AUSTRIA AND AMERICA.
Tin general tendency of the relations between Great Britain and the United States is towards a better understanding ; not an affi- ance offensive and defensive, according to the old interpretation of that phrase, but a natural approximation of all parties who are engaged in disclosing the solid grounds upun which their approach or joint action is reciprocally beneficial. To neither country, for instance, can it be advantageous that there should be outstanding, unsettled, and questionable claims ; that there should be frequent disputes on the indefinable water-boundary of a fishery ; or that they should continue to exclude each other's produce, to the loss of .both. The Commission which has been appointed under the con- vention for the settlement of claims, followed by the endeavour to arrange a treaty on the subject of the fisheries and other questions between the States and our Colonies, are examples of this joint en- deavour. In all these cases, it may be said that the concession which is asked by one party would not be more beneficial to that party than to the other. This endeavour to promote a clear under- standing upon the basis of solid facts and material things, is a striking contrast with the state of the relations between the United States and Austria; powers which, for almost abstract questions of the vaguest possible kind, are getting up a quarrel upon a point of honour, and risking an inextricable entanglement. There are scarcely two powers in the world that would on most grounds stand more apart than Austria and the United States. America is commercial, Austria is not so ; America is democratic, Austria absolute ; America is maritime, Austria for the most part inland and maritime only by ambition ; other states stand between them, and their points of contact are few. Both might exist in the world and scarcely interfere with each other. It would perhaps be best for both, at present, if each were courteously to ignore the existence of the other. A serious question might be discussed, as to the good taste, propriety, or policy of the noisy demonstrations in America, official as well as popular, on behalf of an liunguian leader who had endeavoured. to subvert the royal house of Austria; but the Government of America is as little open to personal cor- rection as that of Austria. The Kossta affair, no doubt, more nearly concerned Austria ; and, prima facie, it may be admitted that Austria had a right to demand that a refugee deported from Turkish dominions should not return. But the Kossta question does not stand ha any clear and isolated position; and the pro- ceedings which Austria has taken to secure what she believes to be her right are questionable not only in law, nor only in reason, but still more in policy. Austria claims the right to enforce the deportation of Kossta under stipulations with Turkey, and it is said that the Turkish authority had given the commander of the Austrian vessel leave to capture the Hungarian refugee : but in the eyes of Captain Ingraham of the corvette St. Louis, Kossta was a man bearing an United States passport, and possibly also bearing the character of an American citizen by naturalization. In those respects, the Turkish surrender did not concern Captain Ingraham; and when the Austrian officer seized the refugee by force, Captain Ingraham recovered him by threat of force. The conduct of both officers is open to serious question; but there are other questions of which the solution is by no means to be presumed by either side. For example, is Kossta an American citizen, or is he not ? If he is a naturalized American, does his naturalization give him protection beyond the boundaries of the Union, especially as against the _sovereign in whose dominions he was born ? Does the Turkish
• stipulation with Austria, stated to permit forcible seizure in Smyrna, preclude the subject of another foreign power from resist- ing violence upon a colourable denizen of that other power ? Where important and unsettled questions arise, it is desirable to approach them with the utmost regularity of procedure. Aus- tria, however, appears to us to have taken a course very unusual, Auld very inconvenient. The Government at Vienna has issued a cireular note, stating the case generally, and making a complaint : to the nations, that the Captain of the United States has made war ; an infraction, it is contended, of public law, aggravated by
its having been committed in the port of a neutral power. The retort is obvious—that the Austrian Captain had equally infringed the sacredness of a neutral port : but if that be overruled by the special stipulation, there is still a more serious flaw in the pro- ceedings of the Austrian Government. What representation has been made to the United States ? What reply has been received ? The conduct of Captain Ingraham is a very proper subject for ac- cusal and explanation ; but until it was explicitly adopted by his own Government in a categorical reply to the statement on the part of the Austrian Government, America is not really brought into court, and thus the foreign powers are called upon by Austria to form conclusions upon an ex-parte case.
'The relations in which the two powers stand greatly aggravate the inconvenience of this course. On more than one occasion the American Government has shown no indisposition to undertake a quarrel with Austria, and Austria shows no disposition to shrink : but it is desirable for the peace of Europe that neither nation should be driven to extremities. The collective opinion of Europe would be the best check ; but the form in which Austria makes the present appeal not only fails to facilitate the intervention of other states, but almost precludes them by its illogical reasoning and irregular appeal. Without a well-ascertained locus standi in court, Austria has almost cut herself off from a regular appeal to law upon the subject ; and should actual extremities ensue, it is very difficult to see how any of the powers could interfere on be- half of one which has rendered its case technically so difficult to approach. It is not very probable that the American Govern- ment, as such, will take any proceedings against the Austrian empire, but there is sufficient irregular enterprise in the United States to make political or pecuniary capital out of the Austrian empire : if that power should place itself even for a brief space beyond the pale of the public law, its house is not so solid that it can afford to risk even improbable hazards. Other powers, which must feel a very imperfect sympathy with the Austrian dynasty or policy, would yet do their best to sustain the peace of Europe, if an appeal were made to them in some form less seriously incon- venient than the present.
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