Statesman and Philosopher
The Memoirs of Raymond Poincare. Vol. II. Translated and adapted by Sir George Arthur. (Heinemann. 21s.)
THE second volume of M. Poincare's memoirs covers the twenty months preceding the War. To grasp the book in its entirety requires close study. Some chapters are so detailed as to confuse a careless reader. Nevertheless, the busy map who cannot give continuous attention will find it well worth his while to look it through for the sake of the many pleasant pages which are not crowded with slow- moving diplomatic procedure.
From first to last M. Poincare never quite loses sight of his Object, which is to apportion blame and pronounce a verdict, but the evidence apart from the verdict is so interesting, and his occasional digressions so entertaining, that even those who do not think that the truth can be summed up in the one word guilty—as applied to the Imperial Prussian prisoner at the bar, can have no quarrel with his singleness of purpose. Perhaps the most charming_ of M. Poincare's digressions describe his Presidential visits to England and to Russia. He set out for this country " depressed because
had never learned a single word of English." His welcome set some of his forebodings at rest, though he obviously_ remained a little self-conscious, partly because of his " democratic dress." " The Gala Landau, the scarlet and gold liveries, put my black coat sadly into the shade." The simplicity and geniality of the King's " hearty greeting " set him a little at ease. But the cheering crowds make still another overwhelming impression. " It was France who was being vociferously acclaimed, and for the enthusiastic Londoner I was only a top-hatted and white-tied symbol." The picturesque beauty of the royal hospitality strikes him with something like amazement. " All the English people look like beautiful portraits which have stepped out of their old frames. I feel as if I had been translated into a historic past, a past which France has done much to, destroy but. which we still recognize under the fitful lights of memory." . At a Court Ball his black coat still makes him conspicuous. " At the end of the great room is a dais, with three red and gold armchairs for the Sovereigns and myself. The Queen takes part in several dances, the King only once or twice, as he does not like to leave me a lonely spectator of the gay scene."
His experiences at the Russian Court are in strong contrast. The likeness between the King of England and " his cousin of Russia " he finds remarkable ; but the dreaminess, the sadness and something of timidity in the bearing of the Czar mark a difference of mind. He cannot make out if the Czar fears or disdains the crowd : anyhow, he avoids all contact with them. The Royal Family seem to live alone in silent stately domesticity—a domesticity darkened by the sinister shadow of Rasputin, about whom there is already much whispered gossip. He never sees this diabolical figure of romance, who is at that time by some reported dead and by others supposed to be in hiding.
In the purely political part of the memoirs there is perhaps no more interesting passage than one which deals with a visit of the King of the Belgians to the Kaiser. " Cambon heard the details in confidence from the Belgian Minister in be Berlin of a conversation which took place between the_ King and the Emperor." The latter complained that " France crossed Germany at every turn," that war was inevitable, and German success assured. " General Moltke echoed his Sovereign's words," adding : " This time, your Majesty, it will be fought to a finish, and you cannot doubt as to the
enthusiasm which will fill the German peo-ple on that day." King Albert protested France's peaceful trend, and after-
wards told his Minister " to warn Cambon." King Albert, however, thought Germany as favourably disposed towards Russia and England as she was ill-disposed towards France.
The impression of the Belgian Minister seems to have been that the Kaiser was being pressed by " the hardly restrained impatience of the Military party." An incident recorded by Mr. Gerard, who in 1914 was American Ambassador in Berlin, confirms this idea. " Herr Von Gwinner, director of the Deutsche Bank, told me, a few days after the outbreak, that the General Staff Officers had gone to the Kaiser, and told him that they would break their swords across their knees if he did not sign the declaration of war." That the Staff Officers had some reason to fear that at the very last Wilhelm II. might repent of his purpose is proved by what M. Poincare describes as " one of those flashes of light which sometimes crossed the brain of this megalomaniac." On first reading Serbia's reply to Austria's " Formidable. Note," the Kaiser wrote to Jagow : " I feel sure that taking one thing with another their monarchical demands are satisfied the few reservations which Serbia makes can surely be dealt with by negotiation, an almost abject capitulation has been publicly put out, and all motive for war thus disappears." But the rest of the letter is in contradiction to this beginning : " Germany refused to put the bit in Austria's mouth."
The famous " Willy Nicky " telegrams are, of course, here given, and are modified by a third " which has been treacherously suppressed in the White Book." " I thank you," writes Nicholas, " for your conciliatory and friendly telegram, which differs altogether in tone from the official communications between your Ambassadors and my Minister, and I would beg you to find out the reason of this difference.. It would surely be better to refer the Austro-Serbian problem to the Hague Conference."
The next volume of Sir George Arthur's translation, which deals with the conduct and incidents of the Great War, will be eagerly awaited,.
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