SPECTATOR'S LIBRARY.

HISTORY, Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams, edited from the Papers of Oliver Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury. By George Gibbs: In

two volumes Wiley and Putnam.

TRAVELS,

Rambles in Sweden and Gottland ; with Etchings by the Wayside. By Sylvanus, Author of " Pedestrian and other Reminiscences at Home and Abroad, with Sketches of Country Life." Bentley.

THE WOLCOTT MEMOIRS OF THE ADMINISTRATIONS OF WASHINGTON AND ADAMS.

THE form of this publication is that of the life and correspondence of Oliver Wolcott, the American financial administrator, who served under Hamilton as Auditor of the Treasury, and succeeded that chief of the Federalists in the office of Secretary. The main purpose of the book, however, is an exposition and defence of the Federal Administrations of Washington and Adams, from the formation of the new constitution of the United States in 1789 to the downfall of the Federalist party in 1801. In the words of the editor, Mr. Gibbs, " the life of the individual has been made subservient to a wider design—the contribution of mate- rials for the biography of a party." The life of Wolcott up to his con- nexion with the Government under the new constitution in 1789 is ju- diciously brief, though not devoid of biographical traits. From that pe- riod till 1801, when Wolcott resigned and the volumes close, Wolcott is, so to speak, a medium or centre for political facts and opinions. His offices gave him official influence and weight, which his friendship with Hamilton augmented; his connexion by family ties or friendship with some of the most respectable and patriotic people of the Revolution made him the receptacle of the opinions of part of a party ; while, though seeming to hold himself aloof from politics, he was a follower of Washington in the abstract, but in practice a disciple of Hamilton, and did as much as he quietly could both in giving and receiving sug- gestions to forward the party's views. Hence his correspondence contains a large amount of the real opinions of politicians, with, of course, their heats and prejudices. It also exhibits the respectable American Fede- ralist character of that day in its most private and unguarded sentiments : and this, perhaps, is the curious if not the valuable feature of the volumes.

The imaily of Wolcott might rank among the most ancient and respect. able in the States. The settlement of his ancestor, a country gentleman, who sold his property and emigrated on account of religion to New Eng- land, dates from 1630. Oliver Wolcott's father entered the army in 1747 as a captain, and served till the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle. He then practised both as a physician and a farmer, (a conjunction not unusual in the Colonies,) was chosen Sheriff of his county, and filled other civil offices. On the breaking out of the war of Independence, he became an active leader in military and political affairs; commanded a considerable force at the surrender of Burgoyne's army ; was a friend of Washington and other leading men of the Revolution; and after the establishment of independence, was annually elected Lieutenant-Governor and Governor of his State; which last office he held at the time of his death, in 1797. His son, Oliver Wolcott, the Secretary of the Treasury, born in 1760, was educated for the law, and called to the bar in 1781. But want of for- tune, and the troubles of the times, threw him into public life, and en- gaged him in the financial and civil business of the State of Connecticut. The assiduity and ability he displayed in various offices, coupled probably with the family influence, procured him the appointment of Auditor to the Treasury, when Washington and his coadjutors framed the con- stitution ; and he subsequently became Secretary, an office analogous to our Chancellor of the Exchequer. The private and official corre- spondence in which Wolcott was engaged, together with his memoranda, drafts of papers, and miscellaneous documents, extend to nearly fifty manuscript volumes. Of these, twenty appear to contain the most valu- able and important matter; and from them the contents of the present book have been drawn, so far as they consist of original correspondence.

For after the introductory chapters, the literary plan of the work is a species of annals or commentary. The principal events both foreign and domestic are handled pretty much in chronological succession ; the chap- ter sometimes taking a senatorial title—as "Second Congress, First and Second Sessions," sometimes a seasonal—as "Summer and Fall of 1793"; the events discussed following in the order of their occurrence. Each epoch, or in some cases each question, is introduced with a commentary by Mr. Gibbs, giving the Federal view of the subject, and so strongly as to admit neither virtue nor merit among the Democratic party, while all that the Federalists do or propose is generally treated as excellent in itself and necessary under the circumstances. These general accounts are followed by letters, and occasionally by documents illustrative of the subject which the editor has exhibited; epistles to Wolcott predominating in number over those written by him. The authors of this correspond- ence are various, and with very few exceptions Federalists. Some—as Washington, Hamilton, and Adams—are historical characters, familiar to all; others—as Ames:Trumbull, and Rufus King—are known here by name at least; others have no European reputation, though distinguished in their day in America as politicians or influential men. The American value and objects of the book must be judged of by Americans To us it seems that the historical value is small ; throwing little new light and giving little new information, at least as it relates to Washington's Administration. The real subjects of most of the letters are not so much facts as comments upon facts, mingled with reflections upon public opponents, elections and other small business, which, however important to the politicians at the time, have nothing historical in their nature, and have now little European interest. These, no doubt, are oc- casionally relieved by epistles of greater weight,—especially one by Hamilton advising (for in his retirement be seems to have acted as Govern- ment adviser) the topics and mode of addressing the French Govern- ment during the misunderstanding that had nearly led to a war with

France ; which gives a high opinion of his diplomatic skill and prudence. The whole collection, too, has more readable interest than might have been supposed, owing to the reality of the matter, and the sober, sensible views of the writers, although often impregnated with party feeling. For the reader of American history the book has a further value, in the man- ner in which he is carried over the principal actions, introduced to the private thoughts and views of the principal actors, thrown off very often at the moment of conception, and is carried as it were behind the scenes of the great political drama.

The English interest of the book chiefly arises from the view which it gives of the opinion of the more respectable American public men who conducted the Revolution but were formed under the times which preceded it. We think it is either Abdy or Marryat who remarks that some of the old gentlemen of New England reminded him of the same class at home; and many of the writers in these volumes leave a similar impression upon the mind. There is about them an antique stamp, such as called forth the admiration and exclamation of the later Romans, "Oprisca fides !" Re- publican themselves, perhaps from an independent dislike to have sub- jects ruling over them, they have a deep aversion to theories of liberty, abstract rules of government, or " rights of men "; considering expe- rience, circumstances, and national character, as the given conditions of modes of rule. They had no abstract objection to kings and nobility, no affected contempt for them, or mouthing abuse. Respecting them- selves, understanding their position, and their (pecuniary) mediocrity of fortune, they had none of the envious and insolent swagger of the modern demagogue ; whom, indeed, they would have hated with that intensity which is always bestowed upon only schismatics. Well read in politics, apparently in the school of Burke, and bringing reflection and a practical knowledge of affairs to the aid of reading, their views of the condition and prospects of Europe, during the height of the French Revolutionary war, are frequently curious from their judgment; and the predictions sometimes remarkably sagacious. To these sound and respectable qualities of public men are added freedom in familiar inter- course, subdued in some by a formal kind of politeness, with much worldly sagacity and prudence in the conduct of life. A letter which old General Wolcott writes to his son, (whom, by the by, he always seems to address as "Sir,") on his first appointment in the Treasury, is not only a good sample of the old man's character, but contains a rule of conduct which may be applied to many situations in life, as well as to all men in responsible position.

" From Oliver Woolcott sen.

• •• •*" Litchfield, Nov. 240, 1789. • • "Old age is very apt to be vain in giving advice. No one, I believe, of your years requires it less, as you have been long conversant with people of almost suety condition, and very readily investigate the principles of human action; yet I will indulge myself once, and, which I shall probably never think it necessary to do again, advise you that in every matter of consequence you depend, in the last resort, upon your own ,judgment rather than upon that of any other. In this mode of conduct you will less frequently err. It will induce a stricter habit of reflection, and if you mistake, you will not feel the mortification of being mis- guided by such as may have an interest in deceiving you. The executive officers with whom you will have most intercourse will, I believe, be inclined to treat you with generosity and frankness, from the First Magistrate downwards. An open unassuming behaviour will be most agreeable to them; this naturally induces con- fidence, and may be done consistently with such reservation as may be necessary. It is generally said that courtiers always act in disguise. This is far from being universally the case; and when it is, it is more generally owing to their situation than choice, especially among those who are to be denominated good men; to which character I truly believe the First Magistrate, and the heads of the execu- tive departments, all of whom I know, are justly entitled. The habits and man- ners of a soldier are naturally open and frank; and if at any time it shall seem to be otherwise, such conduct will be rather assumed and politic than otherwise. "Your service will be complicated and arduous; but you will reflect that those who are to judge of your services will be most capable of making a just estimate of them. You may therefore safely indulge yourself with as mach exercise and relaxation as will be necessary for your health. Endeavour further to preserve the mess sans in corpore sano by yielding at times to a certain vacuity of thought. As to your mode of living, I need say but very little: your habits of temperance will render it unnecessary."

We have met with various accounts of the state of France during the Revolution, as judged by external appearances; but the following is the best we have seen, on account of its deductions. It is from the pen of Trumbull, who was in Europe in a diplomatic capacity.

TRUMBULL ON FRANCE, IN 1795.

You request me to tell you what I have seen. It is not easy, my dear Sir, to describe scenes so immense, so various, and so fluctuating. If, therefore, I give you two or three prominent features of the vast whole, you must be satisfied. The state of cultivation is perhaps one of the most interesting points at the pre- sent moment. I have crossed the country from Havre de Grace to Basle, through Paris, by one road, and returned by another; and in all the distance I see nothing that marks a neglect of agriculture, or a want of hands to labour; on the con- trary, the earth is covered with all the usual variety of crops, all promising abun- dance, if the approach of harvest be warm. Up to the time that I left the coun- try,' we had too much rain and cold, which have extended also to this country. Another circumstance struck me forcibly; I mean the very few beggars I met with. Formerly, whenever a carriage stopped to change horses it was surrounded by half a dozen, and often by a whole one, of miserable objects who assailed you in the name of God, and whose appearance bore but too forcible a testimony to the justice of their fervent applications. I have now passed many, very many post-houses, without meeting a single mendicant. This and some other observa- tions convince me that the condition of the lowest classes of society is improved, perhaps as much as that of the rich is declined; so that, with all the horrid scenes which have passed, and all the accumulation of wretchedness which has over- whelmed the upper orders of society, I am disposed to believe that the sum of human happiness has rather increased than diminished. This, to be sure, is no apology for those who have drenched the cities in blood; and we can only re- gard them as we would a pestilence—as horrid instruments in the hand of Pro- vidence to scourge, and ultimately to purify, the corruption of men. Again, I have seen the city of Paris exhibit an example of patient fortitude which I did not expect from such a mass of ignorant and profligate people. I have seen them week after week receive the miserable pittance of two ounces of bad bread to a person a day; and support this privation with fewer instances of riot, impatience, or murmur, than you would have expected from a race of philosophers. The late plea of the Philadelphians for the non-payment of their debts was, that the foreign settlers, chiefly Germans, outnumbered the " drab- coloured men." From various passages in the correspondence it would seem that the Philadelphians did not rank very high half a century ago. The following is a sketch of them by Wolcott junior, in a letter to his father. It must be remembered that it was not only a new government, but a new constitution that was just set up and bad to work. "The indications of the public sentiment with respect to the new Government are very equivocal. The Northern States, and the commercial and monied people, are zealously attached to it. The State executives and officers cannot be con- sidered as good friends; many of them are designing enemies. "This State, [Philadelphia,] though very officious in obtruding their opinions, will have but little influence. The power and respectability which persons not acquainted with their affairs attribute to them, is ideal. A great portion of the members are ignorant men; they are collected from all nations under heaven; many have smarted under the scourges of European tyranny, and act under the influences of old prejudices and habits, though their present condition is entirely different from any which they formerly experienced. Zeal for liberty, the prin- ciples of which they do not understand, and envy of abilities and industry which they cannot emulate, induce them to raise objections to every measure of Govern- ment. If they were a compact, uniform body of people, governed by the same passions and sympathies, and had their present disposition to advise, they would be formidable; but the desultory projects of Quakers, Tories, Anti-Feds, [Anti- Federalists,] Germans, and Irishmen, who mutually despise and hate each other, will be insufficient to overcome the great and substantial influence of property and reason in this State."

The following passage is not only carious for its general spirit of pro• phecy, singularly fulfilled by the event, but exhibits what seems to have been a dumb feeling in the respectable part of American society, at a time when in this country, and probably throughout the world, Americans were supposed to be animated by the fiercest opposition against Great Britain, and desirous of her downfall. There was a doubt at the time whether America might not have been driven to hostilities with France, on account of the intrigues and insolence of the Directorial Government and agents.

G. CABOTT ON ENGLAND AND FRANCE.

Butafter all, my greatest reliance is that Great Britain will keep the monster at bay until he destroys. himself, or becomes less dangerous to others; and I can- not believe that any vicissitudes in the internal affairs of England ;rill sensibly diminish their naval strength, or divert its application, as long as France remains formidable. England certainly possesses abundant means of every kind to defend herself against France and as many of the powers on the Continent as France can compel to act as auxiliaries. I shall not believe, therefore, until I see it, that England will yield in the present contest. Mr. Erskine, Mr. Waddington, and some thousands of others, will try at every period of misfortune to displace the Ministers; but the Government, the landed as well as other property of the na- tion, the weight of character, and essentially the body of the nation, must, and do hate France, and will, under all circumstances, fight France as long as they can.

=

Farewell. G. CABO

In like manner, Burke's letters on the Regicide Peace were popular with the respectable Republicans of America.

CHAUNCEY GOODRICH ON EDMUND BURKE.

We have received two celebrated letters written by Mr. Burke against the Mi- nistry for entering on negotiations of peace. Though but lately put to the press, they have ran to the eighth edition. He considers the republic of France as an Algiers in the centre of Europe, with whom the civilized world can hold no com- munion. Whether he be correct or not in his main point, the pamphlet is full of original sentiment relative to the Jacobins in England, France, and the world, highly valuable to every country, and to ours as much as any one. There are but one or two here; I hope they will be soon be reprinted.

The text and the original letters in these volumes must be received with allowance, as the representations of writers on a side. Still, with every allowance, they do not show many leading politicians of the "mo- del republic" as any better in its infancy than in its youth—manhood it has not yet reached. Whether Randolph, in 1795, applied to Fauehet, the French Ambassador, with the treasonable purpose of fomenting an in- surrection against the Government of which he was a member, or whether, as we rather think, he attempted to trick the Frenchman out of money for his private uses on a public pretence, it is clear that an American Secretary of State applied to a Foreign Ambassador for funds to be ostensibly used against the Ministry of which he was a member. Munroe and other Americans at Paris betrayed, if not their country, yet the Government they were serving, for party objects. Mr. Gallatin and some others were untainted by mercenary baseness, but they allowed fac- tion to carry them on to treason ; and as for the respectability of smaller men, here is a picture of the "just men" of one city.

PUBLIC CHARACTERS OF PHILADELPHIA, 1796.

Chauncey Goodrich to Oliver Wolcott senior.

Philadelphia, Dec. 13, 1796. I place under cover to Frederic, a paper of yesterday, in which you will find Governor Mifflin in his address has done the Government of Connecticut the honour of particular mention. It merits and I presume will meet only with contempt. A few days after this display of patriotism and a holy zeal against speculation, the president and cashier of the State Pennsylvania Bank had been guilty of an embezzlement of its monies or malversation. The president had by connivance taken from the bank one hundred thousand dollars and more, without consent of the directors, which, though charged, he kept without interest. He and the cashier are both displaced. It was yesterday rumoured that Governor Mifflin, whose son-in-law was cashier, had in the same way taken fifteen thousand dollars, and that he had given his security for restitution. I believe the story; but a few days will make it more certain, and in the mean time no mention need be made of it. This place furnishes indication of great depravity. Bankruptcies are fre- quently happening. Mr. Morris is greatly embarrassed. 'Tis said that Nicholson has fled to England; that Judge Wilson has been to gaol and is out on bail. But there are so many rumours I vouch for the credit of neither. Blair MeClenachan, lately chosen representative, has conveyed his estate to his children, to cheat his creditors.

The volumes are well edited, with good tables of contents and an elaborate index. The historical commentary is also done with knowledge, clearness, and strength ; though too strongly impregnated with Federalist party views to be taken as an impartial account. Mr. Gibbs appears to have the Federalist accomplishments as well as their feelings. The fol- lowing opinion on American Independence may be taken as an example of his style on the larger subjects.

"The character and objects of the American war have been often strangly mis- apprehended. It was in truth what Burke termed it, not a revolution, but a re- volution prevented. It was simply the exercise of the power inherent in the or- ganization of society to resist the enforcement of authority inconsistent with its wellbeing. It was in the outset a revolt, based on the same principles, advocated by the same men, as those which had distinguished and maintained that against Charles. The course of events made it, indeed, a war of independence; but there was in its tone nothing revolutionary, nothing subversive of the established order of things. Some leaders, more far-seeing than the rest, had predicted the result; but what the people wanted, what they took up arms to get, was not some new privilege, some new liberty, but the security of rights, privileges, and immunities, which they had always had Once committed, they were indeed driven to inde- pendence for safety's sake. Even the abolishment of royalty they had not origi- nally intended; for abstract royalty, with three thousand miles of deep water between it and them, troubled them little, so only that they had their own legis- latures, and were taxed by those alone. What we find in their speeches, what we read in the writings of those days, has much about birthright and inheritance, charters and the privileges of English-born subjects, and very little about the rights of man. The little of this that came in afterwards was not of native growth, nor indigenous to the soil New England, the New England yeomanry, the representative of that stubborn orderly race of resistants which had laid the foundations of Old England's liberties, was little given to speculation. Certain definite and distinct ideas the people had touching rights which were the privilege of Englishmen everywhere, and in their view not necessarily the privilege of any other nation; indeed, they rather claimed the exclusive monopoly of them. To maintain these as their inheritance they considered due to their posterity; to maintain them their fathers had cut off the head of one King by sentence of a high tribunal and had deposed another by act of Parliament; to maintain them still they were ready to rebel against the usurpations of the Throne, or if need be of Parliament itself. The doctrine of the divine right of kings was exploded even in England. One Protector and two dynasties of Monarchs had reigned by divine right of Parliament. The principle that government was intended for the good of the governed, was to them self-evident; the consequence, that the governed were to en*be how it should be exercised, was equally plain; and the attempts of Par- t to violate the principle were subjects of resistance as well as those of the Throne. This it was that they fought tor, and in this there was no revolution— the revolution came afterwards.

"Democracy as a theory was not as yet. The habits and manners of the peo- ple were, indeed, essentially Democratic in their simplicity and equality of condi- tion; but this might exist under any form of government. Their governments were then purely Republican. They had gone but a short way into those philoso- phical ideas which characterized the subsequent and real revolution in France. The great state papers of American liberty were all predicated on the abuse of chartered, not of abstract rights. The complaints against Government were of violation of these."