THE MAGAZINES.

IN the Nineteenth Century Lord Eversley in his "Tents- phobia "—economically cut down from " Teutonophobia "- has something to say to the Spectator, an "alarmist croaker of the Jingo Press," as be calls us with what we will only describe as an economy of courtesy. We are not careful to answer him ; indeed, Sir Robert Giffen in his "English Commerce in a Naval War" answers him sufficiently. "It will be cheaper to spend say forty millions a year more than we are now doing on increasing the numbers and efficiency of our Navy and Army than to have to spend in hot baste in one fatal year ten times the money." The enormous interests at stake are ample justification for precaution, and the persistent urging of precaution. If German ambitions and preparations are specially dwelt upon, it is because German voices loudly proclaim them, because they have no adequate final cause except aggres- sion, and because those who control German policy have within the last decade actually threatened more than once European peace.—Lord Erroll is right in thinking that a month spent in our Eastern Empire does not give Min any special claim to speak with authority on "The Recent Crisis in India." As a matter of fact, these brief visits are apt to narrow rather than to widen the

spectator's vision. Nevertheless, he gives an instructive aecount of the situation. He might have omitted with advantage the speculation as to how the Liberals would have acted if they had been in Opposition. No one can doubt that Mr. Morley is the right man in the right place, and we may be thankful, first, that he is there, and, secondly, that the opposite side is represented by nothing more formid- able than what the Parliamentary reports describe. Every popular assembly is bound to have in it the doctrinaire, the ignoramus, and the man who parades his disloyalty.—Mr. William O'Brien concludes his account of "The iireakdown in Ireland." We cannot accept all Mr. O'Brien's statements, conclusions, and suggestions. He would greatly reduce the force of the constabulary because, forsooth, Ireland is "crime- less." There are crimes and crimes. There are offences against society of which one more than weighs down a hundred burglaries. But the article is, on the whole, encouraging. The writer is not intransigeant, and his present attitude is all the more significant when we remember that in which we have seen him at other times. He is, anyhow, a " Conciliationist."—Mr. Ellis Ashmead Bartlett has some- thing to say that is well worth reading about the Militia. One observation we may note, as it states a very significant fact. "The Volunteer battalions," says Mr. Ashmead Bartlett, who is arguing against the idea of amalgamating the Militia with the Yeomanry and Volunteers, "are filled with skilled artisans." Forty years ago they were filled with young men of the upper middle class, who are now too busy with sport to do anything for their country.—Mr. Frederic Harrison, in one of the papers of reminiscences in which he can hardly be said to have a rival, writes about "Paris in 1851 and in 1907."—A serious indictment of the Southern States is formulated in "Peonage in the United States." It certainly requires an answer.

In the National Review two more "alarmist croakers" express their apprehensions of German schemes. Mr. H. W.

Wilson in "The Policy of Tempting Germany" questions the prudence of giving opportunities in naval matters which might be used with disastrous effect.—A peril, more remote indeed, but not less real, is set forth by Lieutenant-Colonel a Court Repington in "Teuton and Turk." The trouble of last year about the Egyptian frontier was a timely revelation of dangerous designs. By good luck there are more Monarchs than one who have a way of showing their cards. It would be the height of folly not to remember what we have seen when we have to think about the next trick.—Mr. A. Maurice Low's review of "American Affairs " is not reassuring, as far, at least, as the Japanese question is concerned. Taking a wider view of the matter, one cannot help fearing that the State-rights difficulty may become very serious indeed. The American Constitution was an admirable contrivance, but the growth of ideas which the eighteenth century did not contemplate is likely to try it to the uttermost.—In the region of domestic politics we having a glowing eulogium of Mr. Chamberlain by Mr. J. L. Garvin. The Spectator has never been blind to his great qualities; just now the feeling that he brought the Unionist Party to a quite unparalleled disaster is uppermost.—The general course of events is reviewed as usual in "Episodes of the Month." We are glad to see that the writer recognises the good service of Sir Edward Grey at the Foreign Office ; but is it well for him to cry murder and treason so very shrilly ? We certainly hold no brief for Mr. Winston Churchill, but surely it violates the decencies of political controversy to say of him that "if he believed for a moment that Preference would injure the Empire he would instantly become its most ardent advocate." Mr. Churchill's policy may be sound or unsound, reckless or moderate, but he is, of course, in intention as patriotic and as anxious to maintain the Empire in health and strength as any of his rivals. Such exaggerations as the sentence we have quoted are greatly to be regretted.—Another article is "Perils and Problems of Socialism," by Mr. St. Lee Strachey, —an anti-Socialist address delivered to the British Consti- tutional Association at Oxford on the 13th ult. The political programme therein set forth is briefly : No " componnd " householders, no State-provided old-age pensions, no rate. provided meals to school-children, no endowment of the un- employed, a strict Poor Law, generally no Socialism. It would obviously be out of place to express any opinion as to the merits of the article in these columns, but we may perhaps

be allowed to quote from the article a striking quotation from Dr. Hodgkin in whiah the historian expresses his apprehen- sions :—" The old weary round will recommence, democracy leading to anarchy, and anarchy to despotism, and the national workshops of some future Gracchus will build the palaces in which British or American despots, as incapable of rule as Arcadius or Honorius, will guide mighty empires to ruin amidst the acclamations of flatterers as eloquent and as hollow as the courtly Claudians" The first article in the Contemporary Review is on " The Religious Education of Children," by Sir Oliver Lodge. It is scarcely so illuminating as we expected to find it. It is something like a darkening of counsel when we are told—the words are quoted, but quoted with approval—" A teacher of little children is teaching religion when she tries to form the elementary habits of cleanliness, order, punctuality, and

courtesy when she helps children to make animals happy to take care of their gardens." This is,

indeed, the "new theology." Some answers from children are given ; but inductions, here as elsewhere, must be made from many instances. One child remembers her first prayers Seeming to her "something like gibberish." But the writer of this notice has known a child of less than two years praying, wholly without suggestion, for a sick father. Much of the article, however, is instructive. We are glad to see that Sir Oliver Lodge praises Mr. Mitchell's How to Teach the Bible.—Mr. J. A. Spender writes, with the modera- tion that we expect from him, a review of the political situation in "At the Crossways." If he is satisfied with the position of the Government, it is not for us inicere gerupulum. We may say a word or two on his treatment of the House of Lords question. With a Tory Upper House we hive, be tells us, a single-Chamber Government whenever the Conservatives are in power. But we dread single Chambers for what they may do, not for what they may refrain from doing. It is when the coach is going downhill that we want the drag. That a "single Parliament" should over- ride the Lords' veto is the objectionable provision.— Dr. Dillon reviews the Hague proceedings, among other matters, in his "Foreign Affairs." He too, as well as Sir Robert Giffen, is not easy about our naval prospects, nor does he think German "penetration," peaceful or ether, in Holland and Belgium, quite so remote as does Lord Eversley.—Mr. Laurence Jerrold writes with a force and brilliancy which remind us of his grandfather about "The Move of the Midi." The discontented wine-growers have succeeded at least in embarrassing the political parties of France, the reactionaries and the Socialists, perhaps, even more than their opponents. But M. Clemenceau's position Mr. Jerrold thinks, has not been strengthened by them. On the whole, be does not anticipate serious trouble. "Revolu- tions have come in the past, Governments have gone down in thunder and lightning, but the savings and the thrift of France have always remained."—Of the non-political papers we would mention Professor &Ice's "Social Life in Asia Minor in the Abrahamic Age." It relates discoveries in a new region of exploration,—Cappadocia under Assyrio- Babylonian rule. One result has been to put back the beginning of coinage by at least a thousand years. Hitherto We have put it somewhere in the eighth century B.C. Now we hear of shekels " sta mped with a horn" in the twentieth.

Iii the Fortnightly Review " Calchas " writes epigram- matically of "the Ebbing Tide of Liberalism." "The circumstances in which the Government was created pre. 'vented it from representing anything more than a moral interregnum." The Liberal Patty Was placed in power to maintain Free-trade. This was a negative policy, but the position thus attained has been used for helping on all manner of schemes. The result of this has been a want of concen- trated power. " Calchas" believes that only "gambler's luck" enabled the Liberal Party to regain office, for the Irish policy had hopelessly weakened its hold on the electors. The clinging to this outworn political idea by leaders who were naturally becoming superannuated was fatal to the regaining Of popular esteem. That the attempt to throw sops to the Socialist Cerberus will disgust more voters than it will please is easy to show, and " Calehas" improves the occasion by titioting the Spectator. He sees that old-age pensions load straight to the Tariff Reform he advocates. Being, however, a party politician and not a detached observer, he does not take into account the possibility that the country may determtne to have neither Protection nor Socialism.—Mr. Sidney Whitman thinks he can see evidences of an alteration in our national temperament. We are told in his article on "The Metamorphosis of England" that emotional unrest is pervading every class. The old phlegmatic conservatism of the country is passing away,—bridge has supplanted whist. At the death of Queen Victoria and during the Boer War the country showed a tendency to emotional outbursts which reminds Mr. Whitman of the French just before the Revolution. We are told that while the Continent still copies us in many things, we are getting to know less of Europe. Englishmen, instead of making the "grand tour" of their grandfathers, go to India, America, and the Colonies. The article ends with a general wail over the similarity between the predatory nature of democracies and aristocracies. This in truth amounts to no more than that mankind at bottom is much alike.

" Excubitor" writes an article on the Navy to show how baseless are the " sensational " statements of the Spectator. Our readers should compare the views here advanced with those of " Civis " in the Spectator of July 20th.—Professor Boas in an interesting paper shows how large a part stage plays occupied in the past history of Oxford and Cam- bridge. The earliest record under this head seems to be of expenditure on an embroidered cloak, masks, and beards for a comedy at the latter University in 138G. We are given the details of a seventeenth-century controversy at Oxford between William Gager, a University dramatist, and the theologian, Dr. John Rainolds, who objected to plays and dancing. In the true style of the time, Gager flung Homer at his opponent, referring to the Greek as "an excellent observer of decorum in all thinges."

The first article in Blackwood celebrates the jubilee of the Alpine Club. In it Mr. Preston-Thomas gives an amusing account of the way in which climbers were looked on in the early days of the movement. In Murray's first handbook to Switzerland is found the statement that "the passion for climbing mountains so ardent in a young traveller, soon cools, and they who have surmounted the Righi, the Fan!- horn, and the Dole may fairly consider any further ascents a waste of time and labour." Wisdom did not grow with editions,

for in the third the guide-book tells its readers, in reference to Mont Blanc, that "it is a somewhat remarkable fact that

a large proportion of those who have made this ascent have been persons of unsound mind: those who have succeeded have for the most part advised no one to attempt it." One of the means by which Alpine climbing was popularised was the entertainments of Albert Smith. For six years this humourist described his adventures, all London going to hear their recital. The profits of these performances are said to have amounted to 230,000. These were the early days; later, when the Alps had been conquered, the army of climbers sought out peaks in every quarter of the world. We are told that now there remains only one mountain- range awaiting the explorer. This is to be found in New Guinea; but "owing to the presence of various tribes of particularly aggressive and hungry cannibals, the traveller's difficulty in procuring food would be supplemented by the danger of being converted into it. This risk has not yet been faced."—Mr. Edmund Candler draws a curious picture of the great delta of the Ganges. The region of the Sundarbans occupies four thousand square miles, and is intersected by six hundred named and ten times as many unnamed channels. What is not water is thick jungle. The banks of the channels are haunted by crocodiles and red and brown crabs. "Seeds fall all day long, and germinate at once in the mud, and spring up and choke one another, and writhe and struggle for light and room." But this seething mass of vegetation is all mapped out into sections by the Forest Department. Each section when the timber is cut is left alone for forty years. This statement of itself makes us realise the loneliness of the place. Wild animals have their lairs in this forest, and the article finishes with the account of a tiger hunt. Indeed, the tiger is a serious con- sideration to the woodcutters of the forest, for sixty of them fall to the tigers yearly.

The writer of the notes on " Current Events" in the Albany.

. Review deplores the fact that Britain is represented at the Hague Conference by trained diplomatists. Something a - little more progressive and sensational would be to the taste • of the conductors of this periodical. The enthusiasms of the amateur in the world of • international diplomacy are often apt to be combustible. We may congratulate ourselves that the affairs of Britain in this case are in the hands of men of experience.—An address delivered at the New York Peace Conference by Mr. William Archer is reprinted in the form of an article. The author believes that the example of the United States of America may be followed by the foundation of the United States of Europe. Mr. Archer acknowledges that the war of the North and South is difficult to reconcile with his theory. But what be does not allude to is the fact that the Government of each State in the American Union is practically in the bands of men of one race with common habits of mind and traditions. This is the all-important condition, and to ignore it is to ignore the main factor in the case. The only practical suggestion Mr. Archer has to make is that all people who wish, like him- • self, to promote European peace should adopt a flag which would stimulate their enthusiasm. He suggests a large star composed of smaller stars as the device for this flag.

Mr. Hilaire Belloc calls attention to a curious capacity inherent in the French people, which was shown in the late disturbances in the South. It is the power of masses of French people to act together with little or no organised leading. As Mr. Belloc puts it, history shows that the French have the quality which "consists in a power to direct great numbers of men, not by the conscious plan of one brain, but sub-consciously as it were, by the common action of a

• number." In this power of acting without leaders Mr. Belloc • sees the corrective to Parliamentary. government. He also regrets that the sight of a crowd as it roars down a street in anger "is unfortunately only too rare to-day." This attitude of mind seems to indicate bow little the writer understands the system of government by representative and not by mob, a system which England developed and which perhaps only Englishmen can understand. Mr. Belloc may give insurrec- tion a grand name and call it "the national soul," but those who care for abiding liberty will distrust such sophistications. "A mob's a mob for a' that."