Debates anti Vroczoings in Varlianunt.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Roust Or LOADS. Monday, March 26. Petition of Mr. Fahhanks, and Administra- tion of the North American Colonies debated—Adjourned at 8 h. 20 m. Tuesday. March 27. Australian Constitution promised by Earl Grey—Adjourned at 6 h. 38 m. Thursday. March 29. Administration of Justice in Stockport : Political Magistracy— Adjourned at 7 h. 16m. Friday, March 30. Recovery of Debts from Members of Par- liament : Bill introduced by Lord Brougham—Austria and Sardinia: Armistice—Ad. burned at 5 h. 35 m.

[Time occupied in the four sittings, 7h. 49m.

since the beginning of the Session, 50 h. 47 in.] Roust 07 COMMONS. Monday, March 26. Navigation Bill in Committee, farther considered and reported—Irish Rate-in-aid Bin, second reading debated—Adjourned at 12 h. 30w. Tuesday, March 27. Transportation to the Cape of Good Rope: Mr. Ad- derley's 5fotion—Mlnisters-money : Mr. Pagan's Motion—Adjourned at 1 h. 20m. (Wednesday morning.) Wednesday, March 28; noon sitting. Landlord and Tenant Hill In Committee Extended to Ireland : Progress reported—Insolvent Members Bill, Withdrawn : Leave to bring In a new bill—Adjourned at 6 h. Thursday, March 29. Mismanagement of Savings-banks in Ireland and Scotland : Mr. Reynolds's Motion, carried against Ministers—Adjourned at 10 h. 30 tn. Friday, March 30. Railway- travelling on Sunday in Scotland—New Houses of Parliament—Naval Expenditure : Supply Resolution debated—Irish Rate-in-aid Bill: Debate on the Second Reading con- tinued—Adjourned at 12 h. 30 m.

[Time occupied in the five sittings, 38 h. 43 in.

since the beginning of the Session, 303h. 33 in.]

RESPONSIBLE GOVERNMENT IN NOVA SCOTIA.

In presenting a petition from the province of Nova Scotia complaining of the case of Mr. Fairbanks, late Treasurer of that colony, Lord STANLEY canvassed generally the administration of the Wirth American Provinces under the new principle of responsible self-government as worked by Lord Grey and the Colonial Office.

In 1845, the office of Treasurer of the province of Nova Scotia became vacant by the defalcation of the incumbent; and Lord Falkland took the opportunity, in advising with Lord Stanley on the choice of a successor' to state his view that the financial interests of the province were injured by the tenure of the office of Treasurer, which was political and dependent on a harmony with the party in office: be also stated his desire to confer the office on some gentleman who should engage to remain separate from the Assembly and totally unconnected with the Legislature. Lord Stanley tally concurred in these views; and Lord Falkland acted on them in pro- posing to confer the office on Mr. Fairbanks, an eminent member of the Nova Scotia bar and a member of the Assembly. Before accepting office, however, Mr. Fairbanks wished to know whether his retention of office would be dependent on good conduct, or on political changes and party fluctuations. Lord Falkland explicitly stated, that it would be totally in- dependent of political fluctuation; and that though the officio must be held !°V tenure as all Colonial offices were, namely, during her Ma- N e1)1t yet it was not to be supposed that he would be removed viour. Mr. Fairbanks relinquished his seat in Parliament, rofession, and accepted the post. The notification of his ed in this country after Mr. Gladstone's succession to the ship; it had his approval and confirmation; and a fur- was given by the warrant of the appointment sent out sign-manual. Greater security of a permanent office

tiolviazas

could not possibly have been given. Mr. Fairbanks was in every way wed qualified for the post, by his business habits, therough knowledge of a. counts, high character, and unimpeachable integrity; indeed, he gained general approbation, and the approval of the noble Earl himsulf.

The Governments of the North American Colonies are generally of one character. They are composed of a Governor and a Legislative Council, each appointed by the Crown—the members of the latter for life; and a Legislative Assembly of popular election. An Executive Council is added, of influential colonists: but prior to 1839 this last body had no respon- sibility whatever; and the Governor was not compelled to act in accord- ance with its advice. In the year 1839, however, the experiment of greatly changing the functions of this Council was tried in Canada: the Council was no longer to be disconnected from party or unconnected with the Le- gislature; but was to consist of many persons holding official situations, and was to be a political body. A system ensued which ought in fact to be called a party, rather than a responsible government. In 1846, Earl Grey succeeded Lord Stanley as Secretary for the Colonies: early in 1847, he gave his adherence to the new system of government—explaining his views at great length in a despatch of the 31st March in that year; and extended its operation to the province of Nova Scotia. A general election in the latter province took place in the summer of 1847, and the session commenced in January 1848: an amendment to the address was carried by 29 to 22 ;' the Ministry resigned; and a new Ministry was selected by the Governor, Sir John Harvey, from the political majority. In March 1848, with the consent of Sir John Harvey, the Ministry introduced a bill which altered the character of the office of Treasurer, dismissed Mr. Fairbanks, without cause or even complaint, and created, two new offices to be held by political partisans, in lien of the one office which Mr. Fairbanks had, resigned his Parliamentary seat to accept independently of political parties. It is only just to state that Earl Grey admitted that the office was not of a political tenure, and argued by analogies against the removal of Mr. Fair- banks; saying he thought the reasons assigned were unsatisfactory, and de- claring that Mr. Fairbanks bad a strong claim to be maintained in his po- sition.

Sir John Harvey replied, and transmitted a memorial from his Govern- ment. If he had the duty of moderating and mediating between parties, he does not appear to have done so; an omission the more unfortunate, that a bill was then pending in the Assembly for determining whether the Governor's salary should be 2,5001., 3,0001., or 3,5001. a year. Indeed, his whole tone and language were in accordance with the most extreme views of party. In the second week of the session, the Assembly declared, by 28 to 21, that it adhered to its opinion notwithstanding Earl Grey's view. Lord Stanley learnt from private sources, that in the Legislative Council an amendment to the resolution of confirmation was carried by 9 to 8; although the President of the Council, contrary to all practice, converted that majority into a tie by insisting upon goring his vote to the minority. ,Earl Grey rejoined to Sir John Harvey's representations, by persisting that he saw nothing to diminish his opposition to the act: and so far Lord Stanley went with him, and admitted the candid and fair spirit of his despatches. But noble Lords would join in his surprise on finding that Earl Grey presently after concluded that the honour of the Crown was not pledged, and encouraged the Provincial Legislature to persevere In ad- herence to their act, by announcing that if a majority' agreed to an address in favour of it as it was passed, he would not refuse to advise the Crown to grant its assent. Such were the circumstances so far as they constituted the grievance of an individual, and a charge against Earl Grey that he had not fulfilled pledges from the Crown by extending his protection to that individual against the harshness and injury to which the Colonial Assem- bly had subjected him.

But independently of the personal injustice, the petitioners view with serious apprehension the policy of the Colonial Office, of bending to the opinions of the local party which may be in power for the moment. They state that the Governor of Nova Scotia acting on the advice of the Executive Council, has already dismissed a hundred Justices of Peace without any cause assigned, notwithstanding a declaration once made by him, that, as her Majesty's representative, he would be no party to de- priving any of her Majesty's servants of the offices they hold." The pe- titioners entreat their Lordships . . .

"to take into consideration the circumstances, to propound the true natnre of the relation between the Colonies and the Mother-couutry, and to take measures to protect them from a despotic Government. Unless some stand were to be made, some definite position assumed by the Secretary of State or forced on the Government of Nova Scotia, and maintained by the whole authority of the Crown, that authority would become, as it was gradually becoming, null." Lord Stanley "had always considered, that in a colony, the application not of responsible, but of party government, must be dangerous to the circumstances of a small dependency and a small society. He must remind their Lordships, that the principle of a Cabinet was a new principle even in the history of this country ; and that up to a very recent period, its government had been carried on by responsible heads of departments, without that unity and concurrence of action on all points which was now supposed to be required. If such difficulties were experienced in this country, how much more must they be felt in colonies where the population was small, where the number of persons qualified for office was comparatively small, and especially of persons who were in sufficiently easy circumstances to devote themselves to political life without being tempted to convert the influence of their station into the means of obtaining political and professional objects? The want of such an assembly as their Lordship? House would result in the establishment of a Republican form of Government and of an unmitigated Democracy. What, then was a Legislative Council? The colony of Nova Scotia contained 250,000 inhabitants: the popular Assembly consisted of fifty-one members: the Legislative Council contained a varying number, appointed for life: but, if the prmciple of responsible or party government were adopted, that Legislative Council in itself would be a very in- effective check on the popular branch; it became in truth a mere tool, echo, or agent, of the Rouse of Assembly. If the Legislative Council could be no check on the House of Assembly, neither could the Governor be so, if he were to act under the direction of his Executive Council. The remaining check was that interposed by the exercise of the authority of the Crown, through a responsible Minister, the Secretary of State for the Colonies, who was bound to give his protection to a mi- nority of British subjects, and to prevent, as far as in him lay, the tyranny of a majority. If that protection were withheld, it were better to declare those colo- nies absolutely independent, and leave them to the unmitigated Republican prin- ciples which must then predominate. Their Lordships had to mark a most painful exemplification in another ends neighbouring colony of the consequences resulting from the doctrine that the Governor could act only by the advice of the Executive authority —that, however unjust, however revolting to the feelings of loyal colonists) or disgusting to those of the people of this country, the Secretary of State must be dumb, the Provincial Parliament must be absolute, and the assent of the Crown must be given to an enactment which stamped a previous rebellion with the character of law, and stigmatized the loyal inhabitants with a penalty for their devoted and successful resistance to that rebellion. In conclusion, Lord Stanley put it to their Lordships, whether, on the uncompensated dismissal of such a man as Mr. Fairbanks, and of a hundred local Magistrates, without complaint, and their replacement by the most heated and violent partisans—whether on such steps a proper case had not arisen for the interference of the Governor; and if the Governor had failed, whether the time had not come when the Secretary of State should interpose, telling the colonists, that while he wished to recognize and protect the rights of the Assembly, still he was responsible to Parliament, to the Crown, and to his own conscience, for protecting the honour of the Crown and the liberty of all its subjects against overthrow by the temporary power of a snrall dominant majority?

Earl GREY felt that he stood on so strong a foundation of truth and jus- tice in this particular case, that, however unable to do justice to the general question, he was not afraid of encountering the arguments of Lord Stanley. He would reverse the order of the topics, and would try first to explain his views on the system of colonial administration, and then point their appli- cation to the case before them.

It had been easy for Lord Stanley to point out the great difficulty in the exercise of control by the Crown here, and the preservation intact by the Colonies of those privileges of elf-government which the colonists value as highly as we prize the rights we enjoy. But the excellent observations of Lord John Russell on this very point are worthy of attention—

"If the Crown were to exert to the very utmost that power which, by our con- stitution, is vested in it—if the House of Commons were to push to extremities its right of refusing the supplies—if this House were to put into operation its equally undoubted right of rejecting every measure of which it disapproved—if all these powers were to be strained to the utmost—why, my Lords, it is clear that our balanced system of constitution would, in such a case, in the course of a month be brought to a stand-still." A wise moderation is the remedy for this possible evil: each power yields in its turn; and thus, notwithstanding the difficulties by which it can be theoretically proved that our constitution will not and cannot be worked, it has long been worked, and long flourished, to the advantage of those who live under it. So in the Colonies, all depends upon the discretion with which the powers intrusted to each are exercised. "I scruple not to say," Lord Grey continued, "that our North American Colonies have arrived at such a stage in their growth, that public opinion in those colonies themselves will and must be the supreme power to decide upon laws affecting their own internal interests. I believe it to be neither practicable nor desirable that any other rule should hold. I know no interest which this country can have in trying to force on the Colonies any particular system of local and internal legislation. I have endeavoured, as clearly as I could, to state my views to the Governors of these North American Colonies. I have informed them that they are not to consider themselves freed from responsibility; that, on the contrary, a great and heavy responsibility is laid upon them—that they are responsible for measures to which they assent. But, on the other hand, I have always stated, that, under the form of government which prevails in these colonies, we cannot shrink from the con- clusion that in the end public opinion must decide upon all points on which the issue." But may be at But though public opinion must govern Nova Scotia as it does England, Lord Stanley was wrong in supposing that the power and the influence of the Crown are becoming ineffective and null. For fifteen years the civil list has been matter of controversy in Nova Scotia; for five of those years Lord Stanley laboured with great ability, but no corresponding success, to bring that matter to an issue. Now Earl Grey had just received a despatch in- forming him that an amended statute has been framed in accordance with his instructions; the arrears of the Judges' salaries been paid up, and the future salaries finally settled at the full amount. Again, in regard to the strong desire prevalent in many of the colonies to change the holders of office further than was necessary or prudent: Lord Grey's views on this point had been frankly adopted by the existing Council and Legislature of Nova Scotia. Even if the act against which the petitioners now direct their prayers should receive the Royal assent, which it has not yet done, the whole number of office-holders who will change with a change of Ad- ministration is only six. On the subject of compensation the Legislature has met Lord Grey's views; and, with the single exception of Mr. Fair- banks, whose case is stated not to be within the rule, no person has been removed without compensation: questions have arisen on amounts, but the principle has been granted. Lord Grey touched on the 'topic of the dismissed Magistrates. A cor- respondence was still going on; without having seen which, it was wholly impossible that noble Lords should form a sound opinion on the case. His remarks, however, evidenced a feeling against the proceeding, and suggested Points of palliation. He criticized on broad grounds the course taken by Lord Stanley in thus identifying himself with the heats and accusations of a party, and supposed the case of Lord Stanley's again succeeding to the seals of the Colonial Office: would it be possible to conceive in such a case that a suspicion would not be entertained of his favouring those whose cause he had advocated? He regretted to see infringed the wholesome rule that Colonial contests should not be fought over again in the British Parliament. He regretted also the allusion to a measure now before the Canadian Assembly as a measure to legalize and reward rebellion. Lord Stanley must know that the promoters of the measure entirely repudiate such a charge.

Lord STANLEY declared he knew the contrary, from official documents: Lord Grey seemed ignorant that two amendments had been moved—one to exclude eiders in the rebellion, the other to exclude all who did not aid in putting down the rebellion; both of which were negatived. Earl GREY could not help believing this statement to be erroneous. Amendments have been considered, but it does not appear that the resolu- tions have been settled, or a bill brought in: undoubtedly the bill had not reached committee, or attained the shape it will ultimately bear; so that a discussion of it would be doubly dangerous at the present time. Review- log the case for and against the measure, Lord Grey observed, it might be right or wrong—he reserved his opinion until it came before him in its final shape.

As to the case of Mr. Fairbanks, Lord Grey thought he had been some- what hardly used: but it should be remembered that he took a very active Part in politics against the party now in power. On the question of right, no doubt, so far as the Crown was concerned, he was not to be considered removeable; but Lord Falkland's own despatches show that his salary was

still at the discretion of the Assembly: he particularly notices that at- tempts had-been made to reduce that salary, and that the power of reduc- tion was not questioned or questionable; and he expressly says that, how- ever strongly he or the Home Government might feel on the subject, it was by no means certain that a law could be carried to give effect to their feel- ings. Mr. Fairbanks was then in the Council, and knew this; and he had fair warning in the course of the Assembly discussions; for those now in power made no secret of their intention if they gained the ascendant to re- gard this office as a political one. There can be no question of more purely local interest—no arrangement which it would be more improper for the home Government permanently to withstand and overrule. In regard to Mr. Fairbanks's own interests, it is to be regretted that he has presented this petition ' • for the matter is still in suspense, and Lord Grey's objections might still have had their weight in his behalf with the Legislature in Nova Scotia. If, however, they adhere to their view, it is a subject on which, under the sound rule of colonial government, Lord Grey would not advise the Crown to refuse its assent.

In the course of his speech, Lord STANLEY threw out the remark casually, that great popular error prevailed on the subject of Colonial patronage: not more than a dozen officers a year went out from this coun- try to all the Colonies together; and, so far as concerned North America, the vast majority of the officers were made from persons locally resident, on local recommendation. Earl GREY also alluded to the appointment of Lord Elgin, to explain that he had never seen him until after he had ap- pointed him on account of the eminent abilities he had shown.

Lord BROUGHAM added his laudatory confirmation of Lord Grey's ex- planations concerning Lord Elgin's appointment; Lord STANLEY marking his concurrence with cries of "Hear, hear!" Lord Brougham also com- plained of groundless imputations founded on the assumption that Sir Charles Grey was "one of the Grey family "; the relationship being traceable to no nearer descent than the first parents of us all. He con- demned as a factious measure the dismissal of the hundred Magis- trates, who had not only the ordinary jurisdiction of magistrates, but four- fifths also of the civil business of the country. If the same thing had been done here, it would be equivalent to dismissing about seven or eight thousand Magistrates in one morning, to become political traders and agi- tators.

Earl GREY made a correction. Of the hundred Magistrates thus put down as dismissed, thirty or forty were mere erasures of names of persons dead. He anticipated any possible effect of Lord Brougham's allusion to Sir Charles Grey, by declaring that the relationship was nearer than he had supposed, though still so distant that he did not know its nature: he would be sorry that Sir Charles should be mortified by thinking he was disclaimed either as an ally or relation. Lord STANLEY and Lord BROUGHAM reverted to the misrepresentation regarding the Magistrates, which was not to be defended; but which did not affect the principle, as there had still been sixty dismissals.

The subject then dropped.

CONVICT TRANSPORTATION TO FREE COLONIES.

In anticipation of Mr. Adderley's motion, on Tuesday, petitions against penal transportation to Southern Africa were presented—by Mr. HOME, from the inhabitants of the Cape; by Mr. DISRA.ELI, from William Bruce, of Al- bany, proprietor of 2,800 acres of land in the colony; by Sir EDWARD Bux.rosi, from the Aborigines Protection Society, which also petitioned against transportation generally; by Mr. HUTT, from the South Australians, against transportation to their own colony; and by Mr. ADDERLEY, from New Zealand landowners, against convict transportation to COIORIOS hitherto untainted.

Mr. ADDERLEY then rose to move the following resolution—

"That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that her Ma- jesty will be graciously pleased, out of consideration for the honourable pride and moral welfare of her subjects, the people of South Africa, to order that this hitherto unpolluted colony may be spared the disgrace and affliction of being made a receptacle for the convicted criminals of the Mother-country, whether as pri- soners, free exiles, or holders of tickets of leave."

He disclaimed for his motion anything bearing in the slightest degree the character of a personal attack—

"I look upon the present Members of the Colonial Executive simply as the A B C of the problem which is working out to the destruction of our Colonial em- pire. At the same time, I do not think any delicacy towards men in official sta- tions should be allowed to stand in the way of a free statement of the people's grievances. I fully acknowledge the great talent of the Colonial Minister, and his highminded purpose in his administration: infeliz opens summi." Modestly glancing at his own small experience and recent connexion with the subject, Mr. Adderley observed, that he was so far peculiarly qualified to bring forward the question, that he was unfettered and impartial- . the spokesman for a large and vigorous interest who desired to see this great country act worthily of her great destiny, as the parent of new nations, whom she should rear at least to equal, and not disgrace, their origin ; whom she should provide with all the elements of future perfection, not infect their youth with the corruption of her own decrepitude; whom she should nur- ture, not degrade; whom she should treat as children, not as slaves to serve her own caprice." The case is this. The Colonial Secretary having determined on a fresh experiment in the vexed question of convict discipline, had for the first time extended transportation to the Cape settlement, not only without the consent of the colonists, but openly and avowedly in the teeth of a strong and general remonstrance announced to him by the Governor of the colo- ny; and he has justified this discreditable exaction of unwilling service from the Cape, on the score of the sacrifices this country has made for them in spending a million on the Caffre war.

"I know not how far the consent of New South Wales was a real expression of the sentiments of the settlement; but I fancy the dissent of the Cape must have been strong indeed, to be so represented by the Governor, through the meagre channels of popular opinion left in our iron-bound Colonial constitutions. Now it is against the impolicy of such treatment of dependencies, against the injustice so apparent in the very selection of a weak colony to ploy it off upon, rather than a bold application of the principle to all settlements impartially, and against the want of common generosity and dignity in the reason assigned as its juistification, that I wish to appeal, first to this assembly of large and shrewd intelligence, of love of freedom, and of highminded sense of honour, and through them to her Majesty, at once to wipe oft' the stain from her administration and to assuage the just irritation consequent on so flagrant an act of capricious despotism."

This is a question of Colonial policy; and Mr. Adderley called upon the House to keep it separate from the large and intricate question of second- ary punishment. U I do not ask for a decision on that question. Indeed, the very incompletion and indecision of that question is the strongest argument for the decision of the real qaestion before us. If the experiments of convict discipline could be settled, there would be less hardship in an infliction of the ultimate result upon our de- pendencies, than in throwing the experiment, crude and shapeless, in the face of their indignant remonstrance. There is insult involved in this treatment, com- mensurate with its its injustice. . . If any think I am thus blinking any argument fairly connected witk my motion, I am ready, for the sake of argu- ment, to grant all Lord Grey could wish—to suppose that the convicts be has sent to the Cape will not only serviceably rid this country of their presence, but prove a profitable acquisition to the Cape. I will suppose all this granted; I will Further grant that even the acquiescence of the Cape would answer my motion— it will therefore be needless for my opponents to argue it. My appeal is beside all this, and on other grounds. I do not in any way appeal to the Secretary of the Home Department. I know he has long and well applied the acuteness of his mind and the goodness of his heart to the great question of penal discipline. Be knows well enough that there is but a strange and discreditable relationship between that question and this,—namely, that when our miserable Colonial policy had lost us our American settlements, and we dared not play tricks with Canada, we started the experiment of convict colonies: we founded colonies for the sake of our convicts, and now we pretend to transport convicts for the sake of the colonies. The easy transposition betrays the fallacy of the connexion; but I pray the Secretary of the Home Department not to discuss this fallacy now. He will have opportunity enough to deal with that, and to prove to the House, I hope, that they have but tampered with that subject hitherto, and never traced it to its source, the pereonial fountains of crime in our social system at home." He addressed himself now to the Under Secretary for the Colonies on a pure matter of Colonial policy. "1 propose to prove that Lord Grey bee introduced a new convict experiment into the Cape, against their strong and general remonstrance. That the Cape, of all our colonies, had a peculiar right to make such a remonstrance. That the whole transaction, if permitted, involves a retrograde movement in our Colonial administration, and would assert the Government's resolution to abjure the larger and nobler views of colonization which the nation has recently most decidedly called for, in favour of a narrow, mean, and tyrannical policy, equally unworthy of our national character and position, fatal to our colonies, and dangerous even to our own liberties at home. That Lord Grey's justification, so far from neu- tralizing the grievance, adds insult to injury, and has not even the merit of con- sistency to palliate its offensiveness, as the same reason would apply even more strongly to other colonies." These points Mr. Adderley made out seriatim. He proved that this is the first time that any convicts have been sent from any quarter to the Cape of Good Hope. About ten years ago, a philanthropic plan was formed for sending boys and juvenile offenders to some islands in Table Bay; but the feeling aroused in the Cape compelled the abandonment of the plan. Subsequently, it was proposed to send convicts out under certain restrictions; but the suggestion was again withdrawn, on the remonstrance of the colonists. Convicts are now sent out without consulting the colo- nists, and the plan is persevered in against the remonstrance of the colo- nists. No sooner was the intention announced than the colonists met in the largest assembly ever known in Cape Town, and passed resolutions, which, it appeared, had been embodied in despatches and had been in this country for two months.

He had often asked for these documents, and had been told they never existed. ("Hear, Acorn He saw the Under Secretary for the Colonies taking a note; and he supposed he should be told by-and-by that he had asked for communica- tion A, when its technical name was B, and that therefore he had been correctly informed that no such communication existed. (Loud cheers from the Oppo- sition.) Mr. Adderley read extracts from the document in question. The resolutions passed by the colonists set forth that the contemplated measure of the Government deeply affected the character of the colony; that it would deter emi- grants from resorting thither; and that it would be highly dangerous, on account of the proximity of the Native tribes on the frontier. The colonists followed up these resolutions by a petition to the Queen against the measure, in which they stated that the Governor (Sir H. Pottinger) fully sympathized with their remon- strances; and they pledged themselves never to employ or receive into their esta- blishments the criminals sent out to them from the Mother-country. The colo- nists had further adopted a memorial to the Governor of the colony, in which . they appealed to his well-known sympathy with their complaints.

One might have thought that the reception of these remonstrances might have affected the mind of the Secretary for the Colonies. But it did not. On the 15th Of February last, in another place, the noble Lord simulta- neously announced his plan of sending out convicts to the Cape, and his titter disregard of the torrent of indignant remonstrance which such a scheme had called forth. Sic placuit. To show that this experiment is peculiarly inappropriate and cruel to the Cape of Good Hope, Mr. Adderley glanced at the history of the settlement.

Colonized by the Dutch almost simultaneously with our early settlements in America, it might almost be considered as half brother to the New England colo- nies. An infusion of French Protestant refugees, men of intelligence, industry, and austere morals, contributed to impart a tone to the society, which favourably contrasts with that of certain stirring, money-making settlements, where the mo- ral tone of the society was sacrificed to the material interests of the individuals composing it. The English settlers had adapted themselves to this quiet tone of morals. .Formerly certificates of good character were required before a person was permitted to reside in the colony, and other regulations of a puritanical ten- dency attest the sensitiveness of the inhabitants. He asked the House whether such feelings ought to be outraged or respected ? The convicts would probably become missionaries of some sort on the frontier—not perhaps missionaries of a kind which this country would like to encourage; and the colony. is peculiarly unfitted for the experiment, because its population is sparse, and it ni unprepared with gaols or police to receive the contaminating effusion.

To establish his third position, that the experiment is a retrograde move- ment in colonization- " There are two ideas of colonization: one treating the dependency as a slave and utensil of the mother-country, to be used for whatever purpose she may think proper; the other, as her offspring and pride, reflecting her freedom, energy, and virtue—her child, not in nonage, but set up for itself in a separate establishment— allowed to take its place amongst nations in a style worthy of its parent house— yet, naturally, incapable of injurious rivalry, from the indelible ties of a common language, origin, interest, and character. Such was the success of our colonies led out by Lord Baltimore and Penn; and so has De Tocqueville observed have all our colonies flourished in exact proportion to such liberality in the terms of their establishment. With such views, now strongly regaining ground, have our pro- jects at Port Philip and New Zealand somewhat recovered the dignity of coloniza- tion as an extension of civilized society to other countries." Lord Grey is trying the patience of our Cape colony precisely as England tried the patience of her American colonies, whom she wished to tax for the . conquest of Canada. But Lord Grey has an advantage in the difference between the strength and resources of the two countries- " America separated herself from England ; and with her we lost all that was dig-. nified and noble in our ideas of colonization. We retained only the ideas of servility,

which she rejected. We established elsewhere the cesspools which she refused to furnish. A -hundred thousand convicts were collected in our balks. Officials,

thinking, then as now, only of their own country, exclaimed, we must get rid of them; and, in the extremityof perplexity, we produced the monstrum horrenolum, the anomalous offspring of confused ideas—a convict colony—degrading at once

the whole character of colonization. Carlyle relates with proper horror, that when Louis the Fifteenth found remedies failing to check the diseases contracted by his vices, he sought with a gross, selfish, and brutal superstition, to restore health to his own distempered body by debauching fresh virgin purity, and that many fell victims to his diabolical idea. Mutat° nomine de nobis fabula narra- ter. It is the exact counterpart of what I call the debased idea of coloniza- tion. . . . .

"In saying this I am not raising a discussion of the merits of the transporta- tion system. That is only my illustration. I point out that it belongs to the debased or servile system of colonization, as contrasted with its purer, and higher and original idea. Receiving our convicts against their will is the particular in.! stance of servile service required of colonies, now before us." Lord Grey justifies his experiment by claiming a return of service from the colony for the expenses of the Caffre war. "But has not Canada cost us something also? In a rebellion she has fully qualified for return services. Have the West Indies cost us nothing? And they want labour. It would be amusing, if it were not nauseous to trace out this prin- ciple in all its bearings. "In New South Wales, Lord Grey instructs his Governor to put it thus to his colony. In consideration of our expense in building four gaols, we have a right to expect you to take our convicts. This may be called the circular or recurrent application of the principle; for sending convicts bad occasioned the necessity of the gaols, and the gaols are made the claim (for sending more convicts. On the same principle, a father, in consideration of paying the doctor's bill, has a right to play experiments with the lives of his children. The claim based on the Caffre war is only less obviously a confusion, for the war was the creation of our own policy; and asking compensation, is as a landlord claiming payment from his tenants for the damage done to crops by his own game. The Cape colonists thought it so. Long and loud were their claims upon us to compensate them for the damage done by the Caffre war; and Sir Henry Pottinger himself supported their claim. Indeed, Lord Grey himself, though he refused the claim, never thought then of extorting a similar claim upon them. Hear Lord Grey's own description of the Caffre war." [From a despatch written to Sir Henry Pottinger in November 1846.] "It was a contest to be lamented; a great expenditure Of public money; a wide de- struction of private property; an interruption of the peaceful pursuits of the colonists, leaving an abiding sense of insecurity, and all the more lamentable disasters incident to war with a barbarous enemy."

In conclusion, Mr. Adderley made this appeal to the House- " Will you Bays a Minister, and lose an Empire? Will you adopt for ever a de- based, that is, a servile and coercive system of colonization? Will you permit an irresponsible tyranny (only by accidents such as these golden opportunities brought to light) to grow up in the bosom of this country, silently eating as a cancer OR the vitals of our liberties?"

Sir GEORGE GnEr rose on behalf of the Government. Be folly ad- mitted the importance of the subject, and agreed in many of the principles which Mr. Adderley had laid down; but he warned the House against hastily adopting the resolution. After Mr. Adderley's saying that he dis- tinctly set aside the subject of transportation, Sir George was surprised to hear him attack the whole system, as a debased mode of colonization; and understood him to require the abandonment of a practice which Lord Ma- hon the other_ day argued for continuing and carrying more strictly into effect. Did Mr. Adderley mean that a change must take place in our cri- minal law? In truth, the motion is but an illustration of the difficulties which Sir George himself had felt in carrying out the system of transporta- tion. If, however, the House wanted to abolish that system, let it do so openly and avowedly, and not by a side-wind. Sir George was by no means prepared to say that there were not evils connected with transportation; there must be evils connected with the infiftion into any society of- persons tainted with crime. The object, however, now was, to remove this class of criminals—a very amen, class compared with those who were annually liberated in this country and restored to society—and effect their dispersion among communities where they might obtain a livelihood by honest labour. Referring to the despatches which contained the three memorials that Mr. Adderley said had been in England two months ago, Sir George said they bad been received on the 12th of March instant. Mr. ADDERLEY—" They appeared in the Atom-ivy Chronicle on the 20th of January la.st ; and they were alluded to by Lord Grey in the speeeh which he made its the House of Lords on the 15th of February."

Sir Gioataz GREY could only nay that the despatches were received on the 12th of iarch.

Mr. ADDERLEY said he had spoken of the memorials. Sir GEORGE GREY was speaking of the despatches, which the honourable gentleman had called upon his honourable friend to produce. Mr. ADDERLEY—" No."

Sir GEORGE GREY—Then, if the honourable gentleman did not ask for de- spatches, he should not have asked for anything; because he Must know that the Under Secretary for the Colonies could not produce newspapers; and if no official information was received, and the honourable gentleman was told so, he was in- formed of what was only the undoubted fact.

Sir George stated the circumstances under which the convicts had been sent from Bermuda to the Cape.

Seeking other outlets for the convicts besides Van Diemen's Land, Lord Grey transmitted circulars to the Governors of various colonies, inquiring whether the colonists would or would not be willing to receive certain classes of convicts. It must be admitted that his noble friend might have sent a letter to the Governor of the Cape asking for information on this subject; and that he might have per- mitted one ship to proceed from Bermuda bearing convicts, without having waited to receive au answer to the communication which he had addressed to the Go- vernor of the Cape. It was the fact that his noble friend had not received any remonstrance against the transmission of convicts to the Cape until after the ves- sel containing them had proceeded thither; and he might further say, that it was not the intention of his noble friend to persist in sending convicts to that co- lony in the face of such remonstrances. But there have been peculiar difficul- ties especially in regard to Irish convicts. The average number of persons an- °why senteuced in Ireland to transportation is 600; last year it was 2,698. The gaols in Ireland are overcrowded; and under an act passed two years ago, an in- creased number-700—has been sent to Bermuda. But the pressure to send more prisoners to Bermuda from parts of Great Britain is very great. Govern- ment, however, received a letter from Captain Elliot, the Governor of Bermuda, dated on the 221 of June 1848, representing, that among the prisoners sent over from Ireland, were many who had been transported for stealing food and other agrarian offences; that many of them were lads of stunted growth and childish aspect, who had been led into crime by the example of others or by the deplorable condition of their country; that they were not hardened criminals; that they would be contaminated by working in chain- gangs with grown men ; and that they were fit objects for indulgence. Captain

Elliot therefore recommended that a commission should be appointed, in the colony, to select prisoners for removal to Australia on ticket.of-leave or con- ditional pardon. At that time Lord Grey received another remonstrance from Van Diemen's Land against the transportation of a larger number of convicts. It occurred to Lord Grey that an experiment might be made at the Cape with respect to the class of convicts to which allusion had been made in the letters to which be had referred ; and that it could not be made under better auspices, al- though the remonstrances to which the honourable gentleman adverted had been made. But the parties were probably not aware, that the convicts to be sent there were not tainted with the crimes for which ordinarily convicts were made to undergo the sentence of transportation. He thought, therefore, that they • ht have allowed the Government to select a certain number of youths who been convicted of crimes of this nature, and others who had been sentenced for the first time for offences of a minor character, so as to make the experiment is a manner which would in the least degree be revolting to the feelings of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope, and at the gime time in a way calculated to prove of benefit to the convicts themselves, by leading them to the adoption of habits of honest industry. Sir George would also state openly and frankly, that in the ship which was now on its passage from Bermuda to the Cape of Good Hope, there were convicts whose sentences had not been fully carried out. One of these convicts, whose state of health was such that the Government had been assured, on the best medical authority, that if he remained at Bermuda it would

be certain death, was John Mitchel, who had been.convicted of a treasonable con-

spiracy, and who would complete his sentence at the Cape, if he reached that colony alive.

Sir George repeated, that his noble friend was disposed to concede to their opinions and remonstrances, until they had ample time for reflection, and for ex- perience of the plan, so far as it bad been carried out; and that no more convicts should be sent there until there had been ample time for trial; and he would not until then press the subject on the attention of the colony. It never had been intended, nor was it now intended, to act against the feelings of the inhabitants of the colony. It would be much better to give np a colony altogether than en- gage in conflicts with its inhabitants in a matter of that kind. Sir George was anxious to show that the number of criminals to be sent out to the Colonies forms but a small proportion of the criminal popula- tion in this country. The number of persons summarily convicted before Magistrates in 1847 was 68,641; sentenced to imprisonment at Assizes and Sessions, 15,956; sentenced to transportation, 2,777: of the last number, however, many were too old, so that the total number transported would be between 2,300 and 2,400; and he hoped that the number sent out in future would be still more limited by restriction on the sentences to trans- portation.

Mr. Hu= endeavoured to extract some more distinct assurance from Government, by suggesting that Mr. Adderley should not withdraw his motion unless he obtained a pledge that Government would not impose convicts on the Cape, or any other colony, against the wishes of the colo- nists.

Mr. AGLeusni cuilasi 'Ala ow k.-Yuvis. ciple of the motion as a good one: and when Sir GEORGE GREY cried, " No, no!" Mr. Aomosinv read the motion, to show that no objection could be taken to its terms. Sir George Grey had asked what was to be done with the convicts; were they to be let loose in this country?

Now the danger is infinitely less if they are turned loose here, in the midst of an immense population, where society is established and civilized, with an efficient police, and means for keeping them in control, than it would be if they were sent into a small thinly scattered community, with a defective police. The convicts sent to New Zealand were Parkhurst boys. They were not sent out as undergoing punishment; but they had been in prison, and bad undergone their probation. They were, therefore, of the class selected by the right honour- able gentleman as the better class of convicts ; and yet, what the result had been, and what had become of those boys, was shown in the Parliamentary papers. In a despatch among the New Zealand Correspondence, Mr. George Clarke, the chief Protector of the Aborigines, states that the results of the importation of these "seedlings of crime " were likely to be most injurious; and that many of them had absconded from their employers, to lead a life of idle independence among the Natives, whom they were initiating in every description of vice and plunder. Lord Joule RasseLL corrected Mr. Aglionby's construction of what had fallen from Sir George Grey.

What his right honourable friend had said in relation to the immediate subject of discussion' on the case of the transportation of a certain number of convicts to the Cape of Good Hope was, that, supposing there was a general and universal feeling against transportation taking place in that colony, and that sentiment were persisted in, it would not be advisable or right to continue it. That was also the opinion of his noble friend at the head of the Colonial Department, and was the general feeling of the Government. He trusted that, so far as the object of the present motion was concerned, the result had been satisfactory to the honourable mover; and that, after what had been said with respect to transportation to the Cape of Good Hope, he would not seek to place upon the journals of the House a general declaration, leading to the inference that if any colony should hereafter de- clare an objectioh, that would be sufficient to cause the discontinuance of trans- portation. Lord John stated a case to show how difficult it is for a released convict to obtain employment in this country— He remembered the case of a man who had happily profited by the moral and religious instruction he had obtained at Pentonvdle, and who obtained employ- ment in a shop in this town. He continued to act respectably and honestly; but, unfortunately, some of his former associates found him out, and they did what under such circumstances was always done—they gave information to the master of the shop, and induced him to suspect the honesty of the man, and to tum him off. No resource was then left to this man but to go back to his old associates. The motion was supported by Mr. SCOTT; and in its purport by Mr. DISRAELI, though he advised Mr. Adderley to withdraw it, after what had passed on the part of the Government. It was opposed by Major BLACK- ALL; who wished relief for Irish gaols, and thought that convict labour might be advantageously employed on public works, such as constructing frontier forts to protect the Cape colony, tinder a strict system of military discipline. Mr. HEYWOOD thought that convicts might be beneficially employed in Jamaica. Mr. DmasEti having alluded to the delayed despatches, Mr. HAWES, who spoke in a very low tone and was almost inaudible, was understood to repeat that the documents had not been received officially, and could not be laid upon the table or referred to officially: he could not lay on the table the memorial or other documents that had been sent privately. Mr. ADDERLEY had understood, that if Sir George Grey had not actually given a pledge that no more convicts would be sent to the Cape, he had at least said that any remonstrace from the colonists against the sending of convicts would be duly considered by the Government. Having obtained that concession, he was satisfied without pressing his motion to a division. Sir GEORGE GREY explained; not wishing to be misunderstood— He had stated that it was not the intention of his noble friend to disregard the wishes of these colonists with respect to the introduction of convicts, or to persevere in sending them against a very strong and unanimous remonstrance from the Cape. With regard to other colonies, the honourable gentleman was right in saying that representations from them should receive due consideration: but be could give no pledge to discontinue transportation to any of those colonies—Van Diemen's Land ibr instance.

The motion was, by leave, withdrawn.

COURTS-MARTIAL IN CEYLON.

Referring to a mention of the Ceylon Courts-martial in Lord Torrington's despatch of the 14th October, Mr. HUME inquired of the Judge-Advocate- General, or the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, whether the proceedings of those courts-martial had been sent home to England? No account of them appeared in the papers laid on the table; and it was impossible to proceed satisfactorily in the inquiry up-stairs unless those documents were produced. Mr. GEORGE HATTER said, no copies had been received by his office: nor would any be received, as the proceedings would have reference to persons who, though subjects of her Majesty, are not subject to the Mu- tiny Act or to the Articles of War. Mr. Hawes said, the whole of the papers received by the Government relating to the proceedings under the proclamation of martial-law had been already printed and laid upon the table of the House: there were no other papers in the possession of the Government.

NAVIGATION-LAWS BILL.

The remaining clauses of the Navigation Bill were discussed, on Mon- day, in an exceedingly brief manner, and generally agreed to; Mr. HER- RIES observing that the let and the 19th clauses constituted the essence of the bill. Clause 22, enabling the Queen in Council to reduce differential duties in certain cases and charge them on the Consolidated Fund, was withdrawn for the present, on objections raised by Mr. HENLEY and Mr. GLADSTONE, that it opened the question of an extension of public burdens. Mr. LABOUCHERE promised to move a resolution, in Committee of the whole House, to reinsert the clause, if he found that formality to be indispensable. The report was brought up, and the bill ordered to be printed as amended.,

RATE-IN-AID BILL.

The second reading of the Rate-in-aid Bill was moved by Lord JOHN RUSSELL without a speech. An amendment to read the bill a second time that day six months was moved by Mr. G. A. HAMILTON; seconded by Mr. Costar; and supported by the same general body of Irish Members who have hitherto opposed the Ministerial plan; the arguments being also a reproduction of those already familiar. Mr. Ilesuteon, Mr. COREY, Viscount JOCELYN, Mr. FRENCH, Mr. H. HERBERT, Sir JOHN WALSH, accumulated facts in support of their opposition to the Ministerial plan._ Sir WILLIAM SommtviLLE and Sir GEORGE GREY criticized the discre- pmeigaletwen the Irish Members, both in their objections to the proposed Mr. STAFFORD animitaverika wpm.. mensnr9.-

House should require something more than ingenious

speeches of others. He was surprised no notice had been taken of Sir no- bert Peel's scheme, which had engaged much attention in Ireland. Sir GEORGE GREY here smiled: whereupon Mr. STAFFORD lectured him for his unbecoming and unseasonable mirth; declaring that it was due to Sir Robert's position, and to the attention his measure had attracted, that Ministers should have made some declaration of their views on it. Sir GEORGE GREY declared with regard to Sir Robert Peel's scheme, that it was entitled to every respect and attention; and explained, that he had only smiled when Mr. Stafford said that Government should have made up their minds on the subject at once, and that it was indispensably necessary that they should say whether they adopted it or not. Mr. FAGAN supported the rate in aid, from the urgency of the case; and Mr. Monoax Joust O'Connell. voted for it rather than lose all chance of relief for the destitute unions of the West.

On the motion of Mr. narinn, the debate was adjourned to Monday next.

MINISTERS-MONEY.

A very general discussion, embracing the arguments for and against the existence of the Protestant Church in Ireland, arose on the motion of Mr... PAGAN for a Committee of the whole House to consider the law relating to ministers-money in Ireland, with a view to its repeal; and to consider the Church Temporalities Act, with a view to substitute in lieu of the ministers-money some provision out of the revenues of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners. Mr. Joule O'CONNELL seconded the motion. It was supported by Mr. OSBORNE Mr. GRATTAN, Mr. CALLAGHAN, Mr. KER- siLsw, Mr. REYNOLDS, and Mr. Hurse. Mr. HUME quoted the precedent of a precisely similar motion by Mr. Bellew, on the 3d July 1834, the principle of which was assented to by Lord Stanley. Sir GEORGE GREY admitted, that if there were any such surplus funds in the hands of the Commissioners as the motion implied, this might be a very good use to make of them; but there was no such surplus: the House ought to see its way with regard to a substitute for the abolished revenue. He moved "the previous question." Mr. Gnoome, Sir Joan Youtra, Mr. NEWDE- GATE, Mr. NAPIER, Sir JOHN TYRELL, and Mr. G. A. lismu.ron, op- posed the motion, on Protestant grounds. On a division, the amendment was carried, by 72 to 44.

Early in the course of the discussion, an unsuccessful attempt was made to count out the House.

IRISH AND SCOTCH SAVINGS-BANKS.

In moving for a Select Committee to inquire into the failure of the St. Peter's Parish Savings .bank, in Cuffe Street, Dublin, Mr. Revieemos pre- ferred charges of gross misconduct, not only against the managers ot the bank, but also against the Government and Mr. Tidd Pratt. The bank was established in 1818; in 1831 the actuary absconded, leaving the sum of 8,0001. unaccounted for. The Commissioners for the Reduction of the National Debt deputed Mr. Tidd Pratt to inquire into the circumstances. He found that the bank had to its credit a surplus of 3,5001., and advised that this should be made available to pay depositors; recommending also that this bank should be kept open, as it was in good credit, and that the surplus profits should be appropriated towards the payment of the balance. In 1832 the bank had a total surplus of 35,9591. In 1833 it showed a deficiency of 3,6711.; 39,6301. having been lost by fraud and speculation in twenty-four months. And that deficiency grew to 32,9221. in 1847,-1. e. on the face of the accounts, but the real deficiency was 48,0001. The number of depositors in the Cuffe Street Savings-bank was 1,664; the average amount held by each nearly 251. The faillue had caused the greatest misery: one man died of brain fever; other persons committed suicide. Mr. Tidd Pratt had decided that the Trustees were not liable. Mr. Reynolds contended that Government is morally bound to make good k the deficiency, especially as the bank had been kept open on the advice of Mr. Tidd Pratt, although the Government might have closed it, and so prevented the receipt of further deposits. hs— extended to Savings- Mr. HENRY HERBERT moved that the inquiry

banks at Tralee and Killarney, where the circumstances are very similar, and at Auchterarder in Scotland.

The motion was also supported by Mr. NAPIER, Mr. FAGAN, Mr. Joint O'CONNELL, Mr. GROGAN, Mr. COWAN, Mr. KEOGH. Sir CHARLES WOOD objected, that the inquiry would be expensive and useless. Government has nothing to do with the management of the sa vings-banks in Ireland—they are voluntary establishments; Government has no control over the officers, and no power to close the banks. Mr.. Tidd Pratt is not an officer appointed by Government, but he is an arbi- trator appointed by act of Parliament; and it is evident that if the managers of the bank had acted on his advice, they would have been able to pay the whole amount of their liabilities.

Mr. Gontistotw corroborated this representation.

The result was unexpected. The state of the House induced the friends of the motion, who mustered in a large proportion, to hasten a division. Mr. GRATTAN was induced to cut short his eloquence; Mr. MONSELL obeyed a hint to say little; Mr. REYNOLDS replied in a single sentence. A supporter of Government, Sir HARRY VERNEY, spoke for a time inaudibly. Meanwhile, energetic "whipping " proceeded on both sides, and at last the House divided. Mr. Herbert's amendment was carried by 49 to 42; then the original motion as amended was carried, by 51 to 48.

INSOLVENT MEMBERS.

On the motion to take into consideration the report on the Insolvent Members Bill, a very discursive conversational opposition was renewed by a number of Members. Mr. Morrarr had moved the recommittal of the bill pro forma, with a view to introduce several alterations suggested to him from various quarters. Sir WILLIAM CLAY objected to go on at an hour so late. Mr. OSBORNE asked if it were the aim to convert the House into a new Palace Court; and hinted to Mr. Moffatt the prevalency of ru- mours that the bill is directed against one particular Member. Mr. Mop. isurr emphatically denied this; calling for credit on the strength of the quiet and independent course he had pursued in the House. Mr. HENLEY, Mr. VERNON SMITH, MT. STUART WORTLEY, and Mr. ROUNDELL PAL- MER, then commented on the great alterations the bill had undergone, and urged postponement of farther proceedings till after Easter. Mr. ANSTET, with the bill in his hand, declared that of the two prayers made by the pe- titions presented in support of the bill, not a word was said about the prayer that the House would take steno t, sarosss-stlx tnougut there was somethingann coiourable in the title of the bill, if Mr. Anstey's criticism were just: it was surely required that Csesar's wife should be above sus- picion. Lord Jolts RUSSELL approved of the object of the bill; but ob- served that it would be dangerous to the measure if it went up to the House of Lords in a shape to which they could not assent, but which they would not have the power to amend.

ec

The SPEAKER recommended Mr. Moffatt to withdraw this bill, and in- troduce an entirely new one, with all the amendments which he wished to make incorporated in it; as the present bill had undergone so much altera- tion, and encountered so much opposition. Mr. MOFFATT demurred; as experience taught him, that a bill intro- duced by a private Member after Easter had no chance of being carried through. But, contrary to his own opinion, he presently afterwards bowed to the Speaker's suggestion ; and, amidst laughter, withdrew his bill; moving for leave to bring in another. Leave was given.

ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE IN STOCKPORT.

In drawing attention to a petition from certain inhabitants of Stock- port, Lord STANLEY made a statement of great length, alleging various in- trigues in the removal and replacement of Magistrates for a corrupt pur- pose. The main assertions are these. Stockport had been a Liberal bo- rough; but in June 1848, by divers casualties the Magistrates on the bench were reduced to.seven Liberal and six Conservative, including in the latter an ex officio Magistrate. Mr. Henry Coppock, brother of Mr. James Coppock the Parliamentary agent, held the offices united of Town- Clerk and Clerk to the Magistrates, at a stipulated salary of 500/., paying fees into the Borough Fund. Seeing the number of his supporters dwindle, he procured three Magistrates to apply for an extension of the commis- sion; five names being specially recommended to the Lord Chancellor. Hearing of this, the Town-Council met and declared, nemine dissentiente, that no more Magistrates were required. By the election of the 9th No- vember 1848, the Liberal majority of the Town-Council was converted to a Conservative majority, and Mr. Coppock was removed from his office of Town-Clerk. Instead of giving up the commission of the peace to his successor, he transmitted it to his brother in London; by whom it was lodged in the Crown Office; and on the 13th of November it was an- nounced that five new Magistrates had been added to the commission— four Liberals and one Conservative, that one being already an ex officio Magistrate for a year: the manifest object was to retain Mr. Coppock in his office as Clerk to the Magistrates, to annul the consolidation of the offices, and to reserve to him the fees heretofore paid into the Borough Fund. One of the new Magistrates was Mr. James St. John Yeates, the Judge of the County Court; whose implication in these transactions Lord Stanley severely censured. The LORD CHANCELLOR explained; speaking for some time inaudibly. In substance he contended, that the additional number of Magistrates was rendered necessary by the greatly increased population of Stockport; that those persons who had opposed the addition when it threatened to add

th

Liberal members to e bench had been willing enough when the new Magistrates were to be Conservatives; that if there was a strong feeling in the borough against the appointment, there was also a strong one in its favour; and that the persons selected for appointment were men of unex- ceptionable character and quite fitted for the office. The Marquis of SALISBURY strongly protested against the doctrine which Lord Cottenham seemed to sanction, that the Lord Chancellor may use his patronage for the promotion of political partisans.

--The petition was ordered to lie on the table.