Fthattou nIt rnatiting3 it Varliamtnt.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Horsg or Logns. Monday, February 2. Naval Reserves ; Lord Hardwicke's Comments.

Tuesday, February 28. Criminal Outrages in Ireland ; Lord Clanricarde's Motion —Coolie Immigration ; Lord Harris's Question.

Thursday, March I. Attorneys and Solicitors (No. read a first. time. Friday, March 2. Yeomanry Cavalry; Lord PONVWS Inquiry.

Horse OP COMMON& Monday, February 27. Customs Act.; Committee—Packet Service (Transfer of Contracts) Bill read a second time—Petitions of Right Bill com- mitted—Medical Acts Amendment Bill read a second time_ niesday. February 28. Annexation of Savoy; Mr. Kinglake's Motion—Cus- LOMS Act.; Committee—Administration of Poisons Bill committed.

Wednesday. February 29. Masters and Operatives ; Mr. Mackinnon's Bill post- poned—Adulteration of Food and Drink Bill in Committee—Ecclesiastical vest- ment.; Mr. Hanby Seymour's Bill read a first time. Thursdayl March 1. Parliamentary Reform ; English, Irish, and Scotch Bills read a first time—Customs Arts; Committee.

Friday, March 2. St. George's in the East ; Mr_ Lygon's Question—Annexa- tion of Savoy ; Sir Robert Peels Complaint—Customs Acts ; Report.

THE REFORM Buss.

Three Reform Bills were introduced into the House of Commons, and read a first time on Thursday night. Lord Joare Russzia moved for leave to introduce a bill to amend the representation of the people of England and Wales. In stating pro- visions, he interpolated a running commentary, showing the reasons that led the Government to adopt the course it has pursued. He described his bill as one proposing, in some degree at least, to supply the omissions and remedy the defects of the Reform Act of 1832; and to admit a por- tion of the working classes, who he said were not purposely excluded in.

The bill of the Government reduces the franchise in counties to 101., and in boroughs to 6/. a year. Both must be occupation and not rated franchises, and in counties security is taken against the manufacture of faggot votes, by requiring that any building, not a dwellinghouse, on landed qualificatian hall be of the annual value of 5l. The bill contains no "fancy franchises." s" The principle on which we propose to proceed, therefore is to extend still further the 10/. franchise which is now enjoyed ; to tae that franchise generally with its present conditions; to require the payment of rates, as is now the case ; but, at the same time to extend it to a lower degree than that at which it stands."

Lord John Russell estimated that there are 410,005 101. householders in boroughs ; that an 8/. franchise would have only increased the number by 66,000; that a franchise would only add 122,812; but that a 6/. rental franchise would add 194,199 voters ; and raise the whole, with freemen and others, to 600,000; including a great number of the working classes. Then came the question of disfranchisement. Here Lord John entered into a dis- sertation on the uses of small boroughs, and amid the cheers of the Oppo- sition, said there should be a number of smaller places returning Members to Parliament. He proposed to disfranchise no borough ; but to take one Member from all boroughs now returning two, where the population is under 7000. "We, therefore, propose that those boroughs, whose names I will read—(Loud laughter, and cries of "Hear, hear !")—shall no longer send two Members to Parliament. They are :—/Ioniton (A laugh), Thetford, Totnes, Harwich, Evesham, Wells, Richmond, Marlborough, Leominster, Lymington, Ludlow, Andover, Knaresborough, Tewkesbury, mad ldaldon. Thus far, / believe, the list agrees with the list contained in the bill of last year. We go on, however, to. Ripon (A laugh), Ciren-

cester, Huntingdon, Chipprm, Dorcheoter, Marlow, Devizes,

Hertford, and Guildford. illear,Asup !" and laughter.) That gives us 25 seats on the whole, which woulckhasre to be disposed of by Parliament. Now„ we propose that the following oruaties should return additional Mem- bers—viz.„ the West Riding of Yorkshire two, additional Members, and the Southern division of Lancashire one additional Member. All the rest, which I will read, are to return one additional Member—viz., the Northern division of Lancashire, the county of Middlesex, the Western division of Kent, the Southern division of Devonshire, the Southern division of Staf- fordshire, the North Riding of Yorkshire, the parts of Lindsey (Lincoln- shire), the Southern division of Essex, the Eastern division of Somerset, the Western division of Norfolk, the Western division of Cornwall, and the Northern division of Essex.. It will be seen that we do not propose to di- vide the West Riding of Yorkshire, and the reason is that there is a great repugnance in that vast 'Riding to have its magnt6Pence at all diminished by a partition. There will thus be 15 seats given to counties, of which, though some are manufacturing, others are essentially agricultural in their character. Coming to boroughs, we propose that one seat should be given to Kensington and Chelsea combined ; that Birkenhead, Staleybridge, and Burnley should in future return one Member each ; and that Manchester, Liverpool, Birmingham, and Leeds should henceforth return three Mem- bers instead of two." He said that, though he thought it a just proposal, he would not, as before, attempt to give the third seat, where there are three Members, to the minority. The remaining seat at his disposal he ap- portions to the University of London. "I feel sure that if honourable gentlemen will apply their minds to the present measure, if they will look upon it as a measure bringing, at all events, a considerable portion of the working classes within the temple of the constitution, enabling them to exercise privileges of which they are worthy by their character and acquirements, they will agree with me in thinking that the foundations of the constitution will be strengthened, and that we shall hereafter rejoice at having passed such a bill." (Loud cheers.) A pretty brisk conversation ensued, during which Mr. Arierox, Mr. WELLIAMS, Mr. Titomes DUNCOKBE objected to the measure in strong terms.

Mr. CARDWELL stated the outlines of the Irish Reform Bill. They are very simple. The measure reduces the qualification to 101. in counties, and 6/. in boroughs ; this will increase the constituency. by 30,000. A third Member is given to the county of Cork, and a third measure to the city of Dublin. The novelty in the bill is, that it re- moves the disqualification that prevents Irish Peers from representing an Irish constituency, a disqualification that does not extend to English or Scotch constituencies.

This met with strong protests from Irish Members.

The Lola) ADVOCATE, in a very few words, expounded the Scotch Bill. Here, also, the franchise is reduced to 10/. in counties, and 6/. in boroughs ; and the feu franchise—(" freehold " the Lord Advocate called it) —is reduced from 10/. to 51. Scotland obtains two new Members—one is given to the city of Glasgow, and the other to the four Universities.

The Scotch Members were nearly all of opinion that a larger number of representatives should be allotted to Scotland.

The 19th of March is the day fixed for the second reading of these three bills.

THE BLTDGET LV COMMITTER

The House resolved itself into Committee on the Customs Acts on Mon- day evening, after an ineffectual attempt made by Sir JOHN PAKINGTON to reopen the question so decisively settled on the preceding Monday.

Mr. GLADSTONE at once moved the resolution respecting the wine- duties. This is one of the most difficult fiscal questions with which he has ever had to deal. High duties have created an exceptional and arti- ficial state of things, and the first step towards a thoroughgoing change in the wine-duties cannot be taken without. encountering great difficulties. Before proceeding further, he answered a question put to a speaker in the late debate as to the manner of ascertaining the strength of wines and ap- plying the scale to them. The object of the alcoholic test is simply to de- termine what is wine and what is not wine. Any liquor containing more than 40 degrees of alcohol is not admitted at all. There are no official data except for the strong sorts, and a great variety of samples has been collected. "The operation of the test to which I refer has been founded on actual ex- periment, and the mode of making that experiment is as follows :—the wine is first of all subjected to distillation in small stills, which have now been brought to such perfection that they perform the operation in less than half an hour. The spirit having by this process been extracted from the wine, it is tested in the usual manner, and with the most perfect accuracy, by means of Sykes's hydrometer. Now I come to the different classes of wine, and the different rates of duty at which theTare to be admitted into this country. A portion of the lighter wines of France and of the Rhine will be admitted at a duty of 18. per gallon. The remainder of the lighter wines of France and of the Rhine will be admitted at a duty of 18. 6d. A portion of the lighter wines of Portugal, Spain, and the Medi- terranean will also be admitted at a duty of le. 6d. per gallon ; while the greater portion of the Spanish, as well as the great bulk of the Portugese and a considerable amount of the Sicilian, together with the wines of the South of France, will have to pay a duty of 28." Next, of the scale of duties. An uniform duty could not be adopted, be- cause wine varies in quality more than any other product. Anything more than a mere nominal duty would be unequal in its operation. But we can- not impose a nominal duty only, since the principle on which wine duties are levied lies at the root of half our indirect taxation—the imposition of duties on strong liquors. The lowest duty is a high rate on the lowest kind of wine. Therefore, in order to give fair play to the scheme, that duty must not exceed 18. Entering minutely into various objections, he showed that the alcohol in beer is more legally taxed than the alcohol in spirits pro- perly so called ; and that the competition between beer and spirits and beer and wine is only indirect. The Government could not reduce the duty be- low 29. when the spirit approaches 40 degrees of proof, without perilling the 12,000,000/. of revenue raised on British and foreign spirits. Therefore, 2e. is as low as we dare to go. He had -carefully considered ingenious proposals for an ad valorem duty, but he did not think that any head of a revenue department would undertake to administer the law on such a principle. Having gone into this "dry and technical" statement, Mr. Gladstone took up the question of drawbacks. He held that there is no just ground for al- lowing drawbacks on wine, because the price of wine does not depend on the duty, but on its quality and age, and because the introduction of the new wine will not affect the consumption of the old. But there is a pledge to the wine-trade. When negotiations for commercial treaties were going on with France, Spain, and Portugal, between 1838 and 1843, trade was much disturbed, and to bring it into a healthy state, the Treasury in 1842 agreed to allow drawback on certain wines, not on a mere reduction of duty,

but on a reduction of duty under treaty. In 1843, the minute was main- tained and extended to all wines, and limited only by the quantity which had paid duty within a specified time. So matters went on until the idea of a commercial treaty was abandoned. In 1852, there was a Committee on wines, and the wine trade was allowed to resume operations under the ininute of 1843, the extension being withdrawn. At present, there has been no delay ; no long-drawn negotiations ; no disturbance of trade. By the allowance of drawback in a large number of cases the dealers will pocket the money twice over. But finding a contract in existence, the Government Will carry out its terms, pant the drawback to all who have fulfilled them, but resist any attempt to go beyond those terms. Mr. Gladstone moved so much of the resolution as enacts the fall of duty to 3s. a gallon, and pro- vides for the payment of the drawback.

A desultory discussion followed Mr. Gladstone's elaborate statement. Mr. HENRY Bantrz treated of the expedition to China, and the general measures of the Government. Mr. CRAWFORD objected to the alcoholic test, and to the views of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on what is due to- the wine-trade. Mr. BM/TENCH railed at free trade, and taunted the Government with having accepted a budget at the dictation of Mr. Bright, whom he styled "the Viceroy over them." The commercial classes legislated for their own exclusive benefit in 1846, and desire to do so again. Mr. thrown:ex complimented Mr. Gladstone on his firmness. Mr. MONWITos MIL3.-ES argued for the wine dealers and moved an amendment, which would have enabled them to claim for all stock not paid before the 10th of February, whether the dealers had complied with the conditions of the minute or not.

Mr. CAYIXT was surprised that beer was not mentioned in the corms- pondenoe between the two Governments. Had any reference been made to beer during the negotiation ? Mr. DODSON, admitting that the duty on French wine in England and on English beer in France was almost equivalent, thought the duty on the raw material of beer should have been reduced.

Mr. GLADSTONE said beer was not mentioned. There was no fight for equivalent advantages. Had there been, the treaty would have broken down. Only the lower kinds of wine will come into competition with beer, and these kinds are more heavily taxed in proportion to value that beer is.

Mr. Enwne Rum argued, on behalf of the working classes, in favour of a reduction of the malt duty, described the budget as a hotchpotch, and said its morality was this-

" Yourob Peter to pay Panl.

You tax the Briton to save the Gaul."

Mr. BASS demanded free trade in malt ; "a declaration not made in that house by any brewer for these forty years." Mr. HMNLEY contended that the change in the wine-duties would be equivalent to a differential duty in favour of France. Ile does not think the scheme of Mr. Glatletone financially oversafe. But, the House having determined to carry it out, he will not do anything to weaken it, for in his opinion it is weak enough already. Mr. Minxes withdrew his amendment, and submitted another, giving all wine dealers a right to drawback for stocks acquired within the last two years. But Mr. GLADSTONE stood firmly to his proposition, that drawback shall be given only to those who have complied with the con- ditions of the minute ; and, on a division, the amendment was negatived, by 183 to 72.

Mr. GLADSTONE next moved the second part of the resolution, which fixes the rate of duty to be paid on wines of different strength. In this part of the resolution' he said the Government had determined to propose two alterations. By the first, the 15th of January would be fixed as the time for the final fall of duty, instead of the 15th of April. By the se- cond, 18 degrees instead of 15 degrees would be fixed as the lowest standard of alcoholic spirit, so that all wines containing leas than 18 degrees of alcoholic spirit would enter at Is. per gallon duty ; those containing less than 26 degrees at is. 6d. ; and those containing less than 40 degrees at 2s.

This led to another desultory discussion; but ultimately the resolution was agreed to without a division. The House shortly afterwards re- sumed.

The resolutions already agreed to were reported on Tuesd.ay, the words "the 31st of December 1860," being substituted in place of the words, "the 31st of March 1861" ; and the House went into Committee.

Mr. GLADSTONE moved the fourth resolution, which abolishes the existing duties on!goods, wares, and merchandises, enumerated in the schedule.

Before proceeding with the special subjects under discussion, Mr. 2EWDEGATE raised a curious point. He maintained that by the treaty, especially by article 5, we are bound to admit duty free, the eommodi- ties mentioned in the treaty, whether produced in France or elsewhere. Other Members pointed out that whereas France could import, under the treaty, productions not French into England, England could not im- port into France, under the treaty, productions not English. Mr. GLAD- STONE admitted and defended the latter arrangement ; but he said Mr. Newdegate's construction of the treaty was incorrect. The treaty refers exclusively to the commerce between the dominions of two high con- tracting parties. Sir RICHARD BETHELL sustained this view. Any production that finds its way into France may be imported into this country in French bottoms, provided it comes within the description of article 6. The benefit, however, enures to France alone. She has no right to ask for its extension to other nations. British eolonial produc- tions will be admitted into France coming direct from British Colonies, and the rule of course applies to French colonial productions. The articles mentioned in the resolution were then taken seriatim : apples, which found a champion in Mr. BENTLNCIE, arms, brass manufac- tures, gold and silver brocade, canes, caoutchoue, cherries, china and porcelain, clocks. Mr. THOMAS BUNCOMBE then moved the omission of the words re- ferring to corks, ready made and squared for rounding. His argument was that as Catalonia refused us a supply of cork wood, the cork-cutters compete at a disadvantage. Give them raw material, and they will com- pete with all the world. Mr. GLADSTONE promised, on the part of the Government, to use every exertion to obtain the removal of prohibitions, but to adopt the amendment would be to adopt protection. It would be unjust to levy a duty on cork imported from France because Spain pro- hibits the exportation of cork. Mr. Bearrnsez, Lord JOHN MANNERS, Sir Freareets Bemire advocated the cork-cutting cause. Mr. BUNCOMBE then modified his amendment, proposing to insert words in the resolution abolishing the duty on cork imported from countries where the export is free. The debate went on. Several other Members appeared for the cork-cutters. At length, Mr. GLADSTONE agreed to modify the resolution by confining it to corks " the produce or manufacture of, or imported from, France or Algeria." Mr. BUNCOMBE insisted on his amendment, and pressed it to a division. He was defeated by 191 to 118.

Mr. Gladstone's amendment was then agreed to. The Committee, however, continued to dispute on the subject of how far it was free to deal with the treaty. Mr. GLADSTONE said that inquiry involved the largest constitutional principles. Each Member must decide according to his own sense of what is right and prudent.

On.Wednesday, in Committee of Ways and Means Mr. Grape-roam moved a resolution that an additional duty of 1i. a gallon be charged on British spirits, at proof, which on or after the 29th of February shall be distilled or be in stock of any distiller, or in any duty-free warehouse, or removing to such warehouse. The extra duty would be employed to prevent any loss to the revenue by spirits being taken out of bond in an- ticipation.

In Committee on Thursday, the Chancellor of the Exchequer made some progress with the items of the resolution ; meeting with objec- tions from Mr. AYRTON, from a protectionist point of view, and Sir Jona; PARINGTON on the ground that Mr. Gladstone was uselessly wasting the resources of the country, Mr. Aryton's remarks called up "Mr. NEWDE- GATE who said it is evident the time is coming when the Tories will be joined by the Radical party. Other Conservatives kept up a fire of small shot.

Sir JOSEPH Pa:mix moved an amendment to the effect that the duties on silk manufactures should not be reduced unless English manufactured

silks and ribands are admitted into France on equal terms. Thereupon arose a regular old-fashioned free-trade debate ; it was interrupted by a motion to report progress, negatived by 233 to 28, and finally the amendment was rejected by 190 to 68. The resolution was agreed to, and the House resumed.

THE ANNEXATION OF SAYOY.

Mr. Kinglake, who had had for some time on the paper a Notice of Motion relating to the projected annexation of Savoy to France, was appealed to on Tuesday evening by Mr. MONCILTON Mriares to postpone it, on the ground that the Government had promised copies of corre- spondence, and that the motion, in the absence of the papers, could only be supported by rumour. Sir ROBERT PEEL objected to any further ad- journment of the question. Lord Jonx Russzee declined to renew an appeal for postponement which he had made on the preceding evening; but if the question was, has the Government behaved well or ill, it did seem that the House would be in a better position to judge if it had the papers. Mr. Knoakaire said the argument would be good if the motion were to inflict a real or implied censure on the Government. But as time was of vital moment in the matter, he felt bound to proceed; which he did shortly afterwards. In moving for copies of the correspondence between the British Go- vernment and the Governments of France and Sardinia in respect to the proposal for annexing Savoy and Nice to the French empire, Mr. Lea- LAKE made a long and comprehensive statement of his view of the case. In the early part of his speech, he endeavoured to trace out the origin of the rumour of annexation' quoted and commented on the articles in the French newspapers much in the tone recently adopted in the House of Lords, showed the disinclination of the Savoyards to be transferred to France, and 'showed how annexation would materially endanger the neutrality of Switzerland. Next, he reviewed the treaties affecting the question, with the object of showing that we are under treaty obligations not to permit either Savoy or the Rhenish provinces of Prussia to be annexed to the French empire. At present, we may stand aloof from Continental struggles, but annexation completed, our freedom of action is gone, a casus fcederis would at once arise, and Austria or Prussia might call on us to fulfil our treaty engagements. The objection to the annexation of Savoy to France is, not that it would increase her strength, but that it would amount to the unsettlement of Europe. The Emperor had solemnly stated, when he engaged in war that he entertained no scheme of aggrandizement. Count Walewski wrote to the Duke of Malakoff these words :—

"The passes of the Alps are not in our hands, and it is in the highest degree important that the key of them should remain at Turin—at Turin only."

The Emperor gave similar assurances at Milan. Mr. Kinglake here entered on a curious statement. Eleven months ago, he said, when peace prevailed in Europe, he received a communication in these words :— "On the evening before the marriage with the Princess Clotilde. a paper was signed by the Emperor of the French, which was called a pacte de famine, not a treaty or convention, promising aid, offensive and defensive, to Sardinia; the King, on his side, promising Savoy and Nice, in return for whatever possessions he may gain in Lombardy. The paper was signed by Walewski." This writing which, speaking in his honour, he said he had received from a source which made him firmly believe in its truth, he privately communicated to Mr. Disraeli. Lord Malmesbury desired Lord Cowley to ask a question, but he used the word "treaty," and not " pacte de &mill' e," and Count Walewski said there was no treaty whatever. Lord John Russell renewed in July the assurance that France had no intention of annexing Savoy and Nice. But when Mr. Kinglake gave notice of his motion and first introduced the words "pacts de famine," Lord Granville, speaking in another place, disclosed the existence of something like the ar- rangement to which he referred. From this Mr. Kinglake infers that there was an arrangement, but that Sardinia has not been aggrandized in a way that enables the Emperor to insist on its fulfilment. The Emperor now says he will consult the Great Powers before annexing Savoy. Mr. Kinglake fears this will be a mere consultation' and doubts whether the Emperor will be able to resist the evil counsels of those who urge annexation.

Sir ROBERT Pere., in seconding the motion, explained how annexation would affect Switzerland, inculcated suspicion of the designs of France, expressed his belief in the existence of the "pacts de famine," accused

the Emperor of concealing his intentions until the commercial treaty was signed, questioned the policy of the Government in quitting the

ground of neutrality to make proposals for a settlement of Italy, and eloquently appealed to Lord John Russell and Lord Palmerston, amidst the cheers of the House, to follow a policy in this matter, honourable, statesmanlike, worthy of their acknowledged character, and one that would bring England's influence to secure the independence and freedom of Italy and Switzerland.

Sir GEORGE GREY earnestly deprecating the policy of annexing Savoy to France, promised give the papers moved for, and disclaimed in the most extensive terms an imputation that the commercial treaty had any- thing to do with the annexation of Savoy. Mr. DISRAELI described the present quickness in producing papers as a novel disposition on the part of the Government, and complained of want of frankness on their part. Mr. MONCKTON Mimees hoped the House would not be led away by rumours of" paotes de famille." He had been informed on authority as good as any Mr. Kinglake cited, that when the proposition that Savoy should be annexed to France was made to the King of Sardinia, he replied, "We cannot bargain away men ; " or as it seemed the fashion that evening to speak in French, ‘qcou.s no pouvons pas marchander les hommes." Mr. BOWYER made a fierce on- slaught upon French policy in Italy ; and accused the French Emperor of employing gold and agents to produce "manifestations," and of sup- pressing in Italy liberty of thought and speech. But the Government are in the hands of France, and they will do nothing but protest against French designs.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL made some important statements. First, he ex- plained to Mr. Disraeli that, when he said he could not produce any papers, he stated the truth, for then there were no papers to produce. Lord John said he had heard the speeches of Mr. .Kinglake and Sir Ro- bert Peel with pleasure ; but he must say he had no diplomatic information that any such engagement as the family compact exists, and that France and Sardinia have repeatedly denied its existence. Then he answered Sir Robert Peel's objections to the course pursued by the Government in rela- tion to the four points for the settlement of Italy. "I be the honourable baronet to consider what was the state of affairs just immediately previous. The Austrian Government had declared that, if a Sardinian soldier should go into Central Italy, they would at once march their troops to oppose them. On the other hand, the Emperor of France declared to the Aus- trian Ambassador at Paris, that the moment a single Austrian soldier crossed the Po, the French army would be marched to oppose them. Con- sider how critical, how dangerous to the peace of Europe such a state of things must necessarily be. The remedy was to open the Congress. It was said this extremely critical and dangerous state of things cannot last much longer, because the Congress is about to meet, and will provide a re- medy. But then it was agreed by France in communication with Austria, that the Congress should be indefinitely postponed, and at the same time none of these declarations was withdrawn. There was the same danger1 if occasion arose, that Sardinian troops might be marched by order of the King of Sardinia, of Austrian troops being marched to resist them' and a French army being marched to resist the Austrians. Was it not natural for a Power anxious for the peace of Europe, that dreaded the renewal of the war, to make propositions which they thought might prevent the renewal of such a calamity ? They. did make those propositions. The first was' that neitheer France nor Austria should intervene in the settlement of the affairs of Cen- tral Italy without the consent of the other European Powers. We did not obtain the assent of Austria to that proposition, but this we did obtain—a declaration, made both at Vienna and in London, that the Austrian Govern- ment wished no more to interfere in the affairs of Italy beyond their own frontier ; that we might rely on it, although Austria would not give up claims she thought just, although she would not give up treaties which bound her to maintain the rights of certain Sovereigns, yet she had no wish or intention to maintain those treaties by force of arms. This alone we looked upon as a great security for the maintenance of the peace of Europe. Then we went further in the fourth proposition, and secured that the States of Central Italy should decide on their own form of government. This was in conformity with the whole principles we contended for from June to January—namely, that the Italian people themselves should decide with re- gard to their own government."

Having made a happy reply to Mr. Bowyer, Lord John returned to the question of Savoy. Every one must see that annexation would produce great distrust, and for two reasons. ";The one is that such a policy would be in contradiction to the proclamation—that magnificent proclamation, I must call it—which the Emperor addressed to the Italian people at Wiens and there is another reason why it would create distrust. Former en- encroachments of France have begun in small beginnings only on one side of the country, and yet have been afterwards carried by her armies to the territorial disturbance of Europe. I am afraid if Savoy be annexed to France, although there may be a meeting at Chambery in its favour, even although the Powers of Europe might give a reluctant assent, it would be the precursor of a long period of distrust. I believe that it would not tend to the strength of France. A country such as France--inhabited by a race so warlike, and at the same time possessing within itself such resources— with such wealth, such union, does not depend for its security, its indepen- dence, or even its power, upon the question whether its frontier is advanced somewhat nearer to the top of the Alps, or somewhat nearer to the banks of the Rhine. (Cheers.) It depends on its own resources, on the spirit of its people, upon the unconquerable spirit of independence which rules in that people, upon .its warlike qualities, which from time to time have been called forth, and perhaps never more than last year excited the admiration of every nation in Europe. Such is the security of France. We have known what has happened to France in our days. In 1792, before she ac- quired Savoy, when her people was in a state of disunion and apparent anar- chy, when she was attacked she was able by her own innate strength and the careful military disposition of her forces to repel the invader. The tide of conquest which then began rolled on until at length her frontier extended from Hamburg on the north to Rome on the south. Was she then more secure? On the contrary, three years after her frontier had been so ex- tended, her enemies entered the capital of her dominions. It is, therefore, I say, not the right policy for France—it is not the secure policy for France, to attempt to extend her frontier. (Cheers.) Her present ruler, without emulating those brilliant conquests which his uncle made, is well known for the sagacity and prudence of his character. Having watched that cha- racter—seeing the mistrust likely to be excited, seeing the apprehension and even the hostility that would arise if the Emperor persevered in this project, I cannot but hope that project will be abandoned, to the general satisfaction of Europe." (Loud cheers.)

The motion was agreed to.

AUSTRIA AND Resnik..

In answer to a question from Mr. STEUART, Lord JOHN RUSSELL stated, that the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs had positively de- nied the truth of the report of any treaty having been made between Russia and Austria.

OUR NAVAL RESERVES.

The Earl of HARDWICKE called attention to the state of our naval re- serves on Monday. We have a valuable reserve in the Coast-guard, composed of men who have served ten years at sea, numbering nearly 8000, of whom 4000 are thoroughly effective seamen. Then there are the Coast Volunteers (whose numbers he did not state), but, although useful along the coast, they can never be sent to sea. The Naval Com- mission appointed by Lord Derby, recommended that a force of 30,000 volunteer seamen should be raised and held together by a retaining fee of 61., deducting 11., with the view of renewing the Mercantile Marine Fund. They also recommended training schools for boys ; one portion of the pupils to be draughted into the Royal Navy, one into the Mercan- tile Marine. In calling attention to these recommendations, Lord Hard- wieke objected to the terms of admitting seamen to the naval reserve. Every candidate must have served five years at sea, and must be an A. B. seaman. Now, that is the vaguest possible term. All receive cer- tificates after service ; some, it is said, buy them ; and on this principle of selection the men, when obtained, may not prove to be up to the mark. Why were not certain qualifications insisted on, and why were the men not examined ? He also thought twenty-two days of training inadequate. He complained that the Naval Volunteers should be eli- gible for the Coast-guard, since many of them might be unfit to perform the duties of coast-guardmen. He recommended that the short-service pensioners should be enrolled in the reserve. The seamen, he said, thought the Government had laid a trap for them. Lord Kardwicke told the seamen emphatically that the object of the scheme was solely to avoid recourse to impressment, and pointed out that they of all men have the greatest interest in its success. The Duke of SOMERSET stated what the Government have done upon the recommendations of the Manning Commission. They have deter- mined to try the experiment of training-schools for boys, and have esta- blished one at Portsmouth, one at Plymouth. To these, small vessels have been attached, so that the lads may go to sea in summer, and make themselves seamen. They have increased the pay of seamen gunners ; increased the provisions issued to the men • given bedding and clothing free ; provided pensions for the widows of? warrant officers, and allow- ances to petty officers on promotion. The Marines have been raised to 18,000 men, and have increased the Coastguard by 600 men. The Coastguard force is 5000 strong ; the Coast Volunteers 6600. Coming to the Naval Reserve, the Duke said he had restricted the entry to able seamen, because if the Admiralty had announced that on a given day they would receive all who came, the number might have been too large to have been drilled at once. The liberality of the Go- vernment has roused the suspicions of the sailors. They think the terms too good. Now no Government should use the reserve except to meet a great emergency. Before the men can be called out, there must be an Order in Council and a special Proclamation. Thus the force can only be called out on a decision of the Cabinet, and it is most likely that Par- liament, if not sitting, would, under such circumstances, be at once sum- moned. There is of course no ground for the suspicions of the men. As to sending them to China, why that is a most popular station, and, had he five times the number of ships to send there, he could man them. He had found it necessary to deal with the merchant sailors by means of those to whom they are accustomed, and they are coming in at the rate of forty of fifty a week. He could not spare the ten years' service men from the Navy. He does not think the training inadequate and has seen good gunnery-practice by men who have only had three weeks training. To connect the reserve with the Seamen's Fund would only excite further suspicion. He thought it best to begin cautiously at first. The Earl of FALLEN-BOROUGH referred to a reserve of seamen not appre- ciated—the sailors who would be out of employment, should war break out. He does not expect much from the reserve; but they may collect a respectable force on paper.

ADULTERATION OF FOOD BILL.

Mr. Wise, in moving, for Mr. Scholefield, that the House go into Committee on this bill, called attention to the hardships the poor es- pecially suffer from adulteration. Both the public health and the moral character of the country are deeply affected by it. Mr. Wise enu- merated a long list of articles of food, and drugs, with the substances used to adulterate them. The adulteration ofwine' 'especially port wine, is a matter of notoriety. Mr. SCULLY Said the bill provided no means for stopping adulteration and he should recommend in its stead the establishment of "a competent board of analysts, connected with the Board of Trade, or the Board of Health, with power to enter any shop without notice, and analyze every commodity for sale ; " then to classify the analyzed articles according to their purity, and publish the result of their investigation. Mr. CAVE said the plan was a strong one but it had met with success in France. The salaries of the analysts should be large enough to remove them from the temptations of bribery. Mr. Jotor LOCKE thought that clause of the bill which enabled a purchaser to complain of adulteration before a justice was a step in the right di- rection. The House then went into committee. The operation of the first clause was discussed at great length. Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, at the suggestion of Mr. Enwrie Lures, consented to substitute the word " in- jurious " for "calculated to be injurious " ; and, upon the motion of Mr. John Locke, to substitute "or" for "and," so as to make the clause read "pure or unadulterated." Upon the motion of Mr. SCHOLEFIELD, the blanks referring to penalties were filled up with 51. and 5s. respectively., Upon a division, the clause, as amended, was carried by a majority of 91. Upon clause 3, Mr. JAMES objected to the appointment of analysts al- together, but upon a division the clause was adopted by a majority of 24.

ECCLESIASTICAL VESTMENTS.

Mr. DANDY SEYMOUR obtained leave to bring in a bill, to enforce uni- formity in the use of Ecclesiastical Vestments by priests and deacons of the United Church of England and Ireland. The bill was read a first time.

EMIGRATION FROM INDIA.

In reply to several questions put by Lord Hums relating to the treaty, giving the French facilities for obtaining coolie emigrants from the East Indies, Lord WODEHOUSE stated how the matter stands. The convention, now in course of negotiation, was intended to stop the pro- ceedings of the French in obtaining negroes from Africa. The French Government said that if they had the same advantages as the English colonies have in getting labourers from the East Indies they would put an end to the emigration from Africa. Hence these negotiations. The regulations prescribed for the collection and care of emigrants to our own colonies will be observed in reference to emigrants to the French colo- nies. Consular agents will supervise the operation of the scheme in the British East Indian ports. The regulations now in force in Mar- tinique, the most satisfactory, will be put in force in all the French colonies. The contracts will endure for five years ; at the end thereof, the emigrants return at the expense of the French. Consuls will be ap- pointed to see that these provisions are carried out. The treaty will be in force for three years and a half, terminable at two years, and one and a half years' notice. He admitted that the experiment must be carefully and vigilantly watched.

The House concurred with the scheme ; Lord ELLENDOROUGH ex- cepted. He hoped the Indian Government would exercise its power of preventing the emigration, and force the Government to bring in a bill to legalize it.

Masrsits AND OPERATIVES Ens.. Mr. likesnrsost moved the second reading of his Bill to prevent strikes, and provide means for settling disputes between masters and workmen. The Act, 5th of George IV. was totally in- operative for this purpose. Large bodies of operatives have declared in fa- vour of his bill. The evidence before the select committee of last year proved that the equitable councils of conciliation in France worked well. Their effect has been equally successful in Belgium. As objections might possibly be taken to the details of the measure, if the House would give it a second reading, he proposed to refer it to a Select Committee. Mr. BLANEY supported the motion. Mr. WALTER did not oppose the second reading of this Billt but he did not believe it would have the slightest effect in pre- venting strikes ; strikes did "not turn on matters of fact, but questions of opinion." Sir GEORGE LEWIS thought the Government would be outstep- ping its office in promoting the formation of these councils, which could only raise expectations that would not be fulfilled. He did not believe the present Bill would prevent the evils generated by strikes ; and the existing law, facilitating the appointment of arbitrators and umpires for the dispu- tants, is sufficient for the purpose. If the question went to a division he should move that the Bill be read a second time that day six months. I:ord ROBERT MONTAGU supported the motion. But, in deference to the o inions of Mr. EDWIN JAMES, who approved of the principle of the Bill, while he thought the machinery which it provided would be " unwork- able " ; of Mr. HENLEY, Sir E. COLEBROOKE, Mr. BLACK, the SOLICITOR. GraisstaT4 Sir S. M. PET°, and other Members, who admitted generally the desirability of arbitration under certain circumstances but who did not think the present Bill was one calculated to settle even the disputes between employer and employed, Mr. Macisisntos agreed to 1.ostpone the second reading of the Bill until that day month, and then more that it be referred to a committee.

CRIME ns IRELAND. The Marquis of CLANRICARDE raised a discussion on the state of crime in Ireland and the Irish constabulary. His object was to show that, in general, the Irish are an orderly people, but that in certain districts atrocious crimes are committed, which go unpunished because the police are drilled and disciplined as soldiers, and are not trained as police- men to detect criminals. The Duke of SOMERSET rejoined by showing that the services of the constabulary have tended to diminish crime. Offences have gradually fallen from 10,600 in 1860 to 3600 in 1859; homicide from 139 in 1850 to 88 in 1859; and so on in other categories. The detection of crime depends on obtaining witnesses, but that is next to impossible so long as the people will not support the law. In the ensuing debate several Peers took part. It seemed to be the gene- ral opinion that the Irish constabulary should continue to be a military force, but that they should not be made a purely military force or made too smart. Some returns moved for by Lord CLANRICARDE were ordered.

Ms. POPE HENNESSY. Summoned on a railway committee, Mr. Hen- needy did not attend. [He went to Cork to oppose Mr. Deasy's return.] Colonel Wnsost Perms, Chairman of the Committee of Selection' moved that Mr. Hennessy should be ordered to attend the Committee. Ile had already caused a loss by his absence of 300/. to parties interested in bills. Mr. BOIITERIE moved that Mr. Hennessy should attend in his place imme- diately; and the amendment was agreed to.

SERPENTINE. The House has appointed, on the motion of Mr. COWPER' a committee to inquire into the state of the Serpentine, and the plan for its purification. When the members were nominated, Mr. KNIORTLEY and Mr. RENITENCE, urging that the Metropolis should pay for its own improve- ments, objected to the names of Sir john Shelley and Lord Fermoy, be- cause they are metropolitan Members. The House decided by 122 to 26 against the country gentlemen.