Metateti an Proreellint4 in Parliament.

1. POOR-LAB'S AMENDMENT BILL.

The House of Peers met at twelve o'clock on Monday, for the pur- pose of expediting the progress of this measure. Clauses 52d to 60th inclusive were agreed to in Committee, without any amendment of consequence ; except one proposed by the Marquis of SALISBURY to the .52d clause, by which amendment the Guardians of the Poor are authorized to relieve the casual poor out-of-doors in cases of absolute necessity, but not in money. Their Lordships were occupied in this discussion till four o'clock ; when the House adjourned for an hour, and reassembled at five. After some other unimportant business had been transacted, and some peti- tions presented, the Poor-Law Bill was again proceeded with in Com- mittee.

Clause 61st was struck out.

The next clause, which relates to emigration, was opposed by the Marquis of SALISBURY, Lord LIVERPOOL, Lord KEN YON, and the Duke of CUMBERLAND; but defended by the Marquis of LANSDOWNE, and agreed to without amendment.

Clause 64th, which does away with settlement by hiring, service, or apprenticeship, met with considerable opposition from Lord Wrianx- eLIFFE and Lord 'WYNFORD; and was defended by the Bishop of LON- DON. It was agreed to strike out that part of the clause which abolished settlement by apprenticeship; and it was then ordered to stand part of the bill ; Lord BROUGHAM intimating, that he might perhaps bring up a clause, after the third reading, making three years' residence in a pa- rish a claim to settlement in it.

The 67th, or bastardy clause, then became the subject of a prolonged discussion. The Bishop of EXETER thought that law an extremely harsh one, which threw the support of a bastard child upon the mother. He disbelieved the assertion of one of the Commissioners, that except among servants, there was no such thing as chastity in England among the lower classes. There were many virtuous females among them. He was utterly opposed to the mode of legislation on this subject pro- posed by the Commissioners. He was much disposed to trust to Di- vine Providence to check the crime of bastardy. There was certainly no need to make fresh laws on this subject.

By properly administering the existing laws, it was possible to bring down the number of illegitimate children to a mere nothing, compared with their pre- sent amount. Let it not be supposed that he had any wish to justify the con- duct of females in having illegitimate children : they were bound by all laws, human and divine, to have no children out of wedlock : but the question for their Lordships to consider was, whether the existing laws relative to marriage were not bad? and whether they are not in a great measure to blame for the prevalence of bastardy? What was called the Marriage Act was productive of bad effects in this way. However clandestinely, however secretly the marriage may be solemnized, it is a complete marriage. Paupers had the greatest facili- ties in getting married. He said this much to show that if a man promises marriage in the event of the female becoming pregnant, that induces her to yield to him. He need not say, that when a man gave a promise of this kind, he was bound to fulfil it by going to church with the woman be had seduced. But he would put it to their Lordships, whether many eases of bastardy were not the effect of this? and whether the inducemeut, therefore, ought not to be taken away?

He concluded by moving an amendment, which would render both father and mother liable to the support of their bastard children, as long as they were able.

The Bishop of LONDON defended the clause. He did not wish to speak harshly of female morality in this country. One of the Com- missioners, he admitted, was in the habit of speaking with precipitancy and coming to hasty conclusions ; but in the united report of the Com- missioners, no objectionable language on this subject would be found. The Bishop of Exeter seemed to think, that bee ruse, under the present system, persons who had illegitimate children were frequen:ly induced to marry, that cir- cumstance did away with the evil. He knew nothing more likety to desecrate marriage, or lower it in the eyes of the people, than the encourage meat of such marriages ; and it was to obviate the occurrence of such marriages, in a great measure, that induced the Commissioners to recommend the proposition. It was said that the existing law, if properly administered, would have all the effect anticipated from the proposed change. That, he admitted, was true toa certain extent, but certainly not to the extent their Lordship were asked to believe. If any amelioration was in any cases made in the present system, it was only in consequence of the talents, the industry, and the perseverance of individuals who directed their attention to the subject. But as soon as these individuals ceased to exert themselves, the improvements made fell to pieces, and there was a return to the old pernicious system.

The great object the Commissioners had in view was prevention.

It was clear from the evidence taken, that where any thing like the present measure was acted upon in this country, the evil of illegit,inary diminished ; and in America, where the two systems were acted upon, it was proved that bastardy was greatly less in the towns where the proposed system was acted upon, than in the towns where the system now in force in this country was practised. They had further evidence of the goodness of the system proposed in this bill, in the conduct of the labouring classes themselves. Mr. Tidd Pratt, on being asked what the practice in Friendly Societies in regard to illegitimate children wag, said that in female Friendly Societies, the mother was utterly de- prived of the benefit of the Society for tire support of her illegitimate offspring ; and that in both the male and female societies they refused to give relief to the females.

The Earl of FALMOUTH said, his feelings revolted against such a clause as this. The result of his experience as a magistrate was, that the greatest profligacy was on the side of the man.

The Earl of RADNOR supported the clause.

He condemned the present system, as producing a mass of perjury which it was quite frightful to contemplate. To show the effect produced by the system of not giving out-door relief, he would mention, that in the parish of St. George, Hanover Square, about two months ago, there were no less than In illegitimate children chargeable on the parish. The parish officers, finding the burden so heavy, resolved upon not giving any more out-door relief, but took a house fur the reception of such of the children as might he sent to it; and the consequence was, that only eight took advantage of it, the mothers of the other 119 conti iv ing to support their children rather than send them to the house pro- vided for !Lein.

Lord WYNEORD contended, that the payments made to the mother were contrary to law : there was no occasion to change the actual law.

The question was, if this hill would diminish the number of illegitimate children ? He was convinced that it would not, but that, on the contrary, the number would increase; while he was equally convinced that the existing laws, if properly administered, would materially diminish the number of illegitimate children. He condemned the proposed measure, us being neither founded on the laws of humanity, nor calculated for the protection of parishes, to which it would afford no relief.

Lord BROUGHAM spoke at great length in support of the clause. [The Peeresses' Gallery was filled with ladies during his Lordship's speech.] The question was as to the best means of preventing bastardy, and how they should devise a mode by which those bastards should not become burdens to their parish. The protection of female virtue and character was all very well,

if it came in incidentally; but it was not the primary object of this bill. It was very desirable that women should be chaste and men good ; but if this bill did not make them worse—if it left them where they were—it was all that was re. quired, for the bill was framed for other objects, and on other principles. It was not inconsistent with the law of the laud, to punish the woman and let the man go free: if the doctrine was unmanly and abhorrent to the feelings, it was still aceordaut with law. The law inflicted no punishment on the father provided he had money to pay for the support of his child ; but the mother was liable to puni.liment as a " lewd " woman. He trusted that he had as great a respect for, and as chivalrous a devotion to the honour of the sex, as any man in the House or out of it ; but he was ready to adopt the principle laid down by the Com- missioners, and to share the odium of it; and wiry? Because he decidedly maintained, that although a want of chastity was a sin in a man, yet it was a greater sin in a woman. In a woman, it went to corrupt society, at its very root. Was it not a greater offence in a woman to brzta. a spurious issue to the bed of her husband, than the offence of which man could be guilty by a similar departure from conjugal fidelity ? But setting aside the question of adultery, was not incontinence in a married woman a much greater offence than in a married man? Did the noble Lord opposite doubt that? Then that noble Lord, and all who were of his opinion, were unconsciously guilty of the greatest cant and hypocrisy. In what a different way did they treat an incontinent man and an incontinent woman ? If the noble Lord saw a daughter in a house of ill-fame, would not Iris feelings be very different from those with which be would see a son there ? It would be cant and hypocrisy to deny it. Every one knew that the incontinence of married men occurred every day ; and that if one thirtieth part of what was committed by man in that respect were committed by woman, she would be utterly ruined and destroyed. And on what was this grounded ? If woman once lost her virtue, that pearl above all price, adieu to all the de- cency and honour—adieu to all the most powerful bonds of society : they would be burst asunder, and man would be driven back into a state of savage and un- civilized life. Could there be any doubt of the soundness of this principle? Let it be recollected that the offence could not be committed without the consent of the woman. The man might have the inclination, but would not have the power of gratifying that inclination without the consent of the woman. What seas the whole object of this part of the bill? To make it the interest of the woman to perform her duty. They had taken a wrong road hitherto. They had made it the interest of the woman to yield rather than to resist. Let them take the opposite course, and make the interest of the woman to resist rather than to yield. In the crime of adultery, the woman, both by the usages of so- ciety and by the law, was much more deeply implicated than the man; yet the offence was equal; but their Lordships were not disposed to release the wife from the bond of marriage, because the law took a different view of her offence from that of the husband, and made the wife the guardian of domestic purity and morals. The result of the law as it at present stood was, that women were tempted by their real seducers to palm their children upon some innocent per- sous, who were compelled to marry them, after which they renewed their inter- course with their first paramours. In this way, a dreadful amount of perjury was committed. True it was, that much good might be done by a wise ad- ministration of the existing laws ; but he would give all well-disposed Magis- trates and Guardians of the Poor the power of the new bill to back them.

The Bishop of EXETER, in reply, contended that the clause was founded on the rankest injustice.

It was impossible to conceive any thing more unjust than that the woman sleiiuld be compelled to maintain her bastard child as long as she could, and that, wredc she was able to maintain it, the man should not be called upon to con- tribute to its support. It was contrary to the law of God. if there were no texts of Scripture declaring it to be so, still it was the law of God impressed on I the heart of man. Was there one of their Lordships who, if he had the mis- fortune to have an illegitimate child, would doubt that it was as much his duty to take care of that being, as if it had been born in lawful wedlock ? There was not a man among them who would entertain any such doubt ; and " he that provideth not for his own," said the Bible, " especially those of his own house- hold, has denied the faith, and is worse thaq an infidel." Whoever put himself in the situation of being the father of a bastard, was answerable to God for the protection of that bastard, and ought to be answerable to man. What would be the result of this clause ? A poor woman with child, after producing her off- spring, would labour as long as she could to maintain it ; and when she could no longer maintain it, she would go on the parish. What would become of her? She would he put into the workhouse. All hope of her getting married would be quite out of the question ; because, by the law, her husband would have to support her bastard. To her the workhouse would be like the Infer no of Dante, over the gate of which was the inscription, " Who enters here leaves hope behind." For sixteen years, at least, until her child was old enough to work fur its living, she must remain an inmate of the we :amuse. And what would be the moral effect of all this? Was it probable that, not being able to marry, she would continue chaste ?—No. She would make herself common. She would know that she could not be worse ; and she would produce a regular and constaut succession of illegitimate children for the parish to support. For, it most be recollected, that the workhouse was not a prison. She would be entitled to walk out, and to see her friends. This consigning of a woman for one act to misery for life, was unendurable : common sense repudiated it, and the feelings of man were opposed to it.

The House then divided : for tire Bishop of Exeter's amendment, 14; against it, 38 ; majority, 24. The amendment was therefore re- jected, and the House resumed.

[Lord Bitomitast, on Tuesday, mentioned a mistake which had ap- peared in all the newspapers, in recording the division on the Bastardy clauses; which were said to have been carried by 14 to 13, instead of 38 to 14, or, as Lord Brougham said, " 4 to 1." 71,e clauses were carried hollow—most triumphantly ; as decisively and conclusively as thearguments by which they were supported were themselves trium-

phant. Lordships proceeded with the discussion of the bill in Com- mittee on Thursday. The 65th and 69th clauses were passed, after some opposition from Lord KENYON, Lord WYNFORD, and the Bishop of EXETER ; they were defended by Lord BROUGHAM and the Bishop of LONDON.

The 70th clause was then read. This was the douse which was in- serted in the House of Commons on the motion of Mr. Miles : it renders the putative father of a bastard child liable for its support on the oath of the mother, after its birth in the workhouse, where only the mother could receive relief. Lord WHARNCLIFFE moved to expunge this clause, as being totally at variance with the principle on which the other bastardy clauses were framed. A brief discussion ensued ; in the course of which, Lord BROUGHAM replied as follows to some remarks of Lord FALMOUTH, inaudible in the Gallery. He had been assailed from many quarters ; but if it was thought that any pain would be given him by the observations which had been made upon his con- duct, he was sorry to say that it gave no pain whatever. The obloquy to which he had been exposed had not disturbed his rest, had not impaired his appetite, had not injured his health ; and if he had been subjected to ten times, ay, to ten thousand times as much vituperation, he should not have felt the smallest possible portion of concern.* Lord FALMOUTH disclaimed any intention of throwing obloquy on Lord Brougham.

The clause was expunged. The next clause to which any opposition was made was the 99th; which Lord KENYON moved to amend by a proviso which would pre- vent the Commissioners from interfering in parishes where the average poor-rate for the last three years had not exceeded three shillings. At the suggestion of Lord BROUGHAM, this amendment was withdrawn, and subsequently proposed as a separate dame ; when it was rejected. The remaining clauses were agreed to ; and the bill as amended hav- ing been ordered to be printed, the Committee rose.

2. COERCION BILL.

The House of Commons met at twelve o'clock on Saturday. Some petitions were presented, and then Lord ALTIIORP moved the third reading of the new Coercion Bill. Mr. RONAYNE moved that it be read a third time that day six months. Mr. RUTIIVEN and Mr. SHELL supported the amendment, on the ground that the bill was ill calculated to put down agrarian disturbances in Ireland. A division took place ; and the third reading was carried, by 82 to 21.

Mr. O'CONNELL then moved, by way of rider, a clause to render the military acting tinder this bill liable to trial for offences by the ordinary tribunals of the country. The clause having been read a first time, Sir JOHN CAMPBELL opposed its second reading, on the ground that it was necessary to protect the military in the manner pointed out by the bill. Sergeant PERRIN spoke at length in favour of the clause.

The standing army had always been an object of jealousy to the Constitution, but never, until the proposal of this bill, had they been so completely exempted from all control of the civil power, and actually empowered to trample upon the liberties of the people. According to his construction of the act, a soldier whose indiscretion or violent passions might cause him to commit an act which amounted to murder, would he tried by a court-martial, and would beliable to the punish- ment of death ; but what necessity was there for thus dispensing with the ordi- nary laws, and removing his trial from the constituted tribunals of the country? Was there any danger to be apprehended from the civil courts? Had not the defendant the protection of the grand jury in the first place, then of thetty fury, and then of the judge? and if each of these parties combined to dopein- justice, was not the prerogative of mercy vested in the Crown, upon which he could confidently rely? If it serve just to proceed in Ireland without any regard to the principles of the Constitution, would it not be equally as just to adopt the same course in Birmingham, in Bristol, or any other part of England ? Let him know what reason there was for throwing on one side the civil tribunals?

Sergeant Perrin made some strong remarks on the conduct of the Irish Attorney-General, Mr. Blackburne.

As to the provision that no proceeding should be commenced by any party, however aggrieved, except the Attorney- General's warrant were previously ob- tained, it was monstrous. With respect to the fairness of proceedings, or rather the impunity that sometimes existed, he instanced the case of Monaghan, where • •' 1 like it, I like it 1"—Sir Fretful Plagiary. al the Roman Catholics placed on the panel had been challenged. The very 11111111e ticene took place in Carlow ; and he was justified by the general feeling of the cotumuuity in declaring that no confidence would be placed in his Majesty's Attorney-General in Ireland.

Lord ALTHORP said, it was for the House to reflect whether it was not necessary to protect the military, who acted under the provisions of this bill.

Would it be fair, after withdrawing them from their usual duties, and en- gaging them iu a very hazardous and invidious undertaking, to throw them upon

the mercy of a jury, who must necessarily be prejudiced by the excitement which prevailed, where the powers of the act were euforced ? With regard to the other part of the clause, he did nut think that the observations upon it were re-

levant to the 4jue.tion. Ile thought that a gentleman who filled so high a situa- tion as that of Attorney-General would exercise the powers iutrusted to him with propriety.

Mr. SIIAW, in very warm language, arraigned the conduct of Minis- ters. No sober thinking man, from one end of Ireland to the other, thought so meanly, so contemptibly, so despicably, of any thing as of that thing which was now nicknamed a Government.

Mr. LITTLETON replied to this tirade- " The House is aware that the duties of the (Ace which the honourable and learned geutlemau holds frequently call him to Dublin, and that on such occa- skulls lie is in the habit of attending the sheriffs' dinners and giving free vent to the outpourings of the spirit of the party to which he belongs. Now, I can have no po,sible objection to his tem:thong in Dublin altogether ; and i think the House will agree with me that lie ought to do so, if he continues in the situation which he now holds. It is the honourable and learned gentleman's practice, at least once in every session, to furnish the house with a rev/mod-P. of the outpourings of his political inspirations at those dinners ; and I suppose the viturration and invective in which he has Mow dealt have been resumed to merely in pursuance of this custom. If, however, he thiuks that he can hurt the feelings of others by the intemperate and violent language in which be has in- dulged, he will find himself mistaken; for as far as 1 ate concerned, I shall not only not notice his violent speech, but treat his expressions with the con• tempt which they merit." (Loud cheering.)

Mr. O'Connell's clause was then rejected, by 69 to The question was put, that the bill do pass. Mr. O'Costsal.r. once more protested against the measure, though he approved of those doused which went to put down agrarian disturbances. In allusion to a report that he was about to take office, lie said the Government had no office to give him, and could not make one which he would accept.

The bill finally passed, by 60 to 21 It was then taken up to the Lords, and read a first time.

On Monday, it was read a second time, without discussion

On Tuesday, Viscount MELBOURNE moved that it be read a third time. He stated his regret that the affairs of Ireland had been con-

stantly made the arena on which political parties in England fought their own battles. Irish affairs bad never received calm and impartial consideration from the Legislature. All sorts of irritating topics were always used in discussing them. It had been said that Englishmen never would endure such a bill as that which he was then, with great pain to himself, under the necessity of supporting. He hoped that such a bill never would be necessary in England ; such a state of things as it was intended to correct would not be endured here for a fortnight. Lord Melbourne then read some statistical returns, which proved how rarely, in comparison with Ireland, crimes of violence resulting from combination were committed in England. In Ireland, no man could hire a servant, take a farm, or make the most common and equitable disposition of his property, without being liable to the attacks of mid- night ruffians. It was admitted on all hands, that strong measures must be taken to suppress such criminal and murderous proceedings. There was a difference of opinion as regarded the policy of retaining the omitted clauses respecting public meetings. He would repeat his opi- nion in favour of those clauses. But he did not mean to overrate their efficacy. They were effectual for the suppression of suspicious meet- ings. Were they now necessary? He disagreed with that passage in Lord Wellesley's despatch which declared that agitation and agrarian disturbances were bound together as cause and effect. He was aware of the natural effect of violent speeches in stimulating an unruly popu- lation to acts of violence ; but they were not the cause of the outrages committed in Ireland. Therefore the clauses referred to were not ab- solutely necessary to enable Government to preserve the peace of the country. It was superfluous again to state the reasons which had de- termined Ministers to abandon their intention of renewing them : the _House was already aware of those reasons. As regarded himself, and his own motives for taking office, he would say, us the Duke of Wel- lington bail said before him, that he did not feel at liberty to refuse his services to his King and country, when the necessity of the times called

for them. At the same time, although no man was less insensible to the absence of care and responsibility which belonged to a private sta-

tion, it would be hypocrisy in him to say that lie had made any great ,ersonal sacrifice in accepting office ; for neither was he insensible to the excitement of high occupation and the distinctions attached to im- portant office.

The Earl of RIPON, in a long speech, expressed his regret at feeling obliged to vote for so severe a measure as the one under discussion. At the same time, lie lamented the withdrawal of the omitted clauses. He went into a detail of the proceedings relative to the recent breaking up of the Ministry, and expressed his opinion that Earl Grey had been sa- crificed by his colleagues. He concluded by reprobating the a lvances which bad been made to the agitators.

The Duke of WELLINGTON dwelt upon the inconsistency of Minis- ters, in abandoning the clauses for preventing public meetings, after

having so recently insisted upon their necessity for the preservation of

peace in Ireland. He utterly disbelieved the assertion that the House of Commons would have rejected these clauses. No Ministry ever

possessed the confidence of the House of Commons in a higher degree than the late or present Administration. He should not oppose the third reading ; and though he should move to restore the omitted clauses, be would not press his motion to a division.

The Earl of GLENGALL accused Ministers of having given over the Trish peasantry to factious demagogues and sordid agitators. Their Lordships should not forget that there was a printed record in existence of the estates forfeited after the battle of the Boyne, the names of their /resent possessors, and of the individuals who had been dispossessed. I . The Earl of HAREWOOD also condemned the conduct of Ministers; and argued, front the circumstances which led to Earl Grey's retire ment, that he had been systematically dumped by his colleagues, and most unworthily sacrificed.

The Marquis of CianstarcattnE justified Ministers in their omission of the clauses referred to. He denied that the documents laid Were Parliament proved that the disturbances of Ireland were caused by agitation alone. Ireland was in a state of perpetual disturbance before the system of agitation was commenced. Years ago, when the Duke of Wellington was Irish Secretary, similar measures to the present were called for, though then there was no political agitation. Security meant confidence of the people in the law ; and that was not to be given by it measure of this kind. The real evils of the country sprang from other sources than those to which the Coercion Bill applied.

The Earl of HADDINGTON commented in strong language on do late juggling in the Ministry ; and quoted, in proof of the ineonsisteney of Lord Brougham, his Lordship's declaration that he would not " pea.; with the whole weight of his loins" on the deluded peasant while he put the " weight of his little finger only " on the agitators. Load Haddiugton also complained that his friend Mr. Littleton had been most unfairly treated; as it appeared that a member of the Caleitiet had been a partner in his indiscreet communication with Mr. ()Ton. nell. It was also evident from :Mr. Littletoies refusal to answer Luna Howick's question as to whether any other member of the communicated not only with Mr. O'Connell, but with Lord IVellt • !,.o

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that there ices another partner in the indiscretion.

'fine Earl of WICKLOW called distinctly upon Lord Brougli;m1 to

reconcile his pr:vious support of Earl Grey's Coercion Bill with support of the present bill ; and quoted a long passage from Lord Brougham's speech on the second reading of the former bill, in mini: i the necessity of the omitted clauses was strongly insisted on. lie al-a considered that the House had a right to call for the correspondence between Lord Wellesley and the Ministers on this side of the channel. The conclusion at which thc country and the press had arrived was:, that there had been a correspondence between some member of the Cabinet and Lord Wellesley; and it was necessary for the vindieation of Ministers that such a correspondence should be produced, especiidle as in regard to this correspondence Earl Grey considered himself, if not betrayed, certainly ill-used.

The Bishop of DERRY expressed his regret at being compelled to vote for the severe measure before the House ; but declared that he fdt great confidence in Lord Melbourne and Ministers generally.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE reminded the House, that Earl Gill' had expressly repudiated the notion that he had been betrayed by ally of his colleagues. He declared his own high admiration of Rill Croy; and that he would never have retained his seat in the Cabinet, had not its reconstruction been approved of by Earl Grey.

Ile felt authorized to say, that whatever opinion his noble friend might have formed as to the expediency or necessity of those clauses, lie would, if he had tine. impossibility of carrying them through the other House of Porn:um:It (which, at the time he first proposed the measure, he could have no means of ascertaining), be the first to say that it would not be desirable to carry them by a bare majority in the House of Commons. The present was an experimental measure. It was easy for noble Lords on the other side of the House to say tint those clauses could have been carried in the House of Commons without Would they try to do so ? (" hear, hear !" frog line Opposition.) Let them only look to the progress of the present hill through the flume cf Commons. I low did it happen, if it was so easy to replace those clauses, that no Member there had made a motion similar to that made to-night by the noble Duke. Was it not obvious, that under the circumstances of the case, it wouid be impossible to carry such a motion in the House of Commons?

The Earl of ABERDEEN protested against the attempt to justify public measures by a reference to private correspondence ; and main- tained that the most serious difficulties, especially in the conduct of foreign affairs, would arise from such practices as had lately been frequent in the Ministry. Viscount MELBOURNE would again state, that it was in consequence of the disclosure of the correspondence with Lord 1Vellesley, that Ministers found it impossible to carry the Coercion Bill in its original form. Ministers had abandoned the omitted clauses from necessity.

The bill was then read a third time.

The Duke of WELLINGTON moved the insertion of the omitted clauses for the prevention of public meetings. Lord BROUGHAM then rose to address the House ; but the repenters of the Times declare that he was frequently inaudible, owing to the rapid and conversational mode of speaking he adopted ; he frequently left his sentences, they say, half-finished. He proceeded to defend himself from the attack of Lord Wicklow. He had not abandoned Ins opinions relative to the clauses alluded to. It had been already stated by Lords Melbourne and Lansdowne, and be should repeat the saute thing, that Government was obliged to omit those clauses, whether it would or not. Under existing circumstances, Earl Grey himself Lad declared that lie would adopt the same course. ("No, no !") Yes, he had heard it with his own ears, and could trust his recollection impli- citly. [Lord Lansdowne here said, "Earl Grey said be would hove advised it."] Well, that was all the same ; Earl Grey would of course act himself as he would advise others to act. Lord Brougham then re- ferred to the imputation upon the present Ministers that they had be- trayed the late Premier, and to Earl Grey's direct denial of the charge. In the late difficulties, Mr. Littleton and all parties acted with the best and kindest intentions to Earl Grey. If there was any motive more than another which operated on those who hail acted in the manner which their Lordships had heard described more than once that dav, it was the desire to smooth the way of Earl Grey, to make the task of government easier to him, and to prevent that event from happening which all persons both in the Cabinet and out of the Cabinet equally deprecated-71)e meant the retirement of his noble friend from the head of the Administration. He appealed to his colleagues—he appealed to Earl Grey himself—whether mire assiduous efforts—nay, whether more repeated efforts had ever been made by one set of men connected with another in the same Cabinet to retain that man amongst them and to prevent him from resigning, than had been made by the members of the present Administration within the last twelve months to prevent the re- signation of the late Premier? Lord Brougham recounted no less than six attempts which Earl Grey had made in the last year to resign. On this point lat Could speak with some certainty, fir in five out of six of the rase( in which attempts bad been made—and they had all succeeded but the last —ta 41i4,11:111e Eta Grey from his intention, he bail taken a foremost p.art. He lawn. that a runnier, a very absurd rumour, had g0111! abroad, that the Chancellor 01 the Exchequer and himself had long wanted to destroy the late Government, lad that they had directed all their Avis to remove its head from it. Now, wk. was Earl Grey so anxious to retire upon tl:is late occasion? Because he 1)j made up Ins mind that lie would retire at the close of the session, in the io the coarse of a couple of mouths, or it alight be of a fortnight.

But then it was said, as soon as Earl Grey was out, presto the 31Mistry was made up again. Earl Grey himself however had given a eemewhat different account of the proceeding. He declared that he 3 that Lord Althorp returned to office ; thotiAll he would not re- tell himself, having for several months made up his mind to quit it. 1.0:1 ifrougham also denied that Lord Althorp could be said to have achm:zed Ale Littleton's communiration to Mr. O'Connell. For he entirely differed with Earl Grey in think'ng that there slaa:',1 be eo tommunieation Nvith that eloquent and distinguished per se:, was held in reverence I y a d.rge portion of his country- 1.• .11, and exercised so initeh influence over them. It would not be pos. rit!.. to conduct the busine ss of Government if all communications with this healers of Opposition svere interdicted.

never hesitated to make a statement of his (pinions when flay diff•ie f the dtstinguished person to whom allusion had been in ide so often cut ; and if any of their Lord-hips should charge him wit% droadint idual, or those who acted with him, lie would only say this, that he del ,,,•Y know any man who hal expressed himself more strongly against that in- and his supporters than himself, when he had felt it to be his duty ; aaa duty he could assure their Lordships he had always found it to I.,. IIe trusted that their Lordships knew sunk:eta of him to lie aware that e'eol not truckle to any individual ; but lie would not call it truckling to in:i,i,!ads, or abandoning his duty', to hold forth to them such concessions as wet. just, and to adopt such courses as were conciliatory, provided that such eoa «ins and such enneiliatory courses were fur the safety of Ireland and the trvapillity of the empire. He held such concessions to be wise and statesman- ; and it would be no argument to deter hint from taking them, to say that by granting them he should favour and exalt any one given man. His duty was to consider men only as they were connected with the subject ; duty was to view the subject in all its bearings, and to fling all yet, whether of odium or of favour, to the winds. Ile had very toro.•,•e hopes, notwithstanding the omission of these clauses, that the loll n'oi't1 be found sufficient for its pm pose ; and did he not entertain these bm" it never should have had his sanction. But if, after having made this concessiou to feelings which prevailed elsewhere, the Government should fitel thin. agitation was renewed m the centre of the sister isle, and that the fee , !hew rekindled was spreading to the more remote parts of the country.. t: hardsbips might lie assured that they would the reassembling of ..ent, fur the purpose of applying a remedy to the then ascertained neees- o'; the case.

..`h r alluding to Mr. Littleton's correspondence with Lord Wellesley, • : 1"rougham said— :vas himself also in the frequent habit of corresponding with the Lord- ant of Indeed. lie had communirated with him on every subject inte- or the other of the water ; and distinctly remembered having I Wellesley, in a private letter. whether, as the Court-martial clauses Ilg over, he could ant do with still less of the bill? Ile never re• L do an--ever to that inquiry from Lord Wellesley; but Lord Wellesley wrote n! to Earl ( :rev, in which an answer was given by anticipation to that in- .•,:e, —fir hr believed that the Lord-Lieutenant distinctly said that the question le id put had nut :;iven vise to his letter. A great mister lerstanding plevailed 1.,,pect to the cause of the omission of the leveling clauses. It had been said to be the letter snit her the Lod-Lieutenant to Ear! Grey. This statement b ea repeatedly made, and as often denied. The letter sent to Earl Grey i.,:t cause the ond.sion of those clauses, fur after its receipt, a Ca- hivet Council was lull, the subject was discussed, and the Ministers came to the conelusiun not to give up those clauses. lint he would tell their I.erJeIdps what was the catiSe of the omission Of those clauses: it was the Cont- t.) Roll:Lewitt and to the people of that letter, which showed that at ire time at least a doubt existed in the minds of those best capable ()fledging on the sidieet as to the necessity of the meeting clauses, that convinced every inealle-r of the Cabinet of the perfect hopelessness of carrying them. Lord 11'm:wry said, that no doubt Ministers were very anxious to keep Earl Grey amorgst them : they had even offered him the Privy Scar. j."No, no !" from Lord Brougham. 1 Well, it was currently believed that stielt was the rase. He thought still that the correspondence ought to be produced. If agitation did not immediately prevail in Ireland, its ressatioo would not be owing to the present bill, but to the bargain made with the base part of the country.

Lord Buotirotam rejoined, that such a bargain was the mere creation of Lord Wicklow's imagination.

As he had mentioned the correspondence which had taken place between him and the LfIld-Lieutenant, be trusted that, injustice to Lord Wellesley, the product- no tiof that correspondence would not becalled for. If the letter to Lord Grey was unit for publication, the correspondence which had passed between him and Lord il)'llesley was certainly not less so. (" Hear !" and laughter.) It related to private and domestic subjects, and would be perfectly unintelligible to the public at loge. Some of it was in prose, and some not in prose—some in Latin, and a small part in Greek ; and he believed that a more motley correspondence had Lever before been produced. (Laughter.) It was this literary intercourse, trench he carried on with such a truly classical, accomplished, and great man as Laid Wellesley, that funned the chief amusement of his moments of relaxation from business. But he repeated, that the letter sent by Lord Wellesley to Earl Grey was net occasioned by any thing written by him.

After a few words from the Marquis of WESTMEATH and the Duke of 1Vr-:Li.txeTOs, the amendment of the latter was negatived, and the hill was passed.

3. Iatsu TITHE BILL.

Lord ALTHORP moved, on Tuesday, that the House of Commons r' e.uhei go into Committee on this bill.

, Mr) O'CONNELL moved that the bill should he committed that day SIX months. He utterly denied that it would quiet Ireland— Mont the let of November, Government would begin to recover the 1,coommis which they had advanced for the arrears of tithes; so that it might he presumed that period would be distinguished by sanguinary scenes in Ireland. IIe might be asked, what lie had to propose, in lieu of the present bill, if it shoold be postponed ? There was, he believed, from 200,0001. to 000,0001. of the grant of last year still undisposed of; many colourable claims having been let op and totally annihilated, while others were insisted on for which the re- ce could b.. shriwa. He therefore proposed, that in addition to this unex- pended surplus, 150,0isq. more 8 .0,11,1 be now applied tot ; pledhong theasrelves that it slumld not come out of the general taxes, nor out of the Consalidated Fund, but to be raised by Exchequer Bills, specially and solely chargeable ea tithe property in Ireland. Ile did not think that the House would hesitate for a moment to accede to such a proposition; and sure he Was, there would be no difficulty in raising the sum, upon the security he referred to, in half au_liet _ur:a notice in Dublin, not at all to speak of the city of London. AI r. LITTLEToN was opposed to delay in the passing of this measure. A long desuetude of payment was of all things to be avoided. It would lead to the annihilation of the tithe property altogether. Mr. Stmt., Mr. II. GRATTAN, Mr. MAURICE O'CONNELL, Mr. Rurtivusr, Mr. Favmt, and Mr. LYNCH, spoke against the bill ; which Lord A LTHORI• defended.

Mr. Waal, could not approve of some of the clauses of the bill, but was in favour of its general principle.

:Nothing could be more evident titan that, to whatever purposes the tithe fond infOit hereafter he applied, it was of the utmost importance that measures should instantly he taken for the preservation of that fund, pending the question of its future application. The House bad already decided that they would do nothing, with the question of appropriation, till further information was obtained.

lie therefore thought that the present bill ought to be passed, for the people of Ireland had already received a sufficient pledge that the question of appropria- tion would not be lust sight of. tie fully concurred with the noble Lord in

thinkiwg that the delay of the present bill would prove ;gal to the right of property in tithe, and that by postponement it would be defircto annihilated; and if they wished to preserve the fund, either for national or for other learner', they must not delay the passing of the present measure. It theta ,re had his must cordial support. Arr. WAIMY said, it was idle to separate this bill from the question of appropriotion : that alone was the grand question. Tne question was not about levying tithes : they never could levy them until the people of Ireland became assured that they would no longer be applied to maintain the pastors of another Church. When the Scotch Attorney. General

for England had succeeded in getting a seat in that House, he confessed that he had entertained the hope that the religious horror of tithes. for which, the

nation to which he belonged was illustrious, would lead him to exert that in- thunce which he might be presumed to possess with the Government to induce 1 them to present to the 'louse a measure of liberality and wisdom. He did net imagine that those was one of the clan Campbell who would, dire :thy or &a- 1 directly, be a party consenting to such a measure. They were now on the eve of a tithe war, it a prudent caution were not exerted ; and he hoped that no Member in that House would refuse to lend his aid in averting the threatened i evil.

Dr. LUSIIINGTON could 110t agree to Mr. O'Connell's proposition to advance a still further sum to the Irish Clergy.

He would with pleasure make a large grant to the people of Ireland ; but he . W011141 not lavish on the Church of Ireland stuns which it was not entitled to. It was impolitic to stiffer the right to fall into abeyance, and he del not consider that the owner of the soil was entitled to the tax. lie believed that after the Church of Ireland had been amply provided for, there would be a surplus; and he hoped by the jtvt distribution of that surplus to benefit [retold at large. Ile innw-dy declared, that Lis mind was made up, and that after matiate e.:^...... sidering the subject, he had tome tee the conclusion, that the Establish's:I Church of Ireland was made to stand upon a basis, which no ingenuity, no eloquence could sustain, because it was not Coutided on justice. There could be no greater enemy to Ireland thin lie that would tie the living to the dead, and co:tis:1m the system of past years, of compelling men by oppression to become coliverts to their faith, which was as opposed to true policy as he believed it was contrary to the Word of God.

The House divided ; and decided to go into Committee, by 1,;1 to 14. The House being then in Committee, Mr. O'CONNELL proposed to amend the first clause, by preventing all tithe-owners from claiming the benefit of the bill, who had not preferred their claims previous to its passing,. At present, all claims must be put forward before the 1st of November ; but the interval would be employed in getting up all kinds of untenable claims, and the consequence would be vast titivation and exasperation.

Mr. LITTLETON did not think the amendment necessary, as all who had accepted part of the million loan had renounced their claims to arrears.

Mr. O'CoNsome replied, that there were many arrears clue in Kerry. Three lives had lately been lost, in the attempt to collect arrears.

It Wilt then agreed to postpone the clause. The second clause was agreed to. The third was read ; but as 'Mr. O'CONNELL announced his intrusion of dividing the Committee upon two amendments, it was thought better for the Chairman to report progress.

On Wednesday, the discussion in Committee was resumed. The Chairman put the question that the third clause should stand part of the bill.

Mr. O'CoxxEr.t. rose to move an amendment. He dwelt upon the great importance of the claws which made the Crown the levyer and collector of tithe hereafter. This would place Government in direct collision with the tithe-payers, and was in fact a declaration of war, not of law. '11.e bill proposed that landlords, who immediately compounded for their ti: 'le, should receive a bonus of 40 per cent., which they were to allow Pwir tenants ; but after a certain period, all landlords were to be comp-'led to compound, and then, in consideration of the compul- sion, were to be allowed only 15 per cent. bonus. Now, many land- lords, however willing, could not compound immediately. For instance, landlords whose estates were mortgaged (a numerous class in Ireland); those whose estates were in custody for the benefit of creditors (nine- tenths of the land in Connaught was in this predicament); married women, lunatics, minors (one-third of the population were mitiors),— all these could not if they would accept the terms offered by Gover- ment. Why all this huckstering with landlords.

Why not relieve the tithe-payer at once, instead of attempting as it were to throw salt on the tails of the Irish landlords, or holding out a bait to induce them to do what was considered necessary for the peace. of the country? He bud shot-n the House that it was impossible in mama instances that the land- lords could avail themselves of the bonus. Their ten' ants, therefore, must con- tinue to pay the fall amount of tithe, whilst those on neighbouring esta....s would be paying 40 per cent. less. The poor people would not under:.tand the reason. of this distinction ; and it required but little foresight to predict that i. would be the source of constant disturbance. The object of his amendment was to re- lieve the tithe-owners immediately to the extent of 40 per cent. This would be intelligible to the people of Irelarid. They could understand the diffinence be- tween 125. and 1/. If this plan should render it necessary to draw upon the Consolidated Fund to a small amount, the people of England would not begrudge it, in order to effect the settlement of this important and difficult question. (An expression of dissent film the Ministes beaches.) "Oh," exclaimed Mr. 0 Connell, "I wi h we were blacks! (A lauyh.) If the Irish people were but Mirk, we should have the honourable Member fur We) mouth coming down as large as life supported by all the friends of humanity ' in the back lows, to advocate their cause. ( Cheers and lauphter.) They would think little of 120,0001., or 1,000,000!., if it were to be given to the sweet lovely blacks of Ireland.'" ( Continuedlaughter.)

Mr. O'Connell concluded by e.oving on amendment, which would have the effect of taking off two-filthe of the tithe immediately and generally, and relieving the occupiers of land from the payment of tithe by throwing it at once on the landlords.

Mr. Larne:met thought that Mr. O'Connell should allow the bill to proceed in its present shape, and give notice of his intention, on bringing up the report, to move a clause giving instantaneous effect to this arrangement.

In that ease, he could not now pledge himself as to the precise course which Government might pursue ; indeed, his own opinions as all 111(110u:a were rather

unfavourable to the proposition ; but as their object solely to consult the in-

terests and convenience of the Irish landlords, if it should appear that such an arrangement would be generally satisfactory, there could be no practical objec- tion to its adoption.

Several Irish Members spoke in favour of Mr. O'Connell's propo- sition.

Mr. SPRING RICE did not wish the House to be taken by surprise ; but he considered the amendment as calculated to operate in furtherance of the principle of the bill.

Sir ROBERT PEEL was decidedly opposed to adopting the amend- ment in the absence of so many Irish landlords, whose good-will was requisite to make even a compulsory composition of benefit. Due no- tice should have been given of this motion.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, that as long ago as the 2c1 of May, he had made a substantially similar proposition to the House.

Mr. SHAW said, that until the authority of the law in Ireland were restored, it would be impossible to get the landlords to take on them- selves the payment of tithe. Ile wished to impress this upon the mind of the House, that however willing, the landlords were not able to bear the burden of the tithes,—that is, supposing the measure to be now rendered compulsory.

Lord ALTnone was opposed to the amendment.

He felt bound frankly to acknowledge, that he could not accede to the proposi- tion for immediately rendering it compulsory upon the landlords to assume the burden of the tithes. It could not he dune without injustice to them ; and it must be productive of more harm than good.

Mr. Sergeant PERRIN, Mr. SHEIL, Mr. CALLAGHAN, Mr. O'llraia.v, Colonel O'GRADY, and Dr. LI:SHIM:TON, spoke in favour of the amendment.

Mr. ABERCROMBY concurred with those who thought fire tiny ought to have the concurrence of the lendlords; but he thought it ,.qually im- portant that they should have the concurrence of the replay. in his opinion, the most effectual mode of vindicating the law, would be toaddress themselves, as the bill did, to the solid interests of the land- lords.

Mr. O'CONNELL observed, that

whenever any person in that House spoke of the hardship of com- pelling the Catholic population of Ireland to contribute towards the support of the Protestant Church, Le was sure to be told that there was /t) hardship ui theyayment of tithe, because the landlords of Ireland were Protestant., and lint Catholic yet now' when it was proposed to transfer the paytt ten t of tithe to the Protestant landlords from the Catholic tenantry, the Protestant landlords refused to accede to the proposition.

The Committee divided : for time amendment, 82; against it, 33; majority against Ministers, 49. The announcement of these Lumbers was received with cheers.

Lord Aurnone then proposed that the clauses connected with this part of the bill should be postponed, us the vote to which the Commit- tee had just come bad deranged most of the details of the bill. lie could net say that he very much regretted the decision of the Com- mittee.

Mr. O'CONNELL said, it was the duty of those who Lad voted for his amendment, to give Lord Althorp every assistance in forming the new machinery of the bill. Ile should now withdraw his opposition to the measure, seeing that the amendments he had proposed laud been adopted. Mr. SHAW said, that after the sort of opposition which Government had given Mr. O'Connell, it was undoubtedly that gentleman's duty to support the Government.

Lord ALTHORP maintained, that his opposition to the amendment had been sincere.

He admitted that he had not asked those gentlemen silo usually gave their support to Ministers to come down to-night to support this clause; and he did not know what course they would have adopted had he made such a request to them. The Recorder of Dublin seemed to have forgotten that Ministers had it no longer in their power to command willing majorities, in consequence of the changes made in the constitution of the House by the Reform (Loud cheers.) Ile was ready to admit, that on occasions where a great plinciple Lad been involved, and whete, if the motion had been carried against Ministers, Ministers could not have continued to carry on the business of the country, he had expressed an anxiety for the support of Members. But on the details of a measure merely carrying out a principle of which he approved, more rapidly than he thought advisable, he should have been ashamed of himself if he had had recout se to the inducements of which he had availed himself on former oc- casions.

Mr. SHAW would not question Lord Altborp's sincerity; but he believed that Ministers generally wished to be beaten, as had been avowed by many gentlemen who usually supported them. (Cries uy. " Name !h) Mr. IRTON Said, that a supporter cf the Government had that day asked him how he intended to vote upon this amendment. He replied that he did not think he should vote at all, but that if he did vote, he should vote in favour of Ministers. The gentleman told him immediately that he need not give himself that trouble, for the Ministers wished to be beaten. (Loud cries of " Hear ! " and of " Name, name!

After some further conversation, in the course of which Mr. Sinew and Mr. LEFROY spoke strongly against the conduct of Ministers in regard to this bill, the Committee went at once from the 4th to the 56th clause ; which was agreed to, and the House resumed.

Lord ALTHORP, OD Thursday, moved that the bill be committed.

Colonel DAVIES moved an amendment, to prevent any charge being made on the Consolidated Fund in aid of the operation of the bill. After some discussion, this amendment was rejected, by 78 to 14 ; and the Speaker having left the chair, the Committee proceeded rapidly to dis. pose of the several clauses, beginning de novo from the 1st. One hun- dred and six clauses were so uck out, and twenty-two new ones added : several were postponed, and the Committee rose.

Last night, several additional clauses were agreed to : one of them is very important, as it gives any seven tithe-payers, of twenty shillings each, the right to demand a revision of the composition of 1823. Mr. GOULBURN strongly objected to this clause ; but Lord ALTeolie said, that as it was now intended to render permanent the arrangement of 1823,—which was originally a temporary one, and subject to revision every seven years,—it was but fair to allow dissatisfied parties on both sides the right of having the decision of 1823 revised. Mr. O'CONNELL maintained, that the clause was absolutely necessary to the working of the bill. Several Irish Members expressed the same opinion ; but Mr. LEEROY and Mr. SHAW declared that its operation would be monstrously unjust. The preamble of the bill was agreed to. The report was brought up, and received; and ordered to be further considered on Monday.

4. ADMISSION OF DISSENTERS TO THE UNIVERSITIES. On the order of the day being read on Monday, for the third reading of the bill for admitting Dissenters to University privileges, Mr. EIVART GLADSTONE delivered a set speech in opposition to it, and in defence of the discipline of Universities. The admission of Dissenters to degrees would destroy the whole system on which they were at pre- sent managed. The entire body of the instructors of the University of Oxford would abdicate their functions if this bill passed. lie deemed it a mere mockery to call this measure one to promote religious peace. Mr. VERNON SMITH spoke forcibly in defence of the measure, and against the present practice.

Mr. BAINES endeavoured to prove, by a reference to the histoey of the Universities, that the Dissenters bad a reasonable and equitaLle claim to share in their advantages. Ile represented the feelings of the Dissenters at their exclusion as being very indignant : they considered themselves to be thereby grievously wronged. There had been 1103 petitions, with 344,060 signatures, presented to Parliament this session in favour of granting the claims of the Dissenters ; and only 418 peti- tions, with 4001 signatures, ugainst them.

3Ir. HecuEs HuGuEs moved that the bill be read a third time that day six months. Ile felt that it would only produce disappointment.

Mr. GOI:L1:URRV and Sir Roamer INGies spoke against the bill ; Lord PALMERSTON and Mr. G. W. Woos in favour of it. BILL the remarks of these gm:whence' avert' nearly inaudible, owing to the almost incessant noise and yelling of some of the Members. Thcm reporters describe the scene to have been " a regular row." There were all hinds of discordant noises and interruptions, proceeding in part front two " gentlemen," who entered the Opposition Gallery thous the Smoking-room in at state of intoxica ion. iVben Wood we.; speak- ing, there were cries of " Can't you crow?" " Bead your speech "- " hear him, how he reads!" " Oh dear!" " Vacrees the 111;11 whet crows ?"&c. The SPEAKER stood up, very much excited, o its class to his eyes, searching for the noisy Members : at last he said, in a very indignant tone- " I really think that some one among those who are calling out in this strange and imparliamentary manner, would better satisfy the honourable 31emlo.rs with whom lie is acting, by moving at once that the debate be adjiati than by taking a muse of opposition which is so greatly at variance with the este- Wished usages of the House." This rebuke calmed the storm for a few minutes, aed the House di- vided : for the third reading, 164 ; against it, 75 ; majority, 89.

bill was then passed.

It was read a first time in the House of Peers on Tuesday, with- out discussion ; and last night, the Earl of RADNOR moved the second reading. A long debate ensued ; in which the bill received the support of Lord MELBOURNE ana Lord BRouGnem ; and was strongly opposed by the Duke of GLoecEsTER (who moved that the bill be read that day six months), the Duke of IVELLINGToN, the Earl of CARNARVON OD a maiden speech), the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, and the Bishop of EXETER. On the division, there appeared— Fur the second reading,

Present 38 Proxies 47-8a

Against the second reading, Present 85

Proxies 102-187

So the bill was thrown out, by a majority of 102. Two Bit: bops only, those of Chichester and Derry, voted for the second reading. The arguments adduced by the speakers were, without exception, the same which have been repeatedly urged in previous debates on this sub- ject; and the discussion appears to have been an exceedingly dull one. The Duke Wit OUCESTER maintained that the bill was the "most unjust, cruel, and uncalled-for measure, ever brought before Parliament ; " and the Duke of WELLINGTON declared that be never heard any complaints against the system of education adopted at the Universities. Viscount MELBOURNE admitted that the difficulties connected with time subject were very great; and lie wished the parties could have compromised their differences; for he felt it to be most desirable that men of all re- ligious persuasions should be admitted into the Universities. He con- sidered that a religious establishment was necessary for the preservation of the Christian system ; and professed deep attachment to theChurch of England. But still, Dissent was as old as the Church itself, and something was due to the Dissenters, who had become so respectable in point of numbers ; and as to tests affording a security for the per- manence of any system, it was quite absurd to suppose it. he Roman Catholic religion had tests, but it fell ; and the I-teethe', had teats, but true religion prevailed notwithstanding. The Earl of CenNaavoN attributed the flourishing state of religion in this country to the esta- blishment of tests ; for, he said, in foreign countries, where there were no tests, religion languished. Lord BROUGHAM insisted that the grievance of the Dissenters was plain, and the justice of their demands manifest. Whether these claims were granted or rejected now, was not of so much consequence it was only a matter of time in the history of the question. Something still more advantageous for the Dissenters would soon meet the sanction of the Legislature.

5. SOUTH AUSTRALIAN COLONY.

At the early sitting of the House of Commons on Tuesday, Mr. WoLavene Wurratone moved that the House should go into Committee on the South Australian Colonization Bill.

Mr. ALEXANDER BARING opposed the motion. He objected to the late period at which the measure was introduced, and the short time al- lowed for considering this most extraordinary bill.

The real object of the colony was to realize the views of a set of gentle-

men, wl he hoped he should not offend by calling experimental philo- sophers, and with whom this was a favourite and long cherished theory. These philosophers were about to form a colony upon a principle which would throw all others into the shade. They were persons possessing great and va- ried powers of mind, and most enlarged understandings ; but, as it too Ire- quently happened, the schemes of these theoretical individuals were seldom so. contrived as to meet the ordinary purposes of life. He had always been of opinion, that plain, practical men, were much better able to conduct the of airs of mankind, than persons who advocated particular theories. Two of the greatest generals that ever lived, Frederick of Prussia and Napoleon Bona parte. used to say, if they wished to select a person unfit fur government, they would seek for luny among the theorists of the colleges. Ile was of the same opinion. But what was their project. One would have thought there was full scope for the talents of these experimentalists in the wastes of Pennsyl- vania, where there was nothing to obstruct those enlarged views they enter.. tained. Or if they wished to make the experiment merely, why had they trot selected some muderate sized cabbage.garden ; without going to a country no. body knew where, and grasping a tract of country embracing several degrees of latitude and longitude, and bounded only by the great geographical fine of the tropic of Capricorn ?

Ile was a friend to emigration ; and he opposed this scheme because its certain failure would bring discredit upon emigration. Why should so vast a tract of land be assigned for the experiments of these philo- sophers ?

Ile would say, take a hundred miles square ; and lie asked if that was not enough for these gentlemen to play their pranks in ? If the experiment suc- ceeded, or if the quantity of land was insufficient for the experiment, let them add another hundred miles, and another hundred after that. But why block up half the great continent, by seizing on such an immense tract of land ? Ile spoke from experience in matters of this sort, having in the early part of his life spent many thousands in plans of this description ; and lie would pledge his exist- ence on the fact, that the principle of paying Ns. an acre, and not allowing any credit, could not he practically acted upon ; and yet it was on this principle the whole plan mainly rested. He had several thousand acres of land in the best parts of Pennsylvania, and he would be glad to sell it for half the money. and give very good credit into the bargain. The very smallest quantity of land an emigrant could take was two hundred acres; which would cost him 1201. in ready money ; it would cost him 1201. more to remove his family there ; and he must spend at least 5001. or 6001. to stock the laud. Now, he would put it to coy man acquainted with the condition of the people, to say whether there was any individual to be found so great a fool as to lay out these sums of money, to set himself down upon two hundred acres of laud in a community of kangaroos?

The details of the bill he considered quite impracticable.

The sum of :200,000/. was to be borrowed to send emigrants over to people the colony : he dill not say this would involve the responsibility of the public, but the loans must be contracted, and the land shut up until the Govern- ment paid off the debt. He next objected to bonds being circulated through the country, apparently on the faith of an act of Parliament, as they would tend very much to delude the public, who might advance the money, and would have the effect of lowering the credit of the country. There was an- other absurdity in the bill. It was provided, that those who lent the money should have it back upon three months' notice; but how were they to get back their money from the tropic of C.:prima, ?

He concluded by moving to postpone the Committee to that day six months.

Mr. WHITMORE defended the bill.

Mr. Baring had called the supporters of the measure phtlosophers, experi- mentalists, theorists, and a variety of other names, and had also said it was the project of a joint-stock company. Ile would not say their theory was right,— it was yet untried, and might prove erroneous,—but lie would say there was no class of philosophers, or theorists, or whatever Mr. Baring pleased to term them, that ever undertook a plan of any kind with less prospect of any personal advantage to themselves. The principle of the bill was, that all the proceeds arising from the land should be employed in sending out adult labourers; by which means the surplus population of the country, as well as the uninvested capital of the country, would find the means of employment. Mr. Baring had also objected to the measure on the ground that labour would not be cheap in the colony. Mr. Whitmore trusted that labour there would not become cheap ; and this very circumstance argued greatly in favour of the bill ; for what had proved, and always would prove, the bane of every country so much as this—that the labour of the industrious poor was not adequately paid ? He also complained that all the land was estimated at the same value. It was true that the price of the whole was fixed at 12s. an acre, and it was natural to suppose that all the good land would be first brought up; but in proportion to the progress of cultivation, when roads had been constructed and the lands inclosed, the whole would be rendered more valuable.

Should the experiment be crowned with success, it would be far more beneficial to this country than the colonization Pennsylvania or Canada.

It would afford the means of transmitting to a foreign country the advan- tages resulting from the excellent institutions of Great Britain. It would afford the means of employment to all industrious subjects, to the rich as well as the poor; and the bar, the church, and the faculty, which were inundated with superfluous talent, would be afforded the means of a free exercise of their extensive and varied energies.

[Mr. Whitmore was often inaudible in the Gallery, which is the ex- cuse given for the imperfect sketch of his speech.1

Mr. O'DWYER would not oppose the bill; but regretted that the pro- jectors of the new colony had not turned their attention to Ireland, where there was a vast quantity of waste land. Mr. SPRING RICE said, that Mr. O'Dwyer seemed to forget that the waste lands of Ireland were private property.

He could, however, inform him that the Government had *them inattentive

to the subject ; but that in several parts of Irelaud the Government had become proprietors, and had made visit efforts at a practical improvement of the lands which he was of opinion would be of more general utility than any legislating measures of improvement.

Ministers had sanctioned the project for the new colony, because s prima facie case had been made out for its ultimate success. The culties were counterbalanced by the great advantages. Mr. Baring had much overstated the amount of land proposed to be colonized.

But it was of the greatest importance that it should not be ton limited; inasmuch as no convicts would be permitted to enter the colony, and thereto* it became necessary that ample space should be afforded to induce Labourers tut seek employment there. The question of extent was, however, quite an open one. The measure bad been called a Government measure : so it was, ton certain extent, the Government having consented to the introduction of the measure into Parliament for the purpose of discussion ; and if it should meat the approbation of the Legislature, and appear to be a fit subject for experie. fluent, the Government would be willing to lend their aid to it, not certainly as a joint-stock company, but to carry into effect the recommendation of the pro.. motets.; of the bill, whether they were philosophers or not. He was of opinion the very circumstance of such despots as Napoleon and Frederick being opposed to the principle of theoretical men, was a great argument in their favour. He should certainly desire to see a practical man at the helm ; but he thought it would be of advantage to the ship if the exertions of scientific men could be brought into operation, subject to such direction.

Mr. Hunfins, Mr. B. HANDLEY, Mr. Cnarstaat, and Mr. Runiven, made a few observations ; and the House divided : for going into Committee, 711; for Mr. Baring's amendment, 7 ; majority, 65. The House went into Committee pro forma ; and the hour of three having by this time arrived, the Chairman reported progress. On Thursday morning, the House went intolCommittee on the bill; and the first sixteen clauses were agreed to, with little opposition. It would have gone through the Committee at this sitting, but Mr. RUTH.. WEN contrived to speak against time till the approach of three o'clock.

6. DEBTS OF THE KING OF OUDE.

Mr. Hennies called the attention of the House of Commons, on Monday, to the recent proceedings of the Board of Control relative to the enforcement of payment by the King of Oude of debts due to cer- tain British native subjects, the representatives of some Calcutta and Bemires bankers, who lent money to the King about the year 1795. The money originally lent was 158,000/., at :36 per cent. interest ; which would by this time amount to a prodigious sum ; but the payment now required of the King of Oude was somewhere between two and three millions. Mr. Herrics contended, that the British Government had no rights whatever to interfere on behalf of the claimants, who had re- jected the terms offered by time King of Oude many years ago. Former Governors of India bad refused to interfere, and no reason had been given for taking up the matter now. Yet Mr. Charles Grant, as Pre- sident of the India Board, had transmitted to the East India Directors a despatch, in which the Governor-General was required to use the in- dueller: he possessed to procure payment from the King of Oude of the

debt in question. This the Directors refused to do, assigning good and sufficient reasons for their refusal. The only reply to this, from the India Board, was in substance—" Execute our order;" and no ex-

planation given. Subsequently, a mandamus was applied for in the Court of King's Bench, to compel the Directors to send out the des- patch. These proceedings had been withdrawn ; why or wherefore, did not appear ; and 31r. Heiries contended that an explanation of all the proceedings was highly necessary, especially as the effect of trans- mi:ring the despatch would be to wring a large sum from the impover- ished inhabitants of a country which, owing to bad government, was already in an exceedingly distressed state.

Mr. CHARLES GRANT entered into a defence of his conduct, in a long and elaborate speech. He explained that the money was lent to the King of Oude at the usual rate of interest, to enable that Monarch to fulfil engagements to the East India Company, whose affairs would have been seriously injured had those engagements not been fulfilled. The creditors of the King of Oude were divided into three classes,— European subjects of England, native subject's of England, and subjects of the King of Oude himself. The last-named were forced to accept the terms of settlement which the King chose to impose ; the Euro- peans received more favourable terms ; but the native subjects of Eng-

land were not so well treated. Mr. Grant contended, that they ought to have been as well treated, notwithstanding their difference of colour; and quoted at great length the opinions of Lords Teignmouth, Welles- ley, Hastings, of several members of the Calcutta Council, of Sir James Mackintosh, Lord Lyndhurst, Sir Charles Wetherell, of Mr. Charles Wynn, and Mr. Canning, in favour of the justice of the claims of the native bankers. He insisted strongly upon the circumstances of these bankers being British subjects, and of their money being actually sup- plied for the benefit of the East India Company. The money would be paid out of the Treasury of the King of Oude, who was possessed of seventeen millions sterling. Mr. Grant ridiculed the idea of non- interference with nominally independee. states ; and proved, by refer- ence to historical facts, that even after a contrary system was pretended to be adopted, our government of India bad been one of perpetual interference. As to the withdrawal of the mandamus, that was occa- sioned by another mode of proceeding being agreed to by the India Board and the Board of Directors, which rendered the process in the Court of King's Bench unnecessary.

Sir ROBERT PEEL condemned the conduct of the Board of Control. If they interfered to procure the payment of this debt, which appeared

plainly, by the exorbitant interest stipulated for, not to have been con- tracted under any British guarantee for repayment, Ministers might as well interfere to procure the discharge of Poyais Bonds.

Mr. HUME said, that the claim was a just and valid one ; that Sir Robert Peel did not understand the subject ; and that the India Board had done what was right in the affair. Here the discussion was closed.

7. MISCELLANEOUS SUBJECTS.

BRIBERY BILL. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE, on Monday, laid the report of the Committee on the Bribery Bill on the table of the House of Peers. Ile stated the suggestions of the Committee, as follows—

That when a Committee of the Honse of Commons have come to the concha • sion that gross and extensive bribery has been committed in anyplace, the result

of that inquire by tin. ominous sha'l br I.ti f before their Lordships, and then the ( to •+n shall issue a camtnission, at the head of which one of Judges is to prer0e,—a eon Hiss on that is rt.senti illy to combine the power of the two 11,u (8 of Parliament, to form a court of inquiry to receive evidence touching the %t hole ti atter in dispute. The other House • of Parliament will select from the members a considerable number of individuals, not exceeding 100 persons, from whom riportion of that court of inquiry is to be taken. The Lord Chan- cellor is appointed to select a certain number of their Lordship, a portion of whom is also to sit on this court of inquiry. These selections are to be made by a mode of proceeding which is announced in the body of the bill. The whole Court is to consist of seven members of the Commons' House and five of their Lordships, who, together with the Judge appointed, shall be constituted a Court to inquire into the matters stated by the House of Commons, and which shall have the power of calling tier persons, papers, and documents. It was also agreed upon, that individuals who appear in the capacity of witnesses are to he exonerated from the effect of the evidence they may give in such cases. The examination having been concluded, a statement of the result is to be laid betbre both /looms of Parliatnent ; and if the charge of corruption be fully made out, such a legislative enactment is to be resorted to as the two Houses of Parlia- ment may, in their wisdom, deem fitting with respect to the alleged abuse.

MASSACRE or PROTESTANTS. I IEREDITARY PEERAGE. MR. O'CONNELL. The Marquis of WESTMEATH presented a petition on Thursday from the Reverend Sir Harcourt Lees, who wished to inform the House, that he had discovered a plot to massacre all the Protestant clergy in Ireland, to be followed by a general rising of the Papist popit• Wien, directed by the Jesuits. The Marquis said, that he formerly considered Sir Harcourt Lees merely an enthusiast, but he now believed that he had foundation for his statements. Jo connexion with this sub- ject, he would read an extract from a speech delivered by Mr. O'Connell at a public dinner given to Mr. Duneombe-

" The great evil was. that these Lords stood between the people and awl: liberties. They pot their long spoons into the People's plates. and t00% away with them the benefits of the People's industry. Let the People be up and stirring. The Ilenslitary Legislative Italy ought to bo dune away with. Both !louses ought to be the Itepre- rentath es of the People, Two Houses of Parliament, elected by the People, were necessary to give fixity to the liberties of the people."

Ole Peers laughed heartily at this passage.] The Marquis of Westmeath said he connected the language of this speech with the ar- gument in the petition. The petition was then laid on the table.

EXCISE DUTIES, In a Committee of the House of Commons on the Excise Acts, on Tuesday, Captain GORDON moved that the reduc- tion of one chilling a gallon on Irish whisky, as proposed by Lord Althorp, should be extended to Scotland. Mr. GILLON seconded the amendment ; which was opposed by Mr. J. A. Mueuav (the ;Lord Advo,atte) Lord ALTHORP, and others, and rejected by 36 to 9.

BEER BILL. Lord A I.THORP stated, on Tuesday, that Government had agreed to take charge of Sir Edward KnatehbuRs bill fOr amend- ing the Beer Act.

There was considerable discussion in Committee on this bill last night ; when Lord AUTHOR,. took the management of it. Several minor amendments were proposed, and rejected. After all the clauses in the bill had been agreed to, Lord A LTIIORP brought up an additional one, which provides " that nothing in the bill should extend to the cities of London and Westminster, or to any parish within the bills of mortality, or any towns returning Members to Parliament, or whose popuLtion should exceed four thousand souls." Mr. Fvsne PaLmee declared the clause to be unfair and partial; but it was agreed to, withow a division. The House resumed ; and the report was brought lip, and ordered to be considered on Tuesday.

PAYMENT OF DERT TO THE BANK. In a Committee of Ways and Means last night, it was agreed, on the motion of Lord ALTHORP, that 4,0,‘.4),000/- of the Three per Cent. Reduced Annuities should be placed to the credit of the Bank of England, in discharge of one-fourth lu of the debt due from the public to the Bank ; the interest to bo paid out of the Consolidated Fund. The amount to be repaid was 3,671,7001. Mr. GOULBVIIN and Mr. WARBURTON considered the arranga merit an improvident one ; as it would entail a permanent increase of interest on the country to the amount of nearly 12,004. The money could have been borrowed on better terms in the market. Lord Ai:moire admitted the increase of interest ; but said, the opera- tion must be viewed in connection with the paying off of the Four per Cent. Dissentients, by which 50,0e0/. a year was saved. Had he gone into the ni rket to borrow the money to pay the Bank, it would have interfered with that arrangement ; which now, by the help of the Savings Banks money, would be easily completed.

ASSESSED TAXES. Lord ALTIIORP brought up a clause on Wed- nesday, the (louse being in Committee on the Assessed Taxes Com- position fill, which authorizes those who have made a composition for their houses to open additional windows without an extra charge.

House OF COMMONS OFFICES BILL. The first clause in this bill, which reduces the salary of the Speaker from 60001. to 50e0/. a year, was agreed to in Committee on Thursday, by a vote of 36 to 18; after some strenuous opposition from Mr. 'I'. ATTwoon, Mr. Waiterierosr (who thought the reduction should be prospective), Mr. E Bernvese Ald.:rman Tuoitesosr, Alderman Wool), Mr. O'REILLv, and others. Lord A Lrioar said, that as the highest salary paid to a Minister of the Crown was 50001. a year, he saw no objection to reduce the Speaker's salary to the same amount.

On the motion of Mr. Heenes, last night, it was agreed in Com- mittee, th it the salary of the present Speaker should not be reduced; and the b:Il was amended to that effect. The bill is to be read a third time on Monday.

SALARY OF CUSTOMHOUSE COMMISSIONERS. Mr. P. M. STEWART presented a petition from certain Commissioners of Customs, com- plaining of the reduction of their salaries from 1400 to NW per annum. A long conversation ensued, in which Lord AI:rimer, Mr. Gousuuas, Mr. Ilene, Mr. BARING, and several other Members, spoke in disapprobation of officers of the different departments petition- ing the House for increased salaries in opposition to the decision of the Government : at the same time, some .Members thought that it was hard upon the Commissioners to have their salaries reduced. Lord .ALTHORP maintained that P2001. a year was handsome pay for a Com- in:ssioner of Customs. The reduction of their salaries had been im- mediate, not prospective, because the public service was not likely to suffer from making it immediate ; although it wits not judged politic to

reduce the pay of those concerned in the collection of the revenue The petitioners had been offered superannuation, and refused it.

Cosmos/ FIELDS ItecLosune BILL. This bill was read a second on Thursday, by 39 to 27; Mr. ESTCOURT, the manager of the bill, having consented to the introduction of a clause exempting from its operation a circuit of ten miles round the Metropolis and other towns containing a specified number of inhabitants. Still the measure was strongly opposed, by Mr. TOOKE, Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON, and Mr. POTTER; it was defended by Mr. ESTCOVRT, Mr. BLAMIRF., Sir H. WILLouciluv, and Mr. CulLnees.

BURNING OF LANDS BII.L. On the motion of Mr. O'CONNEI.L, on Wednesday, this Irish bill-was ordered to lie read a second time that day six months. Colonel PERCEVAL, who had charge of the bill, which had passed the Peers, complained afterwards that an unfitir advantage had been taken of his temporary absence in the lobby, to throw out the bill. Mr. Maceice O'CoNeer.i. (Mr. O'Connell having left the House) disclaimed all intention of uncourteous treatment to Colonel Pereeval, and promised that it full explanation should be given.

Wityto. Buns:lees BILL. Mr. A GLIONBV withdrew this bill on Thursday, on the suggestion of Sir Joust CAMPBELL, in consequence of there being no prospect of carrying it this session.

ILACKNF.Y.COACII BILL. The House of Commons, on Thursday, re- fused to go into Committee on this bill, by a majority of 41 to 21: it is therefore lost.

New STREET FROM WATERLOO BRIDGE TO BEDFORD St/CARE. In reply to a question from Colonel EVANS, on Tuesday, Sir Jous: Hon- Hor se. said, that lie could not state any thing as to the continuation of the new street from Waterloo Bridge beyond Bow Street. It was a question of money, to be decided by Lord Althorn. The other im- provements in the Strand had not defrayed their own cost.

Colonel EVANS said, that the ground of the Mercers' Company in the vicinity, might now be had for nothing ; as the leases had fallen in, and their renewal was deferred till the decision of Government was known.

OPENING OF THE REGENT'S PARK. In reply to a question from Major BitareLsarK, Sir JOAN Hoinitoluse stated, on Wednesday, that, it was the intention of the Government to open to the public that part of the Reeent's Park which was on the banks of the Canal on the northern side of the Park. No other part would at present be opened.

DUKE OF YORK'S DEBTS. Sir E. ConutecToN presented a petition on Monday, from the tradesmen employed in building and furnishing the late Duke of York's house in the Green Park, complaining of the mei-payment of fink claims by the Government. Mr. WARBURTON said, the tradesmen agreed to complete the house, on the understanding that the money to pay them was to be advanced by Government. Mr. CHARLES Wool) utterly denied that any such understanding existed.

Certain contracts had been entered into by the late Duke of York and the Government, which depended upon the Government being secured the first right of purchase; but these contracts Lad no reference whatever to the claims of the petitioners. The petition was laid on the table.

Sreceiry ELECTION. A petition from certain inhabitants of Sud- bury, complaining of the conduct of the Mayor at the late election for that place, was presented on Wednesday by Lord MoneeTin ; but

itlelt awn after some discussion, on the ground of its being an election petition, which could not be presented to the House until fourteen days after the return.

MONAGHAN ELecrioN. The Committee reported, on Wednesday, that Mr. Lumens was, and Mr. 1Vestenra, the sitting Member, was not duly elected. The return has been amended accordingly.

VOTE BY BALLOT. Mr. Gesere gave notice, on Monday, that early next session he should move for leave to bring in a bill to provide for taking votes for Members of Parliament by ballot.