The League of Nations
, [Sir Eric Drummond, owing to his position as Secretary-General, Ilan very rarely contributed to the Press on the 'League of Nations : his article will be read with interest by all well-wishers of the 'work he so tactfully and brilliantly directs at Geneva.—En. Spectator.] A GENERAL Election is approaching, with a resultant rise in Party temperature ; and yet, at the great Meeting held recently at the Albert Hall under the auspices
of the League of Nations Union, the principal speaker was the Leader of the Conservative Party, a Liberal statesman was in the Chair, and the main vote of thanks was proposed by an ex-Cabinet Minister of the Labour Party. The three political Parties are, therefore, united in recognizing the necessity of endorsing and supporting the ideals and principles of the League, though each may—and indeed is not unlikely
to—differ as to the proper method of application of these principles to any given set of circumstances.
THE LEAGUE NOW AN INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTION.
The League has happily ceased to become a Party issue in most of the countries which form its membership. It is now an established international institution with appropriate and adequate machinery for the execution of the tasks entrusted to it. After close on nine years it may not be inopportune to ask how it has fulfilled the objects of its founders.
Although the main purposes of the League are " to promote international co-operation and to achieve international peace and security," a complete reading of the Covenant shows that the preservation of peace, by pacific settlement of inter- national disputes, was the cardinal aim of its founders. So far, this aim has been achieved, since no international war has broken out during the last nine years, in spite of many warlike alarms and excursions, some necessitating intervention by the League, others requiring only a watchful attitude.
" FACE-SAVING " MACHINERY.
A proininent French man of letters, speaking recently about the League, said that an institution had been created to which a Government, perhaps in the past constrained un- willingly by public passion or by sense of honour to go to war on a partieular issue, could, without losing face, appeal for a peaceful settlement. Prestige has up to now played so important a part in national policies that the value of the League as a " face-saving machinery " should not be under-estimated. There is, of course, the definite Treaty obligation of all Members of the League not to resort to war unless and until all the means of peaceful settlement laid down by the Covenant have been exhausted, and recently by a further agreement of the higheit iniportance to Members and non-Members of the League alike, numerous nations have determined to forgo the use of international war as an instrument of national policy. To-day the prospects of peace in the future are brighter than they have perhaps ever been in the history of mankind.
Not long after the foundation of the League it became clear that, since the number of political disputes diminished rapidly after the immediate post-War period, the exercise of the duty of maintaining peace was insufficient of itself to promote in any great degree that international co-operation on which the Preamble of the Covenant lays stress. It was felt that the League had a great part to play in questions relating to economics, finance, international communications and health, and that collaboration between the nations in such matters must create a more peaceful attitude in the world. The activities of the League in these fields had been foreseen by the authors of the Covenant (Article 23), but to give them full effect the creation of appropriate organizations was required and effected.
TECHNICAL INTERNATIONAL COLLABORATION.
There is no need to dwell in any detail on the technical works thus accomplished, since most, if not all, of them have formed the subject of articles in previous issues of the Spectator.
They do not, however, exhaust the action of the League which is being pursued in many other directions, such as the protection of women, child welfare, the proper treatment Of minorities in certain regions, of mandated territories, the superviiion of treaties concerning the traffic in dangerous drugs, questions relative to international intellectual life, and the codification of international law. The list is formidable, but in each sphere progress, though sometimes gradual, is apparent.
DISARMAMENT.
Finally, there is the burning question of the reduction of armaments, perhaps the most difficult of all the tasks to which the League has set itself. But, the problem being acknow- ledged and stated, has probably for the first time entered into the realm of practical politics. Various approaches arc being tested ; some will lead to blind alleys, but finally, with patience, a means of access to the desired end will be found.
Nations take a varying interest in the different activities of the League. Some attach special importance to the political or economic side, while others desire to develop those aspects of its work which relate to health or to international intellectual life. It is not easy to strike a proper balance, nor to insure that every country sufficiently appreciates the indirect advantages which accrue through the existence of peaceful relations in the world generally, and understands that the prosperity of each increases the prosperity of all. On the whole, however, there is little criticism of the League on this account.
CRITICISM OF THE LEAGUE.
Obviously there is, and should be, room for criticism, since the League is still in the stage of consolidating its experience3 and improving its machinery. Too often, however, criticism is due to misconception of the League's true function in inter- national affairs. The League is frequently belittled on the ground that many of the main currents of international policies; fall outside its purview. Yet the two chief landmarks in the march towards peace since the War have been Locarno and the " Paris " or " Kellogg " Pact, of which M. Briand, who was most intimately concerned in both, said in Septembc: last : " But for the League and the spirit it has created, there would never have been a Locarno. More recently still, there would never have been a Paris Pact."
But even assuming this particular criticism to be justified, the League remains unaffected. It is not the League's business to intervene when it is not required, unless in case of grave emergency. It is infinitely preferable that countries should settle their difficulties by direct negotiation rather than by the help of third parties. The League is not jealous, it rejoices in every settlement made, in every step towards peace, whether taken under its own auspices or not.
INEVITABLE DELAYS.
Perhaps a commoner form of disparagement of the League is that difficult questions are often adjourned from one session of the Council to another. But the League works by per- suasion, not by force ; and it cannot immediately impose its will on a recalcitrant party. Time must be given for the moral pressure of world public opinion to exert its force. The Council meets every three months, but the settlement of disputes between individuals, between national organizations, often requires years : why should the League be expected more rapidly to solve inter- national problems which deeply affect national feelings and perhaps national interests ? In such cases, it should suffice that the countries concerned are with or without the help of the League working towards a peaceful settlement. Criticism, whether friendly or unfriendly, cannot endanger the League ; ignorance and indifference may. The man in the street is not yet fully awakened to the vast importance of inter- national questions as affecting his country, his family and himself. In many, indeed in most, countries he knows little of the League beyond the mere fact of its existence. It is true that of the many thousands of visitors to Geneva few leave unconvinced of the League's utility. But Geneva is unhappily not within the reach of all, and the League must largely rely on the work of voluntary societies, in different countries, such as the League of Nations Union in Great Britain, to keep public opinion, which is the ultimate mainstay of the League, fully informed as to its doings, its successes, and its failures.
There have been and will be failures ; there will be in any experiment of such vital importance to mankind as a whole ; but a readiness to learn from past mistakes is no sign of weakness —it shows rather that the League believes itself to be so firmly established in the minds of men and women of good will