TOPICS OF THE DAY.
GERMANY, BRITAIN, AND FRANCE. THOSE who had hoped that the visit of the German editors might lead to a better understanding of British policy and of British international relations on the part of Germany cannot but have felt a sense of keen disappointment, nay, of indignation, at reading the extract from the Cologne Gazette published in Tuesday's Times. The report by that paper of the dinner to the German editors in the Whitehall Rooms concludes as follows :—" Even those observers who have hitherto been somewhat sceptical departed with the conviction that this Times. The report by that paper of the dinner to the German editors in the Whitehall Rooms concludes as follows :—" Even those observers who have hitherto been somewhat sceptical departed with the conviction that this pleasant personal intercourse is beginning to exercise a very beneficial effect calculated to compose many differences. If any one is still doubtful lie can find confirmation in the uneasiness of our French neighbours which is already be- ginning to be noticed here." In other words, the Cologne Gazette openly hints that the beneficial result expected to be reached by the visit of the editors is the estrange- ment of Britain from France, and the break up of that entente cordiale which last summer preserved the peace of the 'world, and saved 2ur French neighbours from an attack which would haw' been an outrage on civilisation. This method of treating the visit, we must regretfully admit, goes far to justify those who protested against a public reception of the editors, lest the fact of that reception should be disingenuously used in Germany to weaken the entente between us and France. We our- selves resolved to pay no attention to such protests, thinking them at the time farfetched and unreason- able. We considered it impossible that the hospitality naturally extended to any visitors from any part of the Continent wile occupied a public position could be made the gxcuse for mischief-making of the kind we have just described. If, to speak plainly, the editor of this journal had entertained the slightesi, notion that the welcome afforded to the German editors would have been treated by a leading German newspaper as it appears to have been treated by the Cologne Gazette, he would never have con- sented to join in any such function. Much as we admire the German people, and anxious as we were that a kindly hospitality should be shown to a distingAished body of German publicists, we value the friendship and good esteem of France far too highly to risk the possibility of any such construction being placed on that hospitality as is placed on it in the ill-conditioned and utterly mis- leading statement of the Cologne Gazette.
We are certain, indeed, that we speak not only for our- selves, but for the great majority of those who entertained the German editors during their visit, and also for the nation as a whole, when we say that the cordial reception given to the editors would never have been given had it been thought possible that the nation's hospitality could be twisted into an attack upon France. If there is one matter at the present moment upon which it may be confidently said that Britain as a whole is agreed, it is the entente with France. Our determination to stand by France at all costs and at all risks to ourselves should France ever again be threatened as she was last summer is founded on the rock. The action which our Government took at that time was universally endorsed. We will go further, and we will say that any Government that bad failed to give the assurances to France which it is now an open secret were then given would have at once lost the confidence of the British people. The nation's resolve has not changed since then, and we feel certain that the present Government, if they were placed in the position which the late Government were placed in by the German Government's unprovoked menaces to France, would act in exactly the same spirit. The notion that Germany should be allowed to take the opportunity of Russia's temporary weakness to assail France on the pretext • that by coming to a good understanding with Britain she had injured German interests, is one which is scouted by every Briton throughout the length and breadth of the land. The loyal and firm maintenance of our entente with France has become the cardinal principle of our foreign policy, and nothing will be allowed to deflect us from it. So confidently, indeed, is this view held that Englishmen consider, and we think rightly consider, that France and the world in general can have no doubt upon the subject.
Anchored in the belief that there cannot be any misunder- standing on this point, Englishmen felt that they might, and indeed ought to, show a kindly and pacific feeling to a neigh. bouring nation, and to do all they could to promote inter- national harmony, subject always to the just fulfilment of their loyal obligations towards France. And in this desire for international harmony they have, we are sure, the sup- port of France, for the French are now the most pacific nation on the face of the earth, though doubtless at the same time they are determined to secure, and, what is more, are, we believe, well able to secure, their rights and their national independence. But though France is essentially pacific, and therefore would be inclined to be pleased at seeing a nation with which she has ties such as those which bind her to Britain working for the general peace of the world, she is also naturally sensitive in regard to our relations veith her. When, , then, she sees a leading German news- paper representing an act of friendliness and hospitality towards a body of distinguished Germans as a blow aimed at herself—i.e., as something which must be calculated to cause her " uneasiness "—it becomes necessary to speak out. We therefore desire, with a full sense of the responsibility involved, to assure the French people that the general satisfaction displayed at the visit of the German editors would never have been displayed if it had been thought possible that the visit could be used to, cause her uneasiness in regard to the loyalty of the British Government and the British people. As we have said, Britain means to stand by the French people, unless—which is unthinkablet—they plunge into an unprovoked war of aggression on one of their neighbours. If they are menaced as they were menaced last year, we shall remain, as we remained last year, at their side. We would urge them to bear this in mind, and to feel no uneasiness whatever at interested efforts made across their Eastern frontier to represent acts of inter- national comity as signs of a weakening of public opinion here. No doubt John Bull's foible—and in itself it is an amiable foible and one to be encouraged—is to like to stand well with' the world as a whole, but this idio- syncrasy does not in the least weaken his steadfastness or loyalty to his special friends. Not only does the entente cordiale remain a fixed point in our policy, but it has unquestionably strengthened in the past year, and is still growing in power.
The best proof of this is the great change that has come over British public opinion in regard to an understanding with Russia. We have always ourselves advocated such an understanding on its merits; and quite apart from the question of the entente with France. The mass of British public opinion, however, was not, it must be admitted, favourable to a Russian understanding till it was com- prehended that such an understanding would be of value to France, and the natural complement of the entente cordiale with her. When that fact was appreciated a remarkable change took place in opinion here, and it is not too much to say that the British public would now look with favour upon an understanding with Russia largely because she is France's ally. The chief difficulty that remains is the preoccupation of Russia with her internal affairs. If, as we trust may be the case, the Russian Government is before long liberalised and placed on the secure basis of a sound Constitution, we have little doubt that an arrangement may be come to between the Empire of the Czar and this country which will be beneficial to both, and beneficial also to the peace of the world.
Before we leave a subject which, though painful, had to be dealt with, it may perhaps be well to answer in advance a question which may be put by Englishmen uninstructed in regard to the nature and inspiration of a section of the German Press. " Why do you attach so much importance to the words of the Cologne Gazette ?" Our reply is. that not only is the Cologne Gazette a paper of great prestige in Germany, but it is also admitted to be a semi-official organ. As the Times states in a leading article on Tuesday, " the Cologne Gazette is the recognised semi-official organ of the German Government." In these circumstances it is necessary, even at the risk of seeming offensive to certain Of the distinguished German publicists who have visited us, and who, we are certain, were themselves free from the slightest arriZre pongee in regard to their visit, to declare that not only has the visit not undermined the entente, but that it was absolutely incapable of doing any such thing, and further, that the suggestion would be rejected here by all reasonable persons as utterly ridiculous. In this context we cannot do better than -quote what the Times has already very properly quoted,—that is, the statement made by Sir Frank Lascelles, our Ambassador in Germany, at a banquet given by the Berlin Chamber of Commerce last autumn. In that speech he warned *is audience to be careful lest "the suggestion of friendship between our two countries might imply hostility to some other. I think it important that it should be clearly understood that this is not the case. The friendships which we lia.vo each contracted are no bar to our being friends ourselves, and the friendship which I sincerely hope to see established among us must not interfere with or in any way diminish the friendships which we each have contracted with. others." We will go further, and will say that for the future it must be made a clear condition of all manifestations of friendship between us and Germany that they shall not be represented as undermining our close and permanent understanding with France. If they continue to be so misrepresented, it will be necessary for us, however reluctantly, to resist them as sources of international danger.
While writing thus we are glad to note the tone of the speech made at the luncheon at the Mansion House on Tuesday by Dr. Barth. Dr. Barth, who is the distin- guished editor of one of the most independent and high-minded of German periodicals, spoke in the spirit of Sir Frank Lascelles's words, as did. also the German Ambassador. [That Mr. Bryce had previously dwelt on the same point hardly needs comment, for he was only emphasising what is known to be the settled policy of his Majesty's Government, the maintenance of our entente with France in the fullest vigour.] But though the repudiation . of the Rhenish organ implied if not expressed in the speeches of Dr. Barth and Count Paul Metternich, and also in the speech of Herr Posse, of the Cologne Gazette, at Greenwich on Thursday, is satisfactory as far as it goes, we cannot admit that speeches made by Germans in England can have anything like the same effect on public opinion in France as the writings of papers like the Cologne Gazette. We hold, then, that it is quite as necessary to protest against the action of the Cologne Gazette as . if the speeches at the Mansien House and at Greenwich had not been made. It is in the circumstances essential to assure the French people that they need not feel the slightest cause of uneasiness in regard to the steadfastness of the ties that now bind France and Britain.
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