• The local journals bring news of the doings of

some of our Ministers and Members of Parliament in this holiday time. Thus we have reported, all at once, speeches delivered at wide distances from each other, by Mr. flume's successor, Mr. Horsman the Secretary for Ireland, and Mr. Ver- non Smith.

• Mr. Baxter gave on Tuesday an account of his stewardship in the past session to his constituents at Montrose. He opened on a fertile theme. He was happy to communicate with his constituents on business of local and general interest ; but there was one kind of communication which he did not like to receive—and which he:was proud to say was by no means frequent on the part of his constituents, but of which many Members have great reason to complain—he meant applications for office or employment under Government. This was a subject deserving of serious consideration by the electors of this empire. They had no idea of the extent to which it prevails, especially in the small English boroughs; and a moment's reflec- tion would show how prejudicial it is to the best interests of the country. He would advert to two out of the many evils to which it gave rise. In the first place, it interfered with the independence of Parliament. How could they expect a Member of the Legislature to act up to his convictions in all cases, when, day after day, they compelled him to dance attendance on Lords of the Treasury and Ministerial Whippers-in, asking places and appoint- ments for his constituents ? Government, no doubt, are in general very ready to oblige supporters, and more ready still to oblige those whose votes were doubtful, like his own ; but they, of course, expected a quid pro quo, and if he got offices for his friends, it was a matter of course that he fol- lowed the donors into the lobby. Loud professions of independence are mere moonshine on the part of those who are constantly waiting at the door of the Treasury or dunning Mr. Hayter with recommendations and requests. In the second place, how can we have the assurance to talk about administrative reform, as long as we pester Government to bestow offices on men who have failed in all other vocations, and who apply in despair to their representa- tives to procure for them employment as public servants, whilst in private capacities they have proved themselves unable, perhaps unworthy, to excel ? If the constituencies really wish to see the administration of our national affairs placed in able hands, they must abandon a practice which effectually prevents the right men being put into the right places, and not put their representatives in a position which in a measure ties up their hands, whilst it fills the public offices with the most indolent, the most inefficient, and the most incompetent men in the land. During the late session, very little real business or 'beneficial legislation was gone through, so much of the time was occupied in party squabbles, in senatorial wranglings, in a game of chess between political factions, not very creditable to any of them, and by no means calculated to exalt the character of the House of Commons. Lawyers flring off speeches three hours in length as an advertisement of their power, With a view to places under Government—long-winded gentlemen talking against time in order to impede public business—statesmen wasting precious hours in discussion meant only to produce a Ministerial crisis—men with bobbies riding them to death on all possible occasions—such is the nature of the oratory to which we unfortunates are doomed to listen, and thus is spun out till the middle of August a session which could be easily closed by the middle of June.

Having accounted for his more prominent votes, Mr. Baxter made some pertinent remarks on the war. He confessed that the delays and dangers of the Crimean campaign had only served to strengthen his con- viction how absolutely necessary it was that France and England, now happily united in the vanguard of civilization and for the wellbeing of mankind, should step forward to resist a power, great though semi-bar- baric, founded on the serfdom of millions, whose outposts, pushed forward so as to endanger the safety of neighbouring states, have proved stronger than we expected—who believes herself the champion of despotism— whose voice, hitherto most potential, has been heard on the side of ty- ranny and misrule in all parts of the world.

" The conqueror of Hungary when Austria failed, she overawed the ma. contents of Germany ; she exerted an all-powerful influence in preventing constitutional government in Denmark ; she coquets with the Slave States of America, and her spies ferment treason and discord in every country where the people are free. Such is the Power which, since the peace Of 1815, owing to the negligence and the diplomatic inferiority of her superiors, has been gradually acquiring a position in the European brotherhood dan- gerous to civilization and the liberties of mankind

"Once embarked in the contest, it would never have done for us to have patched up a peace when no decisive result had been obtained. No man feels more deeply than I do the miseries which this desperate fight before Sebastopol has caused; but, had the two hundred thousand French, English, and Sardinians retired from the Crimea without having effected the reduc- tion of that proud fortress, which ambition and the lust of dominion raised, think you would the objects of the present war have been attained ? Would Turkey have been safer than before the Muscovites crossed the Pruth ? Would the Asiatic tribes have lost their faith in Russian invincibility ? Would not the news of our failure have been carried on the wings of the wind over the mountains of Armenia to the huts of the Tartars, across the plains of Persia to the frontiers of our gigantic empire in Hindostan But, interposes Mr. Gladstone, all that is very true, but should a civilized nation fight for prestige ?—I answer, why not ? Would it not be a sad and gloomy day for mankind when England, the champion of civilization and freedom, the home of the slave and the refuge of the destitute, loses that high place among the nations, that reputation for being all-powerful, that prestige if you a ill, which has done so much, and I hope will do much more, for the cause of hu- manity and the interests of our race? But again, object the Peace men, will you carry on war merely to gain victory ?—Not, as they deceitfully wish it to be supposed, not as the end but as the means to the end. Until Russia sees us victorious, until bitter experience teaches her that all her millions and her territories avail nfithing against the enlightenment of the West, in my humble opinion ahe will never consent to give up her designs of conquest, and will never agree to a peace which will not be disturbed by her intrigues before the close of this century Although not at all smitten with the peace-at-any-price mania, I was last week converted to the much-ridiculed plan of counterpoise, as explained by Count Buol, in submitting, on the 4th of June, the Austrian proposals to the Conference at Vienna. Article '2 of this project, annexed to the fourteenth protocol, is as follows—' The Russian Plenipotentiaries and those of the Sublime Porte will propose by common agreement to the Conference the equal amount of the effective naval forces which the two sea-bordering Powers will keep in the Black Sea, and which shall not exceed the actual number of Russian ships afloat in that sea.' (Great laughter.) What is that actual number now ? "

Mr. Horsman visited Belfast on Wednesday, to take a trip on the Lough and afterwards dine with the Harbour Commissioners. In his speech after the banquet, Mr. Roseman dwelt much on local topics, chiefly interesting to those around him, but one topic appeals to greater number&

"At the famine crisis of 1847 and 1848, I took a deep interest in the Irish question, and sustained an obscure and humble part in the discussion. I vi- sited Ireland at that period, and the first place 1 landed at waii Belfast. • But at that time of misery and suffering I saw no symptoms here of the distress I had heard of so often in the House of Commons. This, surely, said I, is not Ireland—these are not Irishmen : here I find comfort, wealth, prosperity, and intelligence. I went farther into those districts, in which I had the pleasure of the acquaintance of Mr. °twits-, which has not been resumed until this day. I went into districts in which it was not possible to estimate the extent of the misery I witnessed. Famine and hunger stared me in the face on all sides ; human beings dying of positive starvation, wherever I went, from one end of Ireland to the other ; misery, poverty, want, deatitu- tion,—a prospect impossible to contemplate without a feeling of absolute horror. Eight years have passed away, and, what at that time could not have been foreseen, my next visit to Ireland is in an official capacity, and I am charged with a share in its administration ; and if the former was a time of difficulty, there is a contrast now from one end of the country to the other ; and I believe that during the Mat five or six years there is not a country on the face of the earth has made such a rapid and sudden advance- ment in every physical, material, moral, intellectual, and religious aspect."

Referring to the vexed question of steam communication between Ire- land and Great Britain, Mr. Horsman said that any Government which understands the interest of the two countries, before many years are over must feel the necessity of establishing a short passage between the North of Ireland and the West of Scotland. The advantage of having the speediest communication between shore and shore is not to be calculated by any sum of money.

Mr. Vernon Smith appeared on Thursday at the dinner of the North- amptonshire Agricultural Association, given at Kettering. His topic was the war ; which he vindicated, and which he told the good folks must be continued. The soldiers, he said, and the British people had done their duty and made great sacrifices, but he could not say the same of the British Parliament.

"Occasionally in that body men arose who were indisposed to the prose- cution of the war; some were for peace at any price, and some were for war at half-price. But war could not be had at half-price, for if the war were starved it was impossible for success to follow. Others, again, high in power, were for war while it was prosperous, but shrank from pursuing it when it was disastrous, and did not hesitate to call upon those whom they had plunged into war to extricate them by what must ever be considered a most disastrous peace. Whilst such was the state of things at home, our soldiers abroad never flinched, never wavered, and were now triumphant. Many a man at home had been saying at one time that we couldn't, and at another that we shouldn't or wouldn't, take Sebastopol; but here we are with Sebas- topol in our hands. It would be remembered, however, that though Sebes-.

topol had fallen, the time had not yet arrived when we could safely turn our swords into ploughshares. The country must still be prepared to give its

money, and also the real sinews of war, in fresh supplies of gallant men, to carry on the fight. There must now be no hesitation, no wavering ; but we must gird up our loins for the fight, and put our trust in the God of battles."

Mr. Dunlop also spoke his sentiments, on Wednesday, to his constitu- ents at Greenock ; and hacl his word to say on the war, and on adminis- trative reform. "There are dangers to be encountered ; and although I trust I shall con- tinue to support the cause most zealously, yet I think it requires to be done with some caution and consideration. For instance, in regard to the civil service, there is a very great danger of a tendency towards a system of which I am most intensely jealous—a system of government by an official class. The tendency is to place the power of promotion far too much in the hands of the officials themselves of the civil department, and the affairs of the country to fall into the mercy of that official class. Now, that danger re-

quires to be guarded against; and in all the jealousy measures for advanc- ing this important object I shall view with anything which leaves it entirely to the class, as a class by themselves, without the constant infu- lion and opportunity for infusion, of new blood and competition from classes not already included. Then in regard to military administrative reform, nothing can be so indefensible in argument as the purchase of corn- missions. it It is a thing attended with great evil, and must be got quit of: yet while there are advantages there are also dangers in its removal. It secures younger men in the service than we otherwise could. It precludes in some measure the exercise of a corrupt patronage ; but, yet, on the other hand, it prevents the exercise of a just patronage. Now, these are all mat- ters to be well considered ; and I fear nothing will thoroughly answer the purpose but a pure administration of patronage by Government, and that can only be secured by the constituents themselves. There is no purchase in the Navy ; but it is not pretended that the patronage in the Navy con- tributes more to public benefit than that in the Army. Government must be encouraged to use the patronage well for the public service ; and that can only be attained by the conviction that by doing so they can keep them- selves in office The foundation of the whole matter lies in the con- stituencies: unless they will consent to forego the private advantages which a Member can afford to them by recommending their friends without a sole regard to their merits, it is in vain to expect that Government will act other- wise than it does."

The Roebuck testimonial has been the means of calling forth some fine feelings on all sides. In addition to other letters, the following from Sir Edward Lytton has just been published.

litiebworth Park, Stevenage, Herts, September 25.

" Sir—I have the honour to enclose you a check for 101. in aid of the Roebuck testimonial. Permit me to add, that in my slight contribution to this well-merited tribute I waive altogether the consideration of Mr. Roe- buck's especial politics. I do not even desire by it to mark my approval of the part be took in the appointment and proceedings of the Sebastopol Com- mittee. I do not ask myself where I have agreed with or differed from Mr. Roebuck in the opinions he ha a expressed or the line of policy he has adopted. I desire only, as a Member of the British Parliament, to convey my sense of the dignity conferred upon the national assembly by any man who, whatever be the party he espouses, brings into its debates commanding intellect and unim- peached integrity. England, it is true, has many men thus nobly charac- terized, but none in whom more conspicuously than in your representative the regard for her material interests is accompanied by anxiety for her honour and pride in her renown ; none who, whether he be right or wrong in the eyes of others, would more rigidly abstain from the wrong or more firmly maintain the right according to the lights of his own judgment and the dic- tates of his own conscience. Tributes such as the one now proposed are monuments to living worth more wisely designed than those which we de- vote to the dead. For I know not why we should delay our tokens of respect to those who deserve them until the heart that our sympathy could have gladdened has ceased to beat. As men cannot read the epitaphs inscribed upon the marble that covers them, so the tombs that we erect to virtue often only prove our repentance that we neglected it when with us. I rejoice that in this case its due appreciation comes before the sense of its loss.

"I have the honour to be, Sir, your very obedient servant,

"F, T. Mappin, Esq., Master Cutler."

"EDWARD Buravrat Lrrrox.