paragraph under our division ofl public man, and the wisdom of his political course, are .feba:irusilautrb-; intelligence, published three weeks ago, we took the tell Mr. YATES the unpalatable truth, that his Politicall rtlat,°, was very freely, and not quite respectfully spoken of, and teh4ant-hT character for independence bad been injured by his reliich"lis, with Mr. O'CoNNELL. In support of this rernari, aatsul oinr‘rnydseeeradlyat candidate, and very nearly returned. In that article Mr. y was charged with having swerved from the principles he prof ATI immediately suggesting it, we quoted an article from a n werpo-o'i published in Bolton ; for which place Mr. YATES w when standing for Bolton. Anothe, quotation from a L' essei f e p per paper represented the Irish Members as eager applicalits:s31. offices of all sorts from the Whig Ministry. It is in reply to these remarks that Mr. YATES has sent us the f TO THE EDITOR OF THE SPECTATOR.Li m eiiek200, se

0 Owing ten.

SIA—In your last paper you have devoted a column to abusing me especiall

and the Irish Members generally, for a slavish support of Ministers; and afrir quoting from the Liverpool and Bolton papers some severe remarks upon my

votes, you say my character for independence has been injured by my connexioa with Mr. O'CONNELL, and by my .6 subserrienefi to the Ministry for the sulk of what is called justice to Ireland, but which is very ccnononly believed Obi place and .patronage for Mr. O'Connell's followers." The writer of these remarks, I will venture to say, has never been in Leland, and knows little of me and nothing of my constituents. I beg, therefore, to tell you, that they are satisfied with my political conduct during the pasts,. 5100 ; that I voted against Ministers on the question of the Ballot and on other important questions ; that though I am anxious ta see them continued in power,

I shall never compromise my own character for independence in order to sup. port them ; that 1 have not therefore asked and never will ask for office or appointtnent for any personal ftiend or connexion of mine; and that the whole amount of patronage which, I have been concerned in obtaining, (in conjunction with my two colleagues for the county of Carlow,) has been two Policemee, one Landing-waiter, one Postmaster, and one Guager ; a pour compensation this

for the sufferinge and persecutions which the Liberals in Carlow have endured. Sir, my support of the present Governmeot is founded upon a deliberate sp. proval of their general conduct and policy ; and especially on the convictiou that they have done and will do mote fur Ireland than any other Ministry

which has been or can be formed. But the misrule and consequent misery awl degradation of Ireland (She greatest political and moral evil which ever di,. graced civilization) have been so long familiar to Englialimen, that I must in

sorrow avow my belief that they do not feel for this suiTering country, and they do not reflect upon their own guilt who perniit its continuance. Let my Rad,. cal friends visit the county of Carlow, and count the hundreds :nal thousands who have been ejected front their farms and holdings, and reduced to beggary on account of their honest support of their country's rights and the religion oi their fathers ; let them wituess the desperate struggles still made by the Orange tion to regain power and to thwart the just and equal adnimistration of the lawn; let them inquire of those who ate the best acquainted with the feelings of the people, what would be their state of mind if the present Ministry era, again displaced. Despair would lead them to rash violence ; the influence of their best friends could not, I fear, restrain them ; and their enemies would then be prompt to reenact the vigorous scenes of 1793, when military executim was carried to a greater extent than it could be in the present day—when about eight hundred men, women, and children, were shot in their own dwellings in the little town of Carlow in one night. I have not courage to hazard the re. newel of such scenes of horror ; and I would rather trust to the judicious policy of the Government in Parliament, and of the Irish Executive in the country, to create that generous sympathy for their oppressed fellow subjects in Ireland, which has not hitherto been awakened in Great Britain. But if those who are so ready to censure toe du not trust my reports and my opinions, let them read the Irish papers ; the accounts of the multitudes attend. iog the anti.tithe meetings, of men of substance going to gaol rather than sub. nut to that monstrous exaction ; of the wholesale clearing away of Catholic tenants from the estates of Tory landlords in every county in Ireland, because they no longer serve to aggrandize the political power of these landlords as they did previous to the Emancipation ; let them read what is said by honest and in. telligent travellers, such as Mr. Is:Gets and Mr. BINNS, on this subject, and more recently the report of the Railway Commissioners, who so justly expose this glaring iniquity, when they advocate extensive employment of the destitute in public works. 1 ant now on my way to Carlow, where I purpose giving an account of my stewardship rind consulting my constituents as to the future. Ai )ou have taken up thi s subject, Ireland and the Irish Members, I shall be glad to see your great talents and knowledge further directed to the sauce objects, in order to profit by your suggestions ; and particularly, I wish you to point out Low we can preserve Ireland from a revival of the slavery under which she has groanol for so many centuries, but by suppot ling the pt esent Government, and doing all we can to assist them in establishing on this side of the Channel those British institutions and laws which were promised at the Union, and without which that compact ought to be made void. It was, you know, cuneocted iii fraud, and is in danger of being dissolved in blood, if mit speedily carried honestly and fairly into full effect. Instead, then, of the English Radicals vituperating the Irish Members as selfish and corrupt, it would become them as honest men, to inquile bow it is, that whilst in England the Tory gold and Tory intimidation have been more and more triumphant, they have not yet been able to corrupt the poor Catholic peasauts that cultivate the heaths and bogs of the Irish bilk; that whilst the English Radicals are constantly changing their principles, their plans, and their leaders, (a large section of them actually forming a hearty coalition with the Tories,) the Irish Reformers continue to act with spirit and friendly conibins. tion under the leader in whose judginent, patrintistn, and inte,gritythey place confidence ; that with large demands of Annual Parliaments and Universal Suf. ft-age, &c. the former make no prop ess, whilst the latter are continually though slowly advancing by peaceful agitation and by union in the cause of the people! Tbough the Irish have alway been insulted and enslaved by England, Our spirit is not subdued ; and they have still that lively sense of justice and quick feeling of injury which have been noticed] by all writers since the time et Sir J. Davis. Du not, then, despise their political leaders and advisers, nor fancy that corruption finds root in the hearts of the lush more easily than in those of the Scorch and English Members. In noticing the censure with which you have visited me as one of the Irish Alembers, I have only to Lenient that you lead your 0oluntni to increase sectarian antipathies and foment national jealousies.

perate letter.

By the arguments which yru have used, I am not. convinced that I have sherr- principle, or done any thing inconsistent with the steady rdroogalisanoyf 'IRnetra': I am, Sir, yours respectfully, J. ASHTON YATES, Mr. Yozs charges us with devoting a column to "abusing" vieself especially and the Irish Members generally. We have referred to the half column which the subject occupies, and con- fidently assert that not a syllable of abuse of Mr. YATES is there to be found. It is expressly remarked, that he and his friend Mr. HreeeN "stand as free as any men in England from the charge of personal corruption, or turning their Parliamentary influence to jobbing account ; " though the fact is broadly stated, that "they are mixed up, in a manner painful to their friends, with the general charge of subserviency to the Ministry, for the sake of what is called justice to Ireland, but which is very commonly believed to be place and patronage for Mr. O'CoNotzLis fol-

lowers."

Mr. YATES says that only five places have been obtained by the three Members elected for Carlow county. He does not mention how many unsuccessful applications have been made;, or enable as to judge of the value of the favour bestowed by stating the number of applicants whose claims were set aside to gratify him- self and his colleagues. However, five places are something in one session. If all the Liberal Irish Members were equally well treated by the Government, they must have procured for their supporters, during the last session, upwards of a hundred places ; and the number of constituents who live upon the substance of things hoped for must be rather considerable. It is worthy of remark, that Mr. YATES himself speaks of these offices as being rewards for Liberal votes : he calls them a " poor compensation fir the sufferings and persecutions" of his supporters in Carlow. In all friendliness let us tell Mr. YATES, that if he is now picked out from among the Irish Members, aS one whose political conduct especially invites animadversion, be owes that unpleasant distinction to the recollection of his former character and professions in Eng- land. As candidate for Bolton, Mr. YATES took very high ground : be proclaimed himself a person of stern independence ; and when a small expenditure would have gained him a seat for Beverley, he left the place, declaring his abhorrence of corruption. He was not only a Reformer, but of the straightest sect of political purists. Now, has not his position been in this respect materially altered ? When be linked himself to Mr. O'CONNELL, was he not aware that his puree would be put into requisition in Carlow—that a handsome subscription would be as certainly required from him as from Mr. RAPHAEL, or any other of his predecessors ? Was it not also an understood condition of Mr. O'Cosrersbe's support, that MI. YATES'S vote, when needed, was to be at the service of the Ministry ? This, we can assure Mr. YATES, is very exten- sively believed ; and his actual votes have not tended to set the public right on the point if he has been misrepresented. But he opposed Ministers " on the Ballot, and on other important ques- tions." As to the Ballot division, nobody thinks of referring to it as conclusive evidence of the independence of Members. Some Tories were in the minority, together with the Master-General of the Ordnance, and a Lord I)f. the Admiralty. The "ether impor- tant questions" on which Mr. YATES voted against the Ministers, have escaped our memory and our research ; but we can set down

a few of the questions on which he aided them by his votes or his absence.

I887. November 20. On the Address, after Lord Jortsr RUSSELL'S Reform Finality speech, which sent Mr. O'CoNNELL weeping to bed.

December 15. On the Civil List, in opposition to Messrs. THORN ELY, HOIE, STIlt7 TT, HINDLEY, CLAY, BROTHERTON, HORSEMAN, AGLIONLY, and others by no means unfriendly to the Ministry. 19 Again on the Civil List. 1838. January 17. On the Canada Bill. March 12. In favour of Pat MaosE's appointment ton place in the Edinburgh Post.office ; a very shabby affair. 13. Absent on Mr. Vthsreas's motion on the Corn-

laws.

20. Wiar Ministers on the wretched Bonded Corn

Bill.

06 Absent on Captain BOLDERWS motion on Mili- tary Punishments. ao. With Ministers against Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND'S motion for the abolition of Slavery. April 6. For continuing Slavery in Jamaica beyond the 1st of August.

29. For maintaining the Yeomanry, at an expense of 60.28o/. annually ; voting in opposition to 'Messrs. A GLIONRY, CLAY, MARK PHILLIPS, ROBERT FERGUSON, and 53 other Liberals.

May 22. Against Sir E R MEN' WILMOT'S Successful motion for abolishing Slavery, and afterwards for rescinding that mo- tion.

24. Against inquiry into the Danish Claims.

Jufy 2. Against the Appropriation Clause. (Mr. WARD'S

motion.) 17. Absent on the Million Loan division, but in the House on the same evening to vote for the County Clare Ad- vance Bill.

26. For the third reading of the Irish Tithe-bill with- out the Appropriation ; in opposition to Messrs. III TT, HUME, LANGTON, LUSHINGTON, THORNELY, WARD, Lot d WORSLEY, GROTE, AGLIONLY, HAWES, IVARTURTON, and others. .But, although these votes may have displeased his Radical friends, Mr. YATES says that his constituents are satisfied with them. We do not lay much stress on their approbation, as matters are at present ordered : his constituents rely upon their representatives to procure what they deem most valuable—their share of the Government patronage, and nobody suspects that the electors of Carlow are very particular as to the mode in which that share is obtained. But if the electors of Carlow are satisfied with Mr. YATES'S support of the Tory Tithe-bill, they differ from their countrymen generally, who regard it as a cunningly-devised scheme for saddling them in perpetuity with the abhorred Church Establishment. Nay, Mr. YATES himself refers for proof that he is unjustly censured, to the multitudinous anti-tithe meetings brought together expressly to protest against the most important measure which Mr. YATES helped to carry ! Surely we should not have afforded so much attention to Mr. YATES and his votes, if it were not that his conduct offers a strong illustration of the mischievous influence of the " Irish policy " on men whose intentions are good, and who were formerly what they now only fancy themselves, independent politicians. The defence set up for them is, that no better course lies open— that to preserve Ireland from a " revival of slavery " under the Tories, the present Ministers must be supported at all costs. But is it not true, that the policy of the Irish Members, which is that of the Whigs also, has very nearly restored the Tories, not driven them to a distance from office ? And is it not equally indisputable, that, if restored, the Tories would find the means of mischief augmented to their hands by those first-rate friends of Ireland, the Whigs ? On this point there can be no doubt ; for not only has Mr. S LI ARM AN CRAWFORD demonstrated, in Tuit's Magazi ne, that the Whig bills for Ireland have enormously in- creased the virtually irresponsible authority of the Executive, but there is Mr. O'CONNELL'S deliberate declaration in the last of' his Precursor letters, that " it' the Tories were to come into power to-morrow, we should lose at once all we have g:dned, and be placed in a worse situation than we teel e 11(f) se." Mr. O'CON NELL also asserts that "no permanent advantage" has been gained for his country, and that Ministers " have actually become less able to carry any one measure useful to Ireland,"—though worthy Mr. Ysirgs talks about the continual advance of the Irish Reformers, and contrasts their success with the defeats of the English Radicals ! But if Mr. O'CONNELL is right, (and who doubts that he is ? ) let not the present policy be persevered in under the fraudulent pretext that it has eueeeriled. If it be not abandoned, the reason must be, that although bad for the country, it answers the selfish purposes of those who continue to uphold it.

still, Mr. Y sus surd his Keep-out-the-Tories connotes say,

What better can we do? what better could we have (lone? " It is now far more difficult than it once was to give a satisfactory answer to the first of these questions ; though neither to the first nor the second is the answer so very puzzling as those who put the questions seem to imagine. The English Reformers sought nothing exclusive—"justice to Ireland " was included in their idea of good government for all : by making common cause with the English Reformers, instead of secretly urging on the Go- vernment in an anti-popular policy, the Irish Members might have compelled Ministers to eschew Whig-Toryism, and thus de- serve the support of the whole people. There is no one proceeding which has created so much disgust in England and Scotland, as the passing of .a Tithe-bill, such as tine Tories would have given in 1835, without the Appropriation : but Mr. O'Cossigim, " the

leader in whose judgment, patriotism, and integrity," Mr. Vitus and the Irish Liberal Members rely so confidently, was tine fore- most man, it seems, (we have the high authority of Mr. WARD for

the fact,) wino induced Ministers to take this fatal step, and to carry a Tithe-bill which Mr. O'C ON NELL himself denounced as worse than any imposed by Turkish conqueror upon Christian slate. This is a flagrant instance of the evil operation of the Irish influence upon the measures and character of the Ad- ministration. Another consequence of that policy, which but for tine Melt alliance Ministers could not have followed, has been the secession of the masses in England from what is called the Libe- ral party. A union with the great body of the English people, on fair terms, was practicable ; and no Ministry could have with- stood it. Not. only would an impassable barrier have been raised against the Tories, but the Whigs would have been forced to pro- ceed in tine path of' Reform. Instead of which, they have always had the corps of Irish Janissaries to marshal against the English and Scotch Reformers; and the result is, dissatisfaction and weak- ness, tine certain return of the Tories to power unless the system be changed, and their probable reestablishment in Downing Street and Dublin Castle in spite of every effort to repair the conse- quences of past blunders and treachery. As to the vituperation of the Irish Members, and the foment- ing of antipathies and jealousies, we beg to remind Mr. YATES,

that before Mr. O'Connzu.'s entire subserviency to tine Ministry and to mere temporizing expedients was diecovered, he was warmly received in England and Scotland ; that the nickname of " Tory- Radical," intended as an opprobrium, however silly and pointless

in its application, was not invented on this side of the Channel; and that the Irish leader has ostentatiously repudiated all alliance

with the English Radicals, in the same letter which contains the deplorable admission that his own policy has been an utter failure. No doubt, there is method in tine madness of the Darrynane ful- mination : O'CONNELL sees that the English and Scotch Radicals

will not any longer lend themselves to a policy which produces no better fruits than salaries and patronage for a few Whigs and their Irish satellites, while it would leave Ireland in a worse state were the Tories again in power, than she was when they were turned out,—their return to power being the most probable event inlIthe political future. Some of the arguments ad misericordiam urged in behalf of the " seven millions" by those who profess to represent them. are of a kind to provoke disgust rather than inspire sympathy. One would suppose that Irishmen were destitute of every thing like manliness, self-reliance, and even physical strength. The Scotch are not half as numerous as the Irish, but there is not a mail in North Britain who would not laugh to scorn the idea of being ridden over rough-shod by Tories, Whigs, or any other party or combination of parties. The Irish nation, Mr. YATES alleges, can only be preserved from "a revival of slavery" by keeping Sir ROBERT PEEL out of office. We refuse credence to such a libel on that people; but if it be true and no calumny, then the "seven millions" are qualified for slavery and unfit for freedom.