A VOLUNTARY FUND FOR OUR • PRESENT DISTRESS [To the
Editor of the SPECTATOR.]
SIR,—It may 14Ftest those of your readers who have followed the conespondetice on "A Voluntary Fund for our Present Distress to know approximately what form of organization the original writer had in mind in proposing the enterprise.
(1) A central committee of people of energy and experience— including representative financiers and business-men and other public men, manual workers, women accustomed to honorary work for "causes," social workers, authors, artists, etc. 7 (2) The method of organization to be by the plan (in vogue in many philanthropic societies) of local branches organized by local committees (with honorary officers) affiliated to the central com- mittee. These could be started sporadically, immediately a central Committee was formed, but, as soon as possible, they should be united by county organization.
(3) The entire plan would thus involve county committee., of which the main business would be propaganda : i.e., the formation of new local branches and the arrangement of local meetings with that object in view. It would be part of the central committee's business to find speakers for meetings.
When once a branch was started, it would be open to its officers to employ a variety of means for collecting funds.
Among other means, the system of Freewill Offering, where promises are taken beforehand, might be employed. Indeed, this should, we think, be used as the normal method in the case of individual contributions. For we should like to make it clear that, though we believe that there would be a very Widespread response to an appeal, we do not clai,m, to be Prophets, and we submit' that isolated donors of:large
or of small sumsigiven under conditions of stress, should be guarded against sacrifices made to little or no purpose. .L'nless. Sufficient money were subscribed to the fund to make a substan- tial reduction in taxation, contributors would see no fruit of their sacrifice, which would then be better made for the 4enefit of some other cause. There should be, therefore, a Preliminary period of propaganda, and •of receiving, and registering, undertakings to give when called upon ; and if the general response were very inadequate, none of the
f
promised contributions should be called for.
, When the time came for making collections, a strong finance committee of impregnable reputation would have to be in existence, with an honorary treasurer already possessed of the confidence of the public, to whom all contributions should be sent, either individually, or—especially in the case of collections of. small contributions—through the treasurers of. local branches. Properly audited accounts are, of course, a fundamental necessity whenever public money is handled, and accounts would have to be published by local branches as well as by the finance committee. Working expenses every- where would be kept as low as possible, the work being carried out-by voluntary workers.
It must occur to us all that there is always a strong economic objection to the realization. of many large sums of capital simultaneously. But there is a key to the situation. The relinquishment of our own War Loan stock involves no such difficulty, . And it is the interest paid on that annually which is our heaviest debt charge. , It would, surely, be possible for investors who had no War Loan stock, and wished to sacrifice capital, to exchange stock of another kind (e.g., railway stock) for War Loan, in order to relinquish that. If such transactions were carried out through, a Bank, there could be very little danger of fraud.
We should like to form a central committee at once, if only to organize discussion of the scheme, but if we do not receive influential support, it will hardly be possible to do so. May we ask if there are any of your readers who would be willing to give us the support of their names as sympathisers with the enterprise ; or to offer the loan of a room in London for an office ; or to start a local branch of the fund ; or to. organize propaganda in any of the counties ; or to give assistance in a central office ; or to propose a better scheme for the remedying of our present distress?
We should propose, tentatively, that the name 'of the association should be "The British Empire Fund for the• Reduction of War Debts." For the experience of this country during the War leads us all to think that, in our post-War calamities, too, if once a way is set open, the Dominions will ' add their quota of generous help to our efforts after self-help. Indeed, the first public proposal for a voluntary fund with this object was made by an Australian gentleman, Mr. Richard Linton, in the Manchester Guardian ; and the first response, in your columns, to the suggestion made therein on May 2nd, was from a lady from South Africa, who offered to give 11,000,- if the Fund became a fact.
History tells us how, in national emergencies, entire peoples came forward and emptied their treasures of jewels, plate and money into the Royal coffers. History will present a still
brighter page to our descendants if it can relate how, at a time when no hostile armies threatened our shores, our people rose up, and handing in their shillings, or their cheques, or securities, redeemed the debt incurred for the saving of the . country, and set her once again in the path of freedom and prosperity. Is not this a way of patriotic service ; a way of giving security of livelihood to the worker ; a way of begetting good will in us all ? In ancient times a sacrifice sealed a covenant. Why should not the individual sacrifices of a great people in common seal anew the. old covenant of good will among them ?—I am, Sir, lire.
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