* * * * I do not mean by this
that our reticence should be abso- lute. Even though we should be wise in refraining from any attempts to persuade the American public, there is no reason why we should refrain from informing them of the causes and purposes for which we engaged in war. There is today little doubt in the United States that we declared war because civilised life had become impossible under this constant menace of violent and progressive aggression. They are today satisfied regarding our reasons ; they are not satisfied regarding our purposes. It is something to assure them that we are fighting to destroy Hitlerism ; it is some- thing, but it is not nearly enough. Obviously, as I wrote last week, it would be impossible at this stage to publish a detailed statement of war-aims. Yet although we cannot announce what we mean to do, we can certainly announce what we do not mean to do. In the first place, therefore. we should proclaim immediately that we seek no annexa- tions and no punitive indemnities. We desire neither the territory of Germany nor her economic ruin. All we are fighting for is that security which will enable us to live our own lives in our own manner. From this War there must emerge a new world-order such as has never been dreamt of in any philosophy. It is folly to urge the Americans to join us in waging war ; it is not folly to invite them to co-operate in thinking about the eventual peace.
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