THE INTERNATIONALE IN SWITZERLAND.
T'"Report," or series of resolutions, submitted by the Internationale to the workmen of Switzerland for adop-
tion at their next meeting is by far the most dangerous pro- gramme which the Socialists have yet brought forward. It is at all events a possible scheme, and but for one material circumstance there might be a reasonable prospect that it would be tried. Dr. Karl Marx has evidently learned much from recent experience, and this time he has done his very best to refound society, not as a dreamer might, but as a statesman holding his opinions would. Supposing it con- ceivable that Prince Bismarck or M. de Tocqueville desired to reorganize society for the sole benefit of the workmen, he would, we imagine, propound very much such a scheme as that of the Internationale. It will, we predict, if steadily pressed, in the end fascinate millions, and be the cause of more movements, social and military, than any manifesto of our time. It promises to secure without war, without conflagra- tions, and through existing machinery, all the wildest dreams of the proletariat, to abolish the power of the individual capitalist, and to release the workman finally from that dread of starvation which, everywhere out of Great Britain, heats and disorders his imagination. The Internationale proposes that the workmen of Switzerland should by their votes fuse all the Can- tonal governments into one central administration, which should establish and enforce compulsorygratuitous education up to the age of fourteen ; prohibit all labour by children under that age; organize a stringent supervision over all factories, mines, or other associations of labour; purchase and manage all rail- ways or other means of communication ; abrogate all "need- less impediments" to the right of marriage—that is, we imagine, introduce the English system of civil registrars and personal right of choice, without reference to parental or State authority—and fix by statute a " normal " working day. So far there is nothing which will shock English reformers, for there is nothing which we are not in our tentative illogical way already trying to secure. We do not prohibit child- labour, but we do half prohibit it in factories and regulate it everywhere else in favour of the child ; and though we have no statutory definition of a day, we are approaching rapidly towards the idea of a normal term of labour always to be assumed in the absence of special stipulation. If it were not for the difficulty created by the impossibility of using gaslight for agricultural labour we might go farther in that direction, and as it is, every Union makes of this one of its special points, ten hours being now in towns the customary limit.
The Internationale, however, goes much further than this. It proposes that the central authority in Switzerland shall abolish all indirect taxation whatever, even, we presume, upon alcohol, and substitute for all a property-tax estimated by valua- tion, as in America, but increasing in rate with the increase of the fortune upon which it is levied, and accompanied by a heavy succession-duty. This is Robespierre's impot progressif made more severe, the higher ratio being calculated, as we understand the scheme, not on the income, but on the pro- perty, which is nearly sure to yield less in proportion to its extent. A penny in the pound on a million in Consols is a much more severe tax as regards the consequent reduction of income than a proportionate tax upon the annual
yield of the million. With the revenue thus accumu-
lated the central authority is to create a State Bank, with the sole right of issuing notes, and is with those notes to furnish all associations of operatives with the capital they require, thus superseding the necessity for the individual capitalist. The State itself would be the sole employer of labour, the payment or receipt of wages would be prohibited by statute, and all profits would be divided equally among those who earned them. The capitalist would thus be summarily extinguished. The workman, being the State—for no law is to be passed or abolished without his direct consent, recorded by ph.lbiseite without intervening Parliament—would be his own employer, and the "tyranny of capital," as Socialists deem it, would be finally done away. Lest it should revive, the tyranny of hunger is also abolished, every citizen, being declared entitled to poor relief first from his Commune, and afterwards, if the Commune is over pressed, from the
State. No condition whatever except poverty is annexed to this relief.
Those who doubt that this plan will be acceptable, more, will be fascinating, to the proletariat of a city like Geneva, know- little of human nature as it becomes under the pressure of constant toil, embittered by the idea that the profits of that toil are accumulated upon the one labourer who, to the half-instructed regard, labours least. The proposal may fail. in Switzerland because it strikes at cantonal patriotism, which is very strong—as strong, perhaps, as the State-right feeling in America—and because it offers nothing to the peasant ex- cept increased taxation ; but it will be received with delight in a canton like Geneva, where the workmen are in an immense majority, and occasionally much distressed. Nor do we see that it is of much use to point out the economic objections to the scheme, the danger of driving the wealthy to other countries, the want of provision for increasing population, the huge loss in producing power implied in the loss of energy which must follow equal division among unequal workers. The workmen will reply to the first objection that if the rich depart, they must leave their visible wealth ; to the second, that population can be kept down by a conscription of emi- grants,—of men who must go elsewhere that the remainder may have room ; and to the third, that they want their country to be happy, and not rich. Nor is it of much Use to say vaguely that the scheme would not work. Where is the proof of that until it has been tried, or the pviind facie impossibility ? Granted certain conditions, a representative Council of Geneva or Birmingham, possessed of the property of Geneva or Birmingham, might work a number of factories at a profit, and might work them very well. At all events, the assertion that they could not would convince no workman until the experiment had been tried ; and it is in the experiment, not in its success, that the danger of civil war resides. The true objections to the scheme, as it seems to us, are its radical, injustice and the suppression which it involves of human liberty. Supposing the poor plundered at present, that is no justification for robbing the rich, and taxation upon the rich alone is robbery. It might be possible to put the whole taxation of England on to income and rental, but it would be morally robbery, just as much as if every man who lacked spoons, took away any sur- plus spoons I might possess. In the long run, we believe, in face of some disheartening facts, that argument will tell, the religious instinct being inherent, and not merely the result of training ; but it will not tell so rapidly as this other. Is it worth living to be a member of a society drilled into uniformity ? It is the first condition of socialism that a man shall obey the community, shall put down individualism, shall do work he dislikes for people he does not care about, shall forego the reward of his special toil, shall submit to regulation from above, shall, above all, be compelled to work when he would rather not. No society organized on the International principles could exist a week without putting down individualism with the lash and the bullet, without prohibiting resistance, without, above all, punishing idleness as a crime. The nature of man is to loll about, or at best to- do what he thinks pleasant, and as somebody must cart the muck, and as there is to be no compulsion of hunger and no. offer of wages, direct physical coercion is inevitable. That coercion will be found to extend to almost every act of life,. and being based on the will of the majority, and not on that of the individual capitalist,—on a will, that is, unrestrained by any law except itself, by any respect for equals, or by any fear of consequences,—strikes being forbidden and departure treated as desertion, will speedily become very terrible. We do not say the plan must therefore fail. Make Dr. Karl Marx dictator of Geneva, give him the wealth of the Canton, and
let him organize labour on his principles, and we believe he will succeed in brigading the people, in reorganizing society on the old Peruvian basis, in governing in the interest of his ideas as sternly and successfully as ever Calvin did. Our objection is that life will not be worth having under such cir- cumstances, that man will have no hopes but only duties, no ideal but only occupation, no variety but only a monotony of unrewarded toil. Life will he the life of a well-managed jail, where also every man is fed according to his needs, and not according to his work ; where labour receives no wage, and yet idleness is forbidden ; where work is distributed by capa- city, and self-denial is the law of the place ; where all labour always for the good of the general community. Is it worth while to upset civilization even by votes for such a result as that,—to enjoy in the face of the sovereign community the equality of newts under a stone ?
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