2 JULY 1859, Page 2

Tam Exzerroxs.

Ten of the members of the new Government were on Monday reelect- ed without opposition. They were Lord Palmerston for Tiverton, Lord John Russell for the City of London, Sir George Lewis for the Radnor Boroughs, Sir George Grey for Morpeth, Mr. Milner Gibson for Ashton- under-Lyne, Mr. Cardwell for Oxford, Mr. Lowe for Calne, Sir Richard Bethell for Wolverhampton, Sir Henry Keating for Reading, and Sir William Dunbar for the Wigton Burghs.

The speeches they delivered on the hustings were generally wanting in salient points, and were made-up of opinions on topics now com- monplace. Lord Palmerston was reelected in his absence. Some re- marks made by those who were present at their elections may be noted.

Lord John Russell said that Lord Palmerston had faithfully endea- voured to perform the task of uniting in the Cabinet representatives of all the sections of the Liberal party. On foreign policy he was reserved, but he said thus much.

"I have told you on former occasions what, as I conceived, was the deep seated cause of the present war,—that it was not the ambition of one man, or of two men, or of three men ; but that it was the grievous misgovern- ment of Italy, which had lasted for forty years, and which the Italian people had at various times endeavoured to throw off. I should have been happy had that which I thought perfectly possible been accomplished,—had the Powers of Italy, together with France and Austria, been able to make an amicable arrangement upon the subject. That was not the case ; and these three Powers—Austria, France, and Sardinia—are now engaged in a bloody and destructive war. We may hope that the moderation of the suc- cessful party and the wisdom of the defeated party may lead in no long time to an honourable and satisfactory peace; but our duty is to continue in the path of neutrality., which the whole country has determined to adopt. (Cheering.) If, however, that moderation and that wisdom should not be manifested, it is impossible to say how far this war may extend and what Powers may take part in it. It therefore behoves this country, for her own security, for the defence of her own honour and her own interests, not to neglect her navy or her army—(cheers)—but to be prepared for any con- tingencies that may arise—(renewed cheers) ; and I will repeat here what I said in the House of Commons—that I shall at all times be willing to pay my tribute of applause to the late First Lord of the Admiralty, and to the Board which served with him, for the energetic exertions which they made to place the navy in an effective condition. (Cheers.) Such being the state of foreign affairs, then, the first duty incumbent upon us is vigilance. We must watch every move that takes place, and consider what bearing it may have on the future. In the next place, whenever the time shall arrive— and I hope it may soon arrive—when the belligerents may be disposed to terminate this destructive contest, it will then be the business of this coun- try to give such counsels as may lead to a termination of the war honourable

to all parties, and as may afford better hopes for the independence and liberties of Italy." (Cheers.) Sir George Grey said that whatever might be the course of business during the present session, he hoped and trusted and believed that at the earliest period consistently with their duty to the country the Govern- ment would be prepared to deal with the question of Parliamentary re- form. He trusted that measure would be conceived in a spirit which, while it would give no undue preponderance to any one class of the com- munity, might widen the basis of our representative system so as to Strengthen our institutions and extend the interest of their maintenance among many who had now no direct share in the representation of the people.

Mr. Milner Gibson's speech WU a vindication of his acceptance of office. One of his constituents had hinted to him that he must not leave his principles outside the door of the Cabinet. He took the hint and said he would carry them in, and do all he could to make them prevail.

"I believe that it is the earnest desire of the present Government to main- tain a strict neutrality and to continue to this country the blessings of peace. I believe that the foreign policy of this country, under Lord John Russell, will be conducted in a spirit of moderation and of justice. I believe that it will be a conciliatory foreign policy, and that it will be no fault of the Government of this country if England does not, on the one hand, maintain its own dignity, its own rights, its own independence, and, on the other hand, maintain friendly relations with the various nations of

the world It may be said by many that I ought to have joined no Government, and especially a Government in which there are men with whom I may have previously disagreed. I must tell you frankly that I be- gan for one to be a little sick of a continual charge that was brought against the Liberal party of this country, that we were so divided into sections and so dissevered from one another that, however numerous we might be, we should always be totally incapable of carrying on the government of the country. We have been repeatedly taunted with our divisions, and now I find that when there is a prospect of union and of harmony we are taunted with our agreement, and it is called a factious coalition, Now, I say it is no factious coalition upon which the present Go- vernment Is founded. It is founded upon certain broad, fundamental prin- • les, in which all Members of the Cabinet are prepared to agree. Their differences are matters of degree, and perhaps may not turn out to be mat- ters of principle; and their desire is to cooperate cordially together, in order to give effect to the general principles of the great Liberal party of this country, that now is inclined to trust them with the administration of affairs. (Cheers.) . . . . To form a Liberal Government was a necessity arising out of the situation in which we are placed. The attempt has been made. I believe that attempt will be successful, and let us hope that the success of the Government, or its failure, at any rate, will not for the future turn upon those internal personal questions with which the Liberal party have been taunted ; that if they fail they will fail fairly and honestly by being placed by constitu- tional methods in a minority, but not thrown out of the Government by an ap- parent impossibility to act together in the administration of affairs. If a Government falls constitutionally and fairly, according to our old English usages, nobody need complain, but I am rather sick myself of Governments, representing great parties, being broken up by mere dissensions and divi- sions, not upon questions of principle, and which dissensions and divisions ought, therefore, to be studiously avoided. . . . . 'We shall, no doubt,. be required, as the late Government felt an obligation to undertake a similar duty, to deal with the question of Parliamentary reform. I doubt not that that question will be dealt with in the right spirit. I don't say that all will be done that ought to be done. If a number of men act together there must be concessions, provided they be not vital concessions of principle. I am one of those that are always prepared to take an instalment of a good thing, without at all committing myself not to come afterwards and ask for the rest. I believe that whatever Is done in the way of reform will be sound in principle, and will have no tendency to make the representation more exclusive than it now is, but, on the contrary, will have a decided tendency to give greater political power to the body of the people, and thus to popu- larize the institutions and Government of the country, That will be its honest tendency."

Mr. Cardwell said "peace for ourselves, peace, if possible, for Europe —these are the great objects that we desire the Government to promote, and these are the great objects the Government have at heart."

Sir Richard Bethell sketched the foreign policy that he would like to see carried out. One part of his speech related to law reform, and in the course of lengthened remarks he said—

The present state of the law with regard to the sale and conveyance of land and property might be greatly amended. He saw no reason why the sale of land and houses should not be rendered as easy, expeditious, and as inexpensive as the sale of 100/. Consols or the transfer of a railway share. If they could only bring the system to something approximate to that, it would be a great benefit and tend to increase the value of property. The subject had been taken up by the late Government on a suggestion made by himself, and he could assure them that it would again be taken up by the present Government, and he trusted itelsould lead to the accomplishment of this most desirable change. One passage in the speech of Mr. Lowe will attract general notice because it seems to be not in accord with the expressed opinions of the leading Members of the Cabinet. It relates to foreign affairs.

"In foreign affairs I believe it is the wish of the Parliament, the Go- vernment, and the people of this country, to maintain a strict neutrality, but we must not deceive ourselves, it is quite possible that we may find such neutrality no longer in our power. To remain at peace does not depend on our will alone, but also on the will of those who are waging war. Whatever be our sympathy with Italy as between nation and nation, and with re- ference to existing treaties, there never was, in modern times, a war so un- provoked as that which France is now waging against Austria. France has possessed herself of the Western ports of Italy, she may be even now seizing Venice, she has sent Kossuth and Klapka to debauch the Hungarian regi- ments by the hopes of a second Hungarian revolution, and the frightful carnage of the Wincio has brought her to the very threshold of the German Confederation. Prussia has armed and proposes to place an army on the Upper Rhine. Unless that Being in whose hand are the hearts of princes shall will it otherwise, the war will quickly cross the the Alps, and spread itself from the Adriatic to the German Ocean. The military spirit of France is aroused, she has met with an enemy too weak to result her arms, too strong to be conquered without iglory. Her military power will be strength- ened and developed, and there s danger lest the tide of success should flow on as it flowed in the days of the first Napoleon, and lest we should find our- selves no longer able to exercise our free will in the preservation of neu- trality. The treaties of 1815, on which Europe has rested for forty-five years, have been torn up, and who shall say on what basis or after what sufferings the balance of power shall be settled anew ? These are no rea- sons why we should violate the neutrality which we enjoy, but they are reasons why we should be prepared to Make any sacrifice in purse or in per-

son, I will not say to repel, but to prevent by timely precaution any danger that may threaten. We owe much to our capital, but still more to our credit ; should that credit be shaken the shock will be felt in the remotest corners of the earth, and in the destinies of generations yet unborn."

Sir George Lewis mainly occupied himself with a powerful vindication of the course pursued by the Opposition, and a sharp attack upon the late Ministers whom he described as weak, changeable and truckling.

On the foreign question Sir Charles Wood said a little more than his colleague. " It is not for us to engage in this struggle, in which two despots of the continent are engaged, Our object is to preserve peace for ourselves—to promote peace between them if we can. We have seen recent ace,ounts that in a law portion of Germany a strong spirit prevails by which they seem disposed almost to engage in hostilities. I hope and trust their own good sense, aided by the advice which we have given them since we came to power, will induce them to abstain from hostilities. At any rate, on our part no effort shall be spared to keep those out of the war who have not yet engaged in it, and to avail ourselves of the first favorable opportunity which may offer itself to restore the blessings of peace to those countries which are already engaged in conflict. I believe that in the endeavour to keep Ger- many out of the war we shall be consulting the best interests of the coun- try." As regards the reform question about which his radical audience were very impatient, he said-

' I don't believe it is possible to pass a Reform Bill during. the present session of Parliament. (Disapprobation.) We are now, owing to delays for which we are not accountable, beginning a session on the lit of July which usually begins early in February. The whole of the estimates are to be voted, the budget and financial measures to be proposed ; and when I tell you that the deficiency is nearer 5,000,000/. than 4,000,000/.—that is the legacy that our predecessors have left to us, that is the deficiency which they have created, and which we have to make good—you will, I think, admit that it is no slight task we have to undertake, and that it will require some time for discussion. The estimates and the budget are never in ordinary times, completed before Easter—about two months after the assembling of Parliament. Two months from the beginning of July, and it will probably be about the end of August before we can have completed the estimates and financial business of the session I do not think that it will be easy to induce the H01190 to begin upon a Reform Bill on the let of September. (A voice, "All gammon," and slight interruption.) It must be the first business to be undertaken on our reassembling, but before we separate I don't believe it can be performed."

Mr. Sidney Herbert was reelected four South Wilts on Wednesday without even a show of opposition ; a fact which made him favourably contrast the conduct of the Wiltshire Tories with their conduct in another place. His speech on the occasion contained several remakable passages. On the continental question he said- " It is the duty of the Government not to deal out reproaches to the combatants. We are the allies of both parties,—honest, I hope, but sincere allies, and it is our duty, should an occasion arise in which our interposition would be useful, to give such council and advice as may tend to reconcile the great Powers now engaged in hostilities. But we have a further duty, which to Englishmen is still more imperative, and that is—if it be possible —to maintain peace at home." (" Hear, hear .!" and cheers.) National defence was another topic. "I have heard it said that great armaments and great defences imply upon the part of those who forward them some covert intentions at some future time of making war. I utterly deny that proposition. We are to use what is commonly called a moral influence in Europe, and no country exercises a greater influence than England ; because from her free institutions, from her freedom of thought and freedom of speech, she is enabled to hold up to the world a lesson which cannot be acquired from any other source. But when you speak of moral influence depend upon it there must be something behind which is more than moral. If you are to give advice, and make it respected, it must be understood that you are strong ; and in my opinion, any Government would be guilty of a great dereliction of duty which did not press forward the utmost prepara- tions for the national defence. (Cheers). On the sea, which is the chief defence of England, the greatest exertions must be made. That is our first line, and it is a line which ought never to be broken ; but if it be broken then we must fall back upon our second line—namely, the defences we can make upon our own shores. Now, I hope there will be no mistakes upon this subject. I allude to it because there have been rumours spread abroad, founded upon the grossest, the moat absurd mistakes that the Government will In disposed, in order to reduce the expenditure, to reduce also the pre- parations for national defence. The mistake arose, I believe, from some order given (and not by any means an unproper order) upon some trifling subject by the late Board of Admiralty. But it is an entire mistake, and I believe that at this moment you will find that, so far from any prepa- rations being relaxed, every effort is being made for the purpose of putting the country into a proper and safe state of defence." (Cheers.) The domestic question he spoke of was reform. "Now, I believe that this country is not inclined to revolution, and that if reform is to be carried out it must be a reform which shall strengthen and not undermine our inetita- dons. But for that purpose, in order to strengthen them—in order to have as large a force as you can within the citadel to defend the constitution, you must bring in those whole intelligence and honesty and good conduct entitle them to the auffrage. I hope that the Government will be able to deal with the question of reform in a manner which will not on the one hand be forgetful of the past, or on the other be reckless as to the future, and that their measures will be of a character to strengthen our institutions by attaching to them a larger number of persons in that way which most attaches men to institutions—namely, by giving them a fair share in the working of them." (Cheers.) Mr. Monerieff, like Mr. Sidney Herbert, expressed strong sympathies with the rifle volunteer movement-

" I know no reason why, if it should so haphappen that an enemy should as- sail our shores, we should be the only nation in Europe not in a position to fight for our homes and our country ; and therefore, although not inclined to indulge in any very bellicose spirit, and although I have no sympathy with those that are looking for an enemy upon the other side of the Channel or elsewhere, I do not expect to see any such friends or enemies here in that capacity—although I say I have no sympathy with those feelings, I have great sympathy with the desire to place this country in a position inde- pendent and strengthened within itself, so that, come what mar, she may stand with a proud front before Europe and say, 'We desire nothing that is yours, and we are ready to maintain what is ours.'" (Loud cheers.)

Besides these there were several opposed elections begun. The contest at Oxford between Mr. Gladstone and the Marquis of Chandos began on Monday. Mr. Gladstone was proposed by the Dean of Christchurch ; the Marquis by the President of St. John's. The polling has been continued daily from Tuesday until last night. Mr. Gladstone took the lead, maintained and gradually increased it, rising from a ma- jority of 50, to a majority of 100. At the close of the poll the numbers were—Gladstone, 1050; Chandos, 859.

The Tories at Norwich have opposed Lord Bury without result. They put up two candidates—Sir Samuel Bignold, and Colonel Bolder°. At the close of the poll the numbers were—Bury, 1922; Bignold, 1561; Bolder°, 38. Now the nomination of Colonel Bolder° involves a curious piece of party tactics. Both Lord Bury and Sir Samuel Bignold were petitioned against. The lawyers of each advised and published a notice that votes given to the other are void. It is, therefore, hoped that if Lord Bu7 should be declared guilty of corruption, and thus become unable to sit in the present Parliament, and the same fate befall Sir Samuel, Colonel Boldero may claim to sit as the legally-elected Member, although he received only 39 votes. That was the object of his nomination.

At Bedford Mr. Whitbread was opposed by Captain Polhill Turner ; the Captain winning the show of hands. But at the poll Mr. Whitbread triumphed; Whitbread, 441; Turner 389.

Mr. Headlam at Newcastle had two opponents. One Mr. Cuthbert a -Tory ; the other Mr. P. A. Taylor a Radical. The show of hands was in -favour of Mr. Taylor, but as he declined to go to a poll, the Mayor took a show of hands again. This time the popular voice was for the Tory, the Radicals and Tories having coalesced. A poll was demanded. It took place on Tuesday when Mr. Headlam was returned. The numbers were—Headlam 2170; Cuthbert 1097.

At Sandwich Mr. Hugessen was opposed by the Tory Sir James Fer- .gusson, but he succeeded in winning an indisputable victory at the poll on Tuesday. The numbers were—Hugessen, 463; Ferg-usson, 183.