Mrbatrd an procreifin0 in parTiamtnt.

1. RETIREMENT OF THE SPEAKER. Intimation was given on Mon-

day morning, that the Speaker meant in the course of the afternoon to announce his retirement from the Chair ; and in consequence, nearly

four hundred members assembled at five o'clock; when Mr. MANNERS SUTTON, after the routine business was gone through, spoke as follows. Pre give the speech from the Votes ; the addresses of the Speaker

being the only ones which the House permits to be officially pub- lished.] " As the advanced state of the public business indicates so plainly a speedy close of the session, and as I know not how near the dissolution of the Parlia-

ment may follow, I hope the House will not consider me unreasonable in requesting their permission to present myself to them before my occupation of this chair is brought to a final termination. " I have had the honour and the pride of being elected to this high and responsible station in six successive Parliaments. I have at all times been im- pressed with the conviction, that the first and most important duties of the Speaker are, to be watchful himself, and to keep alive the watchfulness of the House, in the maintenance of their own rights, and privileges, and independence; to afford every facility in his power to the regular progress of the business of the House, both public and private; and to conduct himself to the House at large, and to every individual member of the House, with the strictest impartiality. I can most conscientiously (and I hope it will not be attributed to presumption when I say boldly) affirm, that I have served the House with strict fidelity. I have not the presumption to place myself in contrast or in comparison with any of my predecessors; but, amidst the variety of duties imposed upon me, always laborious and often difficult and delicate, I have at all times been cheered and upheld by the best encouragement and the firmest support—the constant co-operation, confidence, and approbation of the House at large; and, whatever may have been the changes in the Returns of this House in those successive Parliaments, I at least have found no change as their Speaker,—kindness, con- sideration, and assistance in every way, have been their uniform and unvarying conduct towards me. Sirs, whatever may be my lot hereafter, my proudest recollection will ever be, that so long and so happily I have been the servant of this House. There is not, I verily believe, in the whole range of official station, any in which the honest endeavour to act faithfully is so sure to meet its own reward, so sure to be fully and honourably estimated' and so sure to realize its main object, the public good, as this high station from which I have now the honour to address you. " Conscious as I am, and conscious as every man must be of the variety of imperfections under which he labours, there is one to which I wish more parti- cularly te refer. If at any time, from the imperfection of temper or the pressure of indisposition, I have shown, or appeared to show, inattention or hastiness (for incivility, I hope. I never could be guilty of) to any member of this House, I am sincerely ashamed of it, and I most heartily apologize for it. It is as inconsistent, I hope, with my nature, as I know it must have been with Tay duty. "I will no longer detain the House. I have struggled to discharge what I Alt was a respectful duty to the House, and what I know is but justice to any own feelings. I am conscious I have executed the task very imperfectly; but On sitting down, permit me, from the fulness of my heart, to say, I owe a debt of gratitude to the House which it is impossible to overrate—which the power of language (or at least the command of language I possess) is utterly inadequate fo express, but the deep and lasting recollection of which neither time nor circumstances can ever efface." The Speaker sat down amidst loud and enthusiastic cheering. Lord A LTHORP said, he did not concur in the first election Of Mr. Manners Sutton; but he was happy to have a public opportunity of Stating, that experience had amply proved that on no other could the choice of the House more properly have fallen— The situation was one of great difficulty. The right honourable gentleman had to maintain order; and he had had the peculiar felicity of being able to maintain that order with the greatest urbanity to every individual; and Lord Althorp was sure that he had greatly facilitated public business and entitled iimaa to the gratitude of every member of the House. He had, during the time he filled the Chair, been called upon for a dekree of exertion that no Speaker had ever undergone before ; for although other Speakers might have filled the situation longer, certainly no one of them had ever had duties near so laborious to perform ; and sure he was, also, that no one who had ever filled that Chair discharged its duties more to the satisfaction of the House. Lord Althorp felt the great kindness which the Speaker had shown to every member. He had a& sisted them in all their difficulties ' • and instead of standing strictly upon the forms of office, he had gone out of his way to give members every assistance they required. Lord Althorp was sure, from his experience in that House, that the right honourable gentleman had facilitated business in a manner most creditable to himself, and most beneficially for the public. He regretted that the right honourable gentleman was now about to go away from them. Lord Althorp would have wished him to fill the Chair in the new Parliament, as his ex- perience in its duties must have been productive of the highest benefit. But they could not ask him to make greater sacrifices than he had already made : they could only say, they regretted the loss of the right honourable gentleman's services' and hoped that the situation might be filled by an individual even in an inferior degree like him. Lord Althorp was sure, that in the motion he was about to make, there would be no dissentient voice• ' sure he was, that every member of the House would agree in a vote of thanks to the right honourable gentleman for his conduct ; and therefore it would be unnecessary for him to ad- vance any arguments in support of it.

He concluded by moving-

" That the thanks of this House be given to the Right Honourable Charles Manners Sutton, Speaker of this House, for his eminent services in the six Parliaments during which be has discharged the ditties of Speaker, with a zeal and ability alike honourable to himself and conducive to the progress of public business; that he be assured that this House feels the strongest sense of the advantage which it has derived from his attachment to the interests of his country, from his unwearied assiduity during a period of unexampled labour ma

'

this House from the steadiness and firmness with which he has on all occasions maintained the dignity and privileges of the Commons' House of Parliament, from the attention which he has paid to the order of our proceedings, and front the urbanity and kindness which he has uniformly displayed in the discharge of his high and important duties." Mr. GOULRURN warmly seconded the motion ; which was supported by Mr. LITTLETON, Sir F. BURDETT, Sir GEORGE MURRAY, Lord J. RUSSELL, and Sir CHART.ES WETHERELL ; and was carried by ac- clamation.

The SPEAKER, on the motion being announced as carried, again ad- dressed the House. He said- " Most gratefully and most respectfully I thank the House for the vote it has now passed ; but, long as I have been in public life, and frequently as I have been called upon to address myself to the House, I never felt so utterly incapa- citated from giving utterance to the feelings with which I am impressed. It would be hypocrisy in me to disclaim all merit after the honour you have con- ferred upon me. 'My merit has been the steady purpose to do my duty up- rightly. From the House alone have emanated the power and strength to effect that purpose. To this House I am indebted for every thing of distinction most valuable to a public man—the public approval of his services by those whom lie has had the honour to serve."

The thanks of the House were then moved to the Speaker for what

he had said to the House ; and the words of his two addresses were ordered to be inserted in the Journals. The following resolution was also moved by Lord ALTHORP on the occasion- " That an humble address be presented to his Majesty, that he will be gra- cieusly pleased to confer some signal mark of his Royal favour upou the Right Honourable Charles Manners Sutton for his eminent services in the six Parlia- ments during which he has discharged the duties of Speaker of this House, with a zeal and ability alike honourable to himself and conducive to the progress of public business, -to commence and take effect immediately upon his ceasing to hold the office of Speaker of this House ; and to assure his Majesty, that this House will make good whatever expense his Majesty may think proper to be in- curred on that account."

This resolution also was carried by acclamation, and ordered to be presented to his Majesty, by such of the members as were Privy Councillors.

The answer was brought down on Tuesday, by Lord .Althorp; and was considered in Committee on Wednesday.

Lord ALTHORP noticed the precedents on which the proposed retir- ing pension was founded, and also its amount— Speaker Onslow, on retiring, was allowed 3,0001. a year during his own life, with a continuance of the grant to his son, unaccompanied by any limitation as to the acceptance of office. This sum, it should be recollected, was of much higher value than the same sum would be now. Lord Sidmouth, as the Com- mittee was aware, had become Prime Minister, and therefore received no pen- sion as Speaker, but was provided for under the act empowering his Majesty to grant pensions to public servants. Lord Colchester received a grant of 4,000/. a year during his own life, with an allowance of 3,000/. a year to his first suc- cessor in the peerage. There was a condition attached to the noble lord's salary, —namely, that it should be reduced one-half, if he accepted any office under the Crown of equal value. He should propose a grant of 4,000/. a year to the present Speaker, during his own life, subject to the same limitation as that con- ferred upon Lord Colchester, and, on his demise, a grant of 3,000/. a year to his son. As the latter, however, was to have the reversion of a sinecure office, he should propose, that when fie entered on this office his pension should cease. The pension to the right honourable gentleman was to commence on his retiring from the chair.

Mr. HUME concurred in the vote before the House ; but at the same time thought it proper to observe, that a retiring pension ought not to be held out as an inducement to future Speakers. The office was one of great dignity, and many men of ample fortune would consider them- selves honoured by being allowed to fill it without any such prospective allowances.

After a few words from Sir CHARLES WETHERELL, who wished the pension to be 5,000/., Lord Althorp's motion was unanimously agreed to.

2. THE CHANCELLOR'S SALARY. On Monday, Lord ALTHORP brought forward his motion for fixing the amount of salary in various offices, originally included in the Civil List, but separated from it by the last act. Among these, the only one concerning which no regula- tion had been hitherto made, was that of the Lord Chancellor, Lord Althorp said, the Salaries Committee had recommended that the entire salary of the Chancellor should be 14,000!.; of that sum, 4,0001. was the salary of his Lordship as Speaker of the House of Peers. The retiring salary, Lord Althorp proposed to augment from 4,000/ to 5,000/., as a compensation in some measure for the loss of patronage which would be the consequence of the abolition of offices in the Chancellor's gift. He noticed the other offices which it was proposed to regulate.

The salary of the Speaker of that House had been derived from various sources ; it was now proposed to charge the whole salary in one sum on the Consolidated Fund, by which the accounts would be simplified. It was also proposed to charge the whole of the salaries of the English and Irish Judges on the Consolidated Fund. In these no alterations, save one, were contemplated. All persons appointed to judicial offices previous to September 1828, were allowed 5,5001. a year. All subsequently appointed had received their offices on condition when Parliamentary regulation should reduce their salaries to 5,000/. a year, ("acceding, to that regulation. Four Judges had been appointed on this understanding ; Which mmuld be carried into effect. The salary of the Cursitor Baron, chose office, after the existing interest bad terminated, was to be abolished, was at present paid partly out of the Civil List and partly by fees. That part whiell was derived from the Civil List Was to be charged on the Con- solidated Fund. The next item, on which there existed some difference of opinion, was the salary of the Judge of the Admiralty Court in Ireland. The salary, which was 500/. at the tune of the petiod of tile Union, had since been raised to 1,000/. ; a sum that, looking to the business and importance of the Court, appeared to be too much. It was, therefore, intended to reduce it to the original amount. The original salary. of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland was 30,-00W. Irish currency, or 27,692/. English. Dining his viceroyalty' the Duke of Northantherland had proposed to relinquish the odd 7,692/., thereby reducing the salary to 20,000/. ; at which it was intended to be fixed.

.Lord Althorp afterwards proceeded to the consideration of that portion of the Pension List which by the Civil List Act will be ex- tinguished on the death of the pensioners. He stated his views of the obligation incurred by the nation as to the continued payments of these salaries—

He had beard all the arguments on this subject in the House ; and lie had read much that had been written upon it ; and it was decidedly his opinion, that if they took advantage of a technicality as to pensions being granted during pleasure, which were in reality given during life, they would act in a way than which nothing could be more unworthy of the honour of this great country. Tins question appeared to him so clearly in the light of a debt of honour, that, however it might have been advantageous for him to adopt a different course, still he felt buund in honour, as a gentleman, not to take ad-

vantage of any technicality concerning it while he remained a Minister of this country. Every thing had confirmed him in his opinion on thispoint ; and although we Were at present in a state of distress, or rather of partial difficulty, still it would not be worth while for the country to seek relief by doing any thing so inconsistent with its character.

He gave a history of this debt of honour—

When this subject was referred to the Committee, the pensions of England • amounted to 73,695/. ; of Scotland, to 30,4671.; of Ireland, to 51,155/. ; and

those on the 46 per cent. fund amounted to 22,295/. Of the last, some were for life, and over them his Majesty had no power ; and others during pleasure, over which the Crown had control by the 7th George IV. By arrangements entered into at the passing of that act, no more pensions of this class were to be

granted, until the expenses of the bishops and clergy in the West Indies were provided for, which had not yet been accomplished. The pensions on the 44 per cent., beyond his'141ajesty's control, amounted to 11,4681. advanced to per- sons during life ; one of these had been granted by Charles II. to Lord Kinnoul and his heirs for ever. Exclusive of these pensions, there remained an aggre- gate for the three kingdoms of 155,000/. ; and of this the whole sum at present allowed on the Civil List was 75,000/. This was a great sacrifice on the part ' of the Crown, and was increased by a further sacrifice of 2,0001. a year. Looking to the pensions on the 41, per cent. fund, and others that would expire • with the ordinary decay of life, and to other smaller reductions, there would be an ultimate saving to the public of 102,612/.

The allowances to diplomatic agents have hitherto been made by a circuitous process of payments and drawbacks. It is now to be sim- plified. Of the amount, Lord Althorp said— The charge on the Civil list amounted to 196,950/. of which 144,950/. was for active service, and 52,0001: for pensions. The diarge was not strictly ad- hered to; and when the expenditure did not reach the entire sum, the balance

was paid into the Consolidated Fund. There were missions of a minor descrip-

• tion, as to Greece, Albania, Columbia, and Buenos Ayres, that were provided - for by.votes of the House.. The total expense of these was 22,500/. ; which was to be added to the sum of 144,950/. It was proposed to reduce this aggre- gate expenditure to 140,000/. ; by which a saving would be effected of 27,450/. He mentioned an intention of reducing the pensions to 40,0001.; but . this is, it seems, from the claims of a number of diplomatists of old standing, impossible. From the age of many of the present pensioners, however, sonic reductions may be expected.

Mr. Gour.nullsr expressed his disapprobation of one part of Lord Althorp's plan,—namely, the payment of 10,000/. of the Lord Chan- cellor's salary out of the Suitors' Fund. He thought the Chancellor of England, in respect to the sources of his emoluments, ought to be placed on the same footing as the 'Chancellor of Ireland. He thought also, that an increased retiring salary might lead to more frequent changes of the Chancellor than was convenient ; and therefore it had better remain as it was. Mr: Goulburn complained that nothing had been done for the Scotch Judges, Whose salaries, he said, -required to be 'augmented.

. Mr. C. FERGESSON also directed attention to this point.

Sir EDWARD SUGDEN wished, previous to settling the salary of the Chancellor, that the average of the receipts of the various Chancellors for the last fourteen or fifteen years should be laid before the House.

• Mr. SPENCE noticed the facts connected with the intended abolition of Chancery sinecures-

• The present Lord Chancellor, immediately on his coming into office, had ap- plied to individuals who understood all the details of business in the Court of Chancery, to .give him their advice and assistance with respect to the reform which he meditated. Meetings took place in consequence, at which the ques- tion of a. proper and judicious reform was discussed. After these discussions, the Lord Chancellor called to his aid and assistance certain other, gentlemen ; . and.he caused to be discussed, in his presence, all the proposals which had been made for a reform in the Court of Chancery. (Sir E. SUGDEN—" Name.") Mr. Duckworth and himself were applied to; • and certainly DO man understood the practice of Chancery better than Mr. Duckworth. It was at first de- termined that there should be three bills ; and Mr. Spence prepared one, which • was to be brought into the House immediately after last Christmas ; but in pre- paring that measure, he found it next to impossible to interfere with the Master's Office, for whose regulation it was meant, without touching the others. It was therefore determined to draw up a bill which should embrace all the offices. • After he had prepared that measure, the Lord Chancellor suggested that a general bill, which would embrace the objects of all the three, should be introduced. Such a bill was prepared, and would very shortly be laid on the table of the House of Lords. It had been ready some time ago ' - and the Lord Chancellor was very anxious to get it through Parliament; but the business of his Court, and his labours in carrying the Reform Bill, had prevented him.

Lord ALTHORP observed, in reply to Mr. Goulburn and Mr. C. Fergusson, that the salaries of the Scotch Judges had never been com- plained of in Scotland.

Mr. W. HARVEY expressed his regret that there was to be no re- form of Chancery itself, after all the magnificent promises on that subject. Certainly the bill of Lord Brougham would not work that reform— They had been often told by his Majesty's present Ministers, when on the Oppo- sition side of the House' that the Court of Chancery was a curse to the country, and that it only required a change of Administration to convot it into a bless- ing. That change of Administration Lad at last come ; and yet he would ven- ture to assert that the Court of Chancery never was in a worse condition than it was at the present moment. There ought to be a realization to a fair awl de- cent extent at least, of the hopes which had been excited on ;his subject. The Court of Chancery, as at present constituted, was, from the beginning to the end, one ulcerated state of things; and suits there, from their: commencement throughout their progress (he would not speak of their end, for be had never seen the end of a Chancery suit) constituted a libel on the justice of the country.

Some conversation afterwards took place on the subject of the salary of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; which Lord Armour admitted might be saved altogether, at some future period, though no sane man could think of abolishing the office just now.

The entire resolutions were agreed to without a division. The re- port was brought up on Tuesday.

On Thursday, in introducing a bill to fix the amount of the Chancellor's salary, Lord ALTHORP stated, that Lord Brougham was desirous that no arrangement should be made respecting the retiring salary until the sinecure offices connected with the Chancellorship had been abolished. He then described the contents of the bill. It pro- vided for the payment of a salary of 10,000/. a year to the Lord Chan- cellor, and 4,000/. to the same person in his capacity of Speaker to the House of Peers. He observed that the Chief Justice of the King's Bench had 10,000/. a year, and the nomination to a sinecure office of 3,000/. a year : bv his arrangements respecting the Bankruptcy Court, Lord Brougham .had relinquished 6,000/. a year; the sum proposed as his salary was therefore by no means great, either looking to the emo- luments of other Judges, or to those enjoyed by his predecessors. It was intended that the Chancellor's salary should commence from the period that the Bankruptcy Act came into operation.

Mr. HumE said, he had objected in Committee to so large a sum as 14,000l.: he thought then that 12,000/. was an ample allowance, and he thought so still. The example of the Chief Justice of the King's Bench was not in point : it had been fixed at 10,000/. in the case of the present Chief Justice, because valuable appointments formerly con-

nected with it been abolished ; it did not follow that this salary would be continued to the next Chief Justice. He was equally ad- verse. to a retiring salary of .5,000!.; he thought 4,000/. -quite enough. It ought to be recollected, that there had been instances of three retired Chancellors, all receiving salaries at one time.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL corrected a mistake of Lord Althorp's respecting the appointments in the gift of the Chief Justice. They had all been taken away, except only the Marshal and the Associate.

Several members joined in the conversation that ensued. The bill was ultimately read a first time.

Lord Bnoucitior, on Thursday, also introduced his bill for the abolition of the sinecure offices in the Chancellor's gift. His Lord- ship stated, that he had been induced to frame a separate bill for the purpose, which, from its simplicity and brevity, there would be no difficulty to have passed into a law, even during the short period that would elapse before the close of the session. As there were duties of considerable importance belonging the offices to be abolished, the ar- rangements for the discharge of which might cause some discus- sion, he meant to fix the abolition of the offices themselves for the 15th April or 1st May next year. The offices to be abolished were the Clerk of the Hanaper, Clerk of the Subpoena Office, Registrar of Affidavits Clerk of the Crown in Chancery, Clerk of the Patents, and Clerk, of the Custos. There was a provision in the bill, that no person appointed before 1st June last should be affected by it; but this provi- sion did not in any respect affect any office which he had ever had at his disposal.

The Duke of WELLINGTON feared that the bill had originated in the observations in the House of Commons, and was introduced to satisfy the Chancellor's high sense of personal honour, rather than on grounds of general expediency. He thought the bill would be best postponed to another session. . •

Lord Baotronam begged leave to correct the Duke, while be thanked him for his courteous expressions. It was notfrom any thing that had lately occurred that he was induced to bring forward the bill; it was the results of opinions formed long before he was Chancellor, and ex- pressed both before and since. The Duke overlooked an important consequence of the bill: if any of the offices in question became vacant before next session of Parliament, it could only be conditionally filled *up. In the choice Of the time for introducing the bill, Lord Brougham added, he thought he was properly influenced by the circumstance of men's minds being turned towards its object, as it might be expected in consequence to pass with the less opposition.

3. GERMANY. Mr. H. L. Bur.wEa, on Thursday, moved for an address to the King requesting his, Majesty to exert his in- fluence with the Germanic. Diet in opposition to the course pur- sued by them. Mr. Bulwer traced the political history of Germany. Originally a free government, suitable to the genius of the times, existed in the various states of the Federation ; which only terminated with the victories of Austerlitz and Jena, when the principle of op- pressing the small states to exalt the large was first avowed and applied. The defeat of Napoleon in the Russian campaign gave an opportunity to Germany to cast, off a yoke, . which had been reluctantly. borne. Russia , and Prussia appealed' to the former free constitutions of Ger- many, which they avoived 'their" itiOntion ofrestoring; and the rising

of Germany in mass, and.the battle of Leipsic, and the downfal of the French power, rapidly followed. By the second article of the Congress of Vienna, the promises of Russia and Prussia were respected, and the rights of every class of the nation were solemnly guarranteed, with the opposition only of Wirtemburg. On that occasion, Hanover delivered a note to the Congress, a copy of which Mr. Bulwer read-

" That his Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Great Britain could not admit that the changes which had taken place 1n Germany since the Revolution had given to the Kings of Bavaria and Wirtemburg any right to absolute.sove- reignty over their subjects, nor that the overthrow of the German Empire had fonts legal consequence the overthrow of the lieculiar constitution of the differ- ent States : that a representative system existed of right from time immemorial in the German Empire : that the act of the Confederation of the Rhine itself— that concentration of despotism—did not accord to Sovereigns a despotic power ; and that as to the title of Sovereign itself, it was in nowise expressive of despotic power, inasmuch as that the King of Great Britain wits as mut+ a Sovereign as any Prince in Europe, and that the liberties of his people, so far from menacing his Throne, were the best guarantee for its stability."

And to this note, .Austria, Prussia, and Bavaria agreed. Mr. Buhver noticed those parts of the act of Confederation which embodied the principle of the Prince Regent's note— The od Article declared—" That the object ofthe Confederation wits to main- tain the internal and external security of Germany, the independence and in- violability of the Confederated States." Article RIth declared,—" That there should be assemblies of States in all the countries of the Confederation."

He quoted the 18th Article, which has been relied on by the Diet for the justification of its late decrees, and traced the history of the ar- ticle— Article 18th begins by stating—" That the Princes and free:cities of Ger- many are agreed to assure to their subjects of the Confederated States the follow- ing rights." After mentioning various things that the Diet would do in the „grant of particular rights and privileges, it goes on to say, " that the Diet will occupy itself, at its first reunion • vith uniform law respecting the liberty of the press, and the measures to adopt for guaranteeing authors and editors against the piracy or contrefaction of their works." In regard to this artide,there were two things to observe—first, from its preamble, which states that the fol- lowing rights are about to be assured to the people of the confederated States, it .is clear that the uniform laws respecting the liberty of the press were to assure the right of the liberty of the press; secondly, that the passage relating to au- thors and their works was inserted in consequence of the prayer of the principal 'booksellers in Germany, who set forth as the ground of their petition " that no -State has a right to permit its subjects to do an injury to the subjects of a foreign State." It was evidently inserted as a boon and grace to the people of Germany, and a recognition of that separation and independence in respect to literary pub- lications which the prayer of the booksellers set forth."

Mr. Bulwer went on to notice the suspension of the labours of the Confederation by Napoleon's return from Elba, and the excuse fur- nished by the assassination of Kotzebue for the Congress at Carlsbad -and the second Congress at Vienna. Ile then came to the late Proto- cols of the Diet ; which he minutely criticised. He stated the sum of the whole to he- - " That the Sovereigns of Austria and Prussia are willing to give Germany just so much constitutional liberty as will not allow its writers to write—its pro- • fessors to teach—its Chambers to vote taxes and to rnake speeches, or to propose resolutions ; while every State shall be so inviolate, so independent, that with or without the invitation of its Sovereign, a deputation of Austrian or Prussian hussars may be sent to keep it in order."

This was the question for consideration—was it politic for England 'under such circumstances to interfere ?

" She is placed by peculiar circumstances in such a situation, that if she do not interfere, by some expression of her opinion at all events, in favour of the German People, she must be thought to take the part of the Ger- man Sovereigns. One of the misfortunes ot the otherwise happy event of the Accession of the present family to the British throne, was that by which George the First remained Elector, as the present King now is, King of Hanover. It may be very well to say that Hanover and England are two separate kingdoms- -that the one has nothing to do with the other. This may be the case theoreti-

cally; but it never has been—it cannot be so practically. It is impossilde to con- tend that an individual can be so little identified with himself as to have his troops as King of Hanover fighting on one side of a question and his troops as Kin.-

of England on another. The policy pursued by the King A King must, with-

out strong proofs to the contrary, be considered as the policy of the King of Eng- land. So much, indeed, was this identity considered at the Treaty tit Vienna, that the Plenipotentiary of Hanover strongly insisted, in urging the the claims eethith that kingdom had to consideration, on the circumstance that it was closely connected with, and must in a great measure be sunported by, the resources of Great Britain. The King of Hanover, it is said, during those three days in avhich the King of England was supposed to have adopted a new course of policy, and a new Administration, signed and approves of the document which es the subject of our consideration. We cannot, therefore at this moment—mat- ters remaining as they are—be considered indifferent to or aloof from this question. All that moral influence, resulting from the supposition that the individual at the head of this Government is favourable to the oppression of the Diet, is now in full operation against the resistance of the people. This consideration would call upon the House for some expression of its opinion. A hasty, foolish desire to interfere and intenneddle with foreign States, was as far from his idea of the course of policy that this country ought to pursue, as any thing he could con- ceive. Still be would not consent to England being a mere cipher, a nullity in the political combinations of Europe. He would not consent to the proposition, that she is to look with perfect indifference on the Continent, and think that no changes there can by possibility affect her. But if there is anything which im- mediately affects the interests of England more than another, it is the fate of Germany. Unite that country under a good Government, it is at once a check

upon the aggrandisement of France, and ambition of Russia. Leave it as it is, it is a tool in the hands of the one, or a prey to the other. The ancient empire was a grave and august body—always agitated, and never acting; it crumbled

to pieces at the first shock. But why did it do so ? Because it had no united, national feeling—because it did not contain one nation, but two armies. This is the system which failed ; this is the system which, since the treaty of Vienna, Prussia and Austria have been labouring to re-establish. Is it possible to ima- gine that the events of the Revolutionary war would not have furnished a better lesson? Was it the troops of Austria—was it the troops of Prussia which rolled back the tide of French Invasion? The sapient councillors of Austria were not

once successful—the chivalry of Prussia was crushed in a single day. But the armies of these States, though so easily subdued themselves, had been sufficient to cramp and crush the energies of others. When they were defeated, the

whole ofGermany was lost—the South—the North; and mark the bard fate of the minor Powers, kept down by a tyranny sufficient to oppress them, but unable

to keep off their enennes. But when the armies of Germany were put down, then its people arose; then they began to minutiae and to combine together; a real confederation was then formed ; tlun its plans were laid—their opportu- nities were watched—the occasion came. Here is the result of the two systems. It is seen what the armies of Germany did, and what the people. The one was swept down in a single battle—the other was victorious in a hundred conflicts. If England wish Germany to be strong—and it is the strength of Germany that makes the peace of Europe—is it not the wisdom of the 14ouse to address the Sovereign according to the terms of the motion?"

Mr. HUME seconded the address.

Lord PALMERSTON complimented Mr. Bulwer on his zeal and abi- lity, but dissented from his conclusions— If danger existed to any of the Constitutional States — whether to the greater ones like that of France, or to the smaller ones like those of Germany— it should not be a matter of indifference to this country. The Constitutional States of Europe were our natural allies. But it was one thing for this country to show itself not inattentive to those States, and another, to agree to any par- ticular course which any honourable gentleman might advise, for the purpose of showing that we were not inattentive. He took the same general view as Mr. Billwer, of the object and intention of the formation of the Germanic Diet. It was admitted in 1815, and time admission was confirmed in 1820, that the Diet was formed for the general safety.of the respective States of whose representa- tives it was to be composed, and it was also admitted for thepermanence and inviolability of their independence. Anything, therefure, which should violate that independence, void d be a departure from the letter as well as from the spirit of the neatv. But what was the state of the transactions, as far as they had gone, with respect to the Germanic States? He was not there, as an in- dividual, to pronounce any judgment on the policy or prudence of the course pursued by the Germanic Diet ; nor was he, as a Minister of this country, called upon to pronounce any judgment on:the acts of that body, which, prima jiwie at least, had no reference to the external relations of those states as a con- federated body. But though, as a Minister, he was not called ii wit to pro- nounce any such judgment, he might, in the expression of an individual opi- nion, say, that the Germanic Diet had very much over-estimated the dangers against which they proposod to guard ; and had adopted means more than pro- portioned to the real danger, as he viewed it. lierf2„.however, they had the fact, that an united confederacy of many of the Sovereigns of Europe had unani- mously adopted certain resolutions as to their internal relations with each other, and not affecting their foreign relations; and on that fact he did not see how a foreign state could interfere. Before any ground for such interference could be made out, it would be necessary to show that the acts were such as would operate injuriously on other states. Having alluded to the meetings and speeches which had led to the adoption by the Diet of so strong measures, he came to the only sound argument by which our interference could be justified— It was said that the resolutions of the Germanic Diet would create such differences between parts of the Germanic body as would compromise the peace of Europe ; and that, if a war were begun in consequence, it would be a war of opinion which would spread far beyond its source. If it did, this country would be beund not only as a patty to the treaty of Vienna, but inde- prudently of that, by its extensive commercial relations, to take such steps as would hest preserve her from the effects of such a war. Now, admitting the probability of our being drawn in by circumstances such as those to which he hail referred, to take a part in such a contest, he would ask Mr. Bulwer, how any if those possible or probable events were to be prevented by the course which he proposed to the House He concluded— Whatever he might think of the measure adopted by the Diet at Frankfort, and of its having greatly magnified the danger against which it proposed to guard (though he would admit that danger did exist to a certain extent), still he must believe that the Governments which were parties to that measure must themselves see the danger of such conflicts as might arise between the People and the Government in some states, and that while they might be sufficiently alive to the necessity of putting down any dangerous combinations, they could not possibly be blind to the certain risks to which they would be exposed in the unjust and. impolitic attempt to put down the free constitutions of the people. Mr. '1'. P. COURTENAY took occasion of the debate to enter into a long rambling speech respecting the whole of the foreign policy of the country, beginning at the expedition to Ancona, which we had permit- ted, and ending with the appointment of an agent to accompany the armies of Don Pedro, with an interpolated argument respecting the Russian-Dutch loan, which has been the subject of so much discussion itt the House.

Colonel EVANS replied to Mr. Courtenay; and in the course of his speech vindicated Colonel Hodges from some calumnious remarks that had been made upon him by a Morning Aliguelite journal. Colonel Evans concluded by complimenting Government for what they had done, while lie thought they ought, by agreeing with Mr. Bulwer's mo- tion, to do a little more— His noble friend Lord Palmerston admitted our right to interfere in this in- stance, but he denied the discretion of doing so. He believed, in fact, that his noble friend did not so much deny the discretion of our interference, as the dis- cretion of interfering in the way proposed by the present vote. ("Hear, hear " from Lord Palmerston.) Indeed, he happened to know from foreigners connected with the diplomatic missions in this country, that the noble lord and his Majesty's Government, though they had not thought it prudent or expedient to say so in their places in Parliament, had already interfered in a manner that did them much honour, and which he hoped might eventually lead to results of the most gratifying description.

Mr. liumE said, the present Government, though declaring againsf all interference with other states, had done so as often and Oil as light

grounds as any that had gone before it. Its own convenience had

formed, in that respect, its only rule. He deprecated interference generally—which had done much ill to England, and little good to its objects ; but if we interfered in regard to Belgium and Italy, there seemed no reason why we should refuse to interfere respecting Ger- many_ If we should ever allow the expediency of this country interfering in the affairs of Europe, it was when the liberties of Europe were about to be destroyed; and it' ever our interposition was justifiable and imperative, it was when it was required for the preservation of the privileges and rights of Germany. He for one thought that it was calculated to throw doubt and suspicion on the head of

the Government of this country, that when the liberties of Europe and the

rights of mankind were menaced with de:Struction by a conspiracy of armed lespots,—when every sort of freedom and independence was put down in the lesser States of Germany,—when their different assemblies were no longer to he allowed the expression of their opinions, and when those States were about being placed under complete subjection by the military forces of the despots of Austria and Prussia, this country did not at once come forward and raise its voice against such iniquitous proceedings. Lord PALMERSTON noticed, in proof that the King of Hanover was alive to the constitutional principles of Hanover, the fact, that subse- quently to his giving his assent to the resolutions of the Diet of Frank- fort, he had transmitted a communication to the States of Hanover, to confirm and enlarge the privileges of his subjects. The memorandum Of the 1st May, alluded to by kr. Courtenay, recommending a Repre- sentative Government to Italy, was signed, not by England and France merely, but by Russia, Austria, and Prussia. The British vessels stationed at Oporto and Lisbon had been placed there solely to protect British interests, and not to interfere in any way with the belligerent parties. The officer sent to Don Pedro's head quarters, went thither merely to announce the nature of the instructions under which Lord W. Bentinck was acting; and to say, that Lord W. Russell had gone to the frontiers of Spain, in order to see that a strict neutrality was observed by that country.

Some conversation across the table ensued; after which 'Arr. Iltilwer's motion was withdrawn, and a motion of Mr. COURTENAY'S for the pro- duction of" copies of the declarations made by his Majesty's Govern- ment to the other European Powers, in 1831 and 1832, with regard to the internal affairs of the Papal dominions ; also copies of the declara- tions made by his Majesty's Government to the Government of Aus- tria, with respect to the military occupation of the Papal States by that Power ; and for returns of the dates of the ratifications of the treaty, in reference to Belgium, of the 15th of November 1831, by the great Powers," was negatived,—with the exception of the last-mentioned document, which Lord PALMERSTON agreed to lay before the House.

4. RUSSIAN LOAN BILL. This bill was read a second time on Monday.

Lord GODERICII, in moving the second reading, entered into a his- tory of the treaty in which it had originated.

The Duke of WELLINGTON observed, that the real question was the propriety of the payments up to the last. It was doubt- ful if a legal right existed in December 18:30, but assuredly it did not subsequently to December, and previous to ratification of the last convention on the subject. Still, the Duke was fully sa- tisfied that the payments were equitably due, and that the case was simply a cases omissus in the treaty. Ministers, however, having made the payments, ought to have come to Parliament for an in- demnity. It was clear that if we were legally compelled to pay, so was the King of Holland ; yet he took advantage of the easus ontissus to re- fuse fulfilling his engagements. The Duke concluded by censuring the conduct of the Allied Powers in respect of the King of Holland, and i more especially the conduct of England and France, n threatening that monarch with war if he did not comply with their demands. He after- wards adverted to the state of the Peninsula, "which was about to be reduced to a state of confusion which it had formerly cost us so much blood and treasure to avert ;" and to the French occupation of Anemia, which was also producing so much confusion among our ancient allies. The Duke traced all these evils to our alliance with France ; which, at the same time, he allowed to be essential to the peace of Europe.

Lord GODERICII said, the only question before the House was, the second reading of a bill for enabling Govern/neat to-make good certain payments due to the Court of Russia. He did not think it necessary to enter on the foreign policy of the country under such circum- stances, notwithstanding the Duke's invitation.

Lord WYNFORD contended at some length, that Russia had neither a legal nor equitable claim on Great Britain. He entered into a minute and elaborate criticism of the treaties with a view to prove this.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, in binding Russia to the junction of Belgium and Holland, Lord Castlereagh performed a great public service. These countries had now been dissevered, whether right or wrong he should not say, chiefly by our interposition. How then could Russia be said o have forfeited her claims on us ?

Lord BROUGHAM went over the same arguments for the continuance of the payments that were employed by Lord Althorp, Mr. Stanley, and the other Ministerial speakers in the House of Commons.

The Earl of ABERDEEN deprecated the abandonment of the King of Holland for the sake of backing Belgium,—or, in other words, playing the game of France.

The bill was then read a second time. It was committed on Tues- day; and on Wednesday read a third time, and passed.

5. FORGERY BILL. On Tuesday, Sir TuomAs PENMAN moved the third readineb of the Forgery I3ill. He noticed a recent case, which ex- emplified the importance of having a certain secondary punishment, in preference to a capital punishment rarely inflicted— To show that prisoners, whose offences brought them within the line of capi- tal punishment depended on the merciful feelings of a Jury for acquittal, in con- sequence of the fearful nature of the penalty, he might instance the case of Lavers, whom he had, about a month since, been sent down to the Old Bailey to prosecute. The criminal had obtained 1,100/. from the Pay-office, on account of a deceased officer, by means of a variety of sham documents. On examining the evidence, Sir Thomas saw that the charge of forgery could not be substantiated. When this was intimated to the prisoner, he immediately pleaded Guilty to the minor charge; but Sir Thomas underste:od, that as respected the capital charge, how- ever strong the evidence might have been, he would have pleaded Not Guilty.

Sir Thomas, in further supporting the bill, having quoted the senti- ments of Dr. Johnson on the subject, and those of the late Sir James Mackintosh

SirCHARLES WETHERELL denied that, as far as his public conduct went, Sir James Mackintosh was friendly to such a bill as that before the House. Sir James was always understood to concur in the classi- fication of crimes, which was presented in the consolidation laws of Sir Robert Peel, where the punishment of death for forgery was re- tained. Sir Charles noticed that Paley, "the most humane and learned and philanthropic man the country ever produced," approved of the law which made sheep-stealing capital, on the ground of the great amount as well as exposure of such description of property. He noticed the late law on that subject— Some of the most able and learned men on the Bench had stated that the new Bet placed them in a very difficult situation. It was quite clear that cases of cattle-stealing might occur where a relaxation of the law at the discretion of the Judge, would be most proper. But no discretion was now left to the Judge. In every casi, the sentence, under the new act, must be transportation for fife. However gross and aggravated the case might be, transportation for life was the extent of the punishment; and however trivial it was, however great the cir. curnstances of mitigation, still the Judge had no discretionary power, and trans. portation for life must be the consequence of conviction. Those modern pedants in legislation had taken away all discretion from the Judges ; and the least eul- pable as well as the most atrocious offender received the same amount of punish- ment.

He denied that Dr. Johnson was friendly to the abolition of capital punishment in cases of forgery' and noticed his letter to Lord North in behalf of Dr. Dodd in proof of his opinions on that point.

The doctr:ne that all capital punishments were improper, was not to be found in the writings of the moralist Paley, or in the disquisitions of our great jurist Blackstone ' • but it was reserved for the pedantic and absurd soi-disant lanthropists—the smelling-bottle and white-pocket-handkerchief gentry of the present day to discover such a doctrine—to hunt out such a principle and to tips ply it practically to the legislation of this country.

Mr. C. FeacussoN begged to puf Sir Charles right respecting the cattle-stealing bill— The bill imposing transportation for life on all persons found guilty of stealing cattle, without any discretion being left, as fomiei ly, in the hands of the Judges, and which bill Sir Charles had so justly ridiculed,—was not the bill passed by the House of Commons, but the bill as it came down from the House of Lords, with the absurd and milawyerlike amendment that had been there introduced into it by Sir Charles's honourable and noble friend Lord Wynford.

Mr. Fergusson afterwards quoted the Rambler, No. 114, to show

w that Dr. Johnson's sentiments on the subject of capital punishment v in perfect unison with the spirit of the bill before the House.

Sir EDWARD SUGDEN regretted that they should have to discuss a bill of so much importance while there were not above twenty members present. He expressed himself decidedly hostile to the bill, although it was not his intention to oppose it. He noticed a rumour, that if it were carried, the Bank of England would not be able to carry on its business ; and asked Lord .Althorp if there had been any communica- tion from the bank on the subject?

At this point, Mr. KEARSLEY, the nominee for Wigau, moved that the House should be counted. There were, however, forty members present ; and Mr. Kearsley was disappointed in his wish to adjourn the motion.

Mr. HUME deprecated the terms applied by Sir Charles Wetherell to those persons who were desirous of mitigating the sanguinary character of the criminal code.

Lord ALTIIORP, in answer to Sir Edward Sugden, said no communi- cation had been made to Government, although he did not deny having heard that some influential persons connected with the Bank had ex- pressed some fears on the subject.

Lord Advocate JEFFREY wound up the debate— He rose rather in the character of a witness, to state that, from his experience in Scotland, the extreme and unmitigated severity of the law rendered it difficult to secure a conviction for forgery. By the common law of-Scotland, death was attached to what were called the graviora delicta ; but the public prosecutor might mitigate or restrict the charge, and not proceed for a capital punishment. Formerly, the graviora delicta were cciannonly prosecuted capitally ; but of late years, it had become a matter of extreme difficulty to convict for forgery; and within the last four or five years, he and his learned friends had found it necessary, in cases of clear guilt, to restrict the libel to a minor charge, not affecting life. He would undertake to say, that in nineteen out of twenty cases, during the last six or seven years, the public prosecutor had been obliged BO to restrict the libel.

The bill was then read a third time, and passed.

6. IRISH REFORM BILL. The Bill was read a third time on Mon- day. On the question that it pass, certain verbal amendments were proposed by the Duke of WELLINGTON, and acceded to. Lord RODEN moved, that the appointment of the Barristers to decide on the claims of voters should be left to the Judges, as in England. The motion was lost, on a division, by 24 to 36. The Bill was then passed, with- out further opposition.

One of the amendments of the Lords disfranchised all freeholders of towns who shall obtain their freeholds subsequent to the 1st of March 1831, otherwise than by inheritance, marriage, or marriage- settlement. When the bill was last night brought down to the Commons for their concurrence, Mr. STANLEY said, it was from omission that the amendment had not been restricted to forty-shilling freeholders. He proposed that the Commons should adopt it when so modified. Another continues the rights of freemen to all children of freemen born previous to the 1st of March 1831. Mr. Stanley said, he con- sented to this amendment merely because of the advanced period of the session ; which, if he did not, might endanger the bill altogether.

Mr. JEPIISON thought a conference should first be had recourse to.

Lord ALTHORP was of opinion that a conference would produce no effect. There being only five Irish members present, Mr. JErnsair withdrew his opposition; and the amendments, with Mr. Stanley's modification, were agreed to.

7. BRIBERY BILL. On Monday, a long conversation took place in Committee on this bill; the result of which was the postponement of all of it, except one or two clauses, -until Wednesday, on the ga. neral understanding that it would be impossible to proceed with it this session. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, he rather believed that the object of the bill might ad interim be insured by a resolution of the House.

8. TITHES COMPOSITION. Another attempt was made on Wednes- day to prevent this bill from going into Committee ; but there Was a better attendance than on the previous evening, and the motion of Mr. RUTIIVEN for that purpose was, in consequence, not pressed to a division.

On the first clause, Mr. WALLACE proposed an amendment for the purpose of repealing the whole of the Composition Acts specified in the recital, that a general commutation of tithes should be effected, and

Commissions be appointed to form thereby a sufficient fund out of which to pay the clergy and compensate the lay impropriators. The House divided on this amendment : for it, 8; against it, 60.

Mr. STANLEY next proposed a clause enabling the Lord-Lieutenant to appoint a Commissioner, where the parties compounding could not

agree. The House divided on this amendment also ; which was carried by 57 to 10. The amendment was subsequently modified, on the recommendation of Mr. SriEa.—the decision of the Lord Lieutenant's Commissioner not to be given for three months after the investigation, and not then, unless required by the parties.

Major MACZNIAMARA said— The right honourable gentleman might make alterations if he pleased, and the House might pass the bill if it pleased; but he could tell them that the people of Ireland were resolved not to pay tithes, no matter under what pre- text or modification. They felt them to be a grievous tax upon the industry of the country, the more obnoxious as they were levied by the enormously richly- endoweil Church of the comparative few Protestants upon a people professing another religion. Ministers might dismiss Colonel Butler, from the Deputy- Lieutenancy of Kilkenny, merely for presiding over a peaceable meeting of his fellow-countrymen, whose object was to petition the legislature against this monstrous tax ; but that act of ill-judged severity would not for a moment pre- vent the gentlemen of Ireland from joining the people in their cry for its aboli- tion. For his own part, he would to-morrow act as Colonel Butler had acted, even though Ministers should visit his conduct by erasing his name from the list of magistrates. After a number of clauses had been agreed to, the House resumed, and the Chairman obtained leave to sit again.

On the House going into Committee on Thursday, Mr. STANLEY moved an amendment on the 13th clause, to exempt tenants at will from composition till November 1831 Mr. SHEIL again recommended the postponement of the whole mea- sure. The only effect of it would be to transfer the odium of a hateful impost from the clergy to the landlords.

Mr. STANLEY said, be had been very much misunderstood if it was was supposed he meant to attain any other object.

No one could deny, that if tithes were to-morrow wholly abated, the only effect would be the increase of the landlord's rent to the amount of the abolition : so that it followed, the tenant would derive no advantage from the change, other than that which the present bill would afford him,—narnely, the relieving him from the annoyance and expense of paying two collectors, instead of one.

Mr. O'FERRAL spoke of the bill as most unjust towards the Irish landlords, and said he would resist its operation by all means short of force.

Mr. LEADER adverted with great asperity to the remarks of the Morning Chronicle on the factious spirit displayed by a handful of Irish members in regard to the bill. He would not, he said, be deterred, by such slanderous calumnies, from doing his duty.

The Committee divided on Mr. Stanley's amendment ; which was carried by 47 to 17.

The remaining clauses, together with the preamble, were then agreed to, and the report ordered to be considered next day.

The report was considered last night, and the third reading fixed for Monday.

9. RELIEF TO THE WEST INDIES. A long conversation took place last night on the subject of a grant of 57,000/. to make good the pro- mise of Government of relief to such of the West India Islands as should accept of the Oilier in Council. From the conversation it appeared, that only the Crown Colonies had accepted the Order, and of them only one or two had made any claim in consequence. Mr. HUME said, he was willing to agree in any grant that might be proposed for the abolition of Slavery, but he must protest against pay- ments by driblets like the present. He ridiculed the details of the Order in Council— If the Orders were strictly complied with, the Negro, besides working only _from seven to nine hours a day—that is, a great deal less than an English .labourer, and receiving twice as much rations as an English soldier, would be in the possession of luxuries which perhaps, the planters themselves did not possess or require. The masters were enjoined to provide the Negroes each year with so many pair of shoes—whether neat leather or Spanish, was left to the taste and discretion of the planter. They were to furnish them with a razor apiece every year—that they might sell them again, he supposed, as Moses in the Vicar of Wakefield was to sell the gross of green spectacles. What other use could Negro or Planter make of so many razors ? Why, he had used but one case of razors since 1795, and these he bought second-hand. (Laughter.) The whole legislation of the Abolitionists in relation to the West Indian Colonies strongly reminded him of an anecdote which was rife when he svasin India. A learned philanthropist:was sent out there as a judge in one of the courts. On his arrival in India, he was carried in the usual manner from the ship to the shore by natives, whom the climate _prevented from wearing any clothing, save a cloth girdle round the middle. The philanthropic judge was shocked. "Poor creatures," said he, "I shall take care ere I ant a week in office, to have a law 'passed, by which every one of you shall be provided with a pair of leather breeches. (Laughter.) Lord ALTHORP said the case stood simply thus— Relief had been promised to those Colonies which would adopt the Order in Council ; that relief should be afforded them. They came to Parliament to enable them to perform that promise. It was true, the Order was not acted Upon everywhere; but in cases where it was not acted on, no money would be paid. They could not, however, without the sanction of Parliament on the present occasion, have the means of keeping their promise in any case. The House divided on the question of going into Committee on the grant : for Ministers, 51; against them, 20. The grant itself was agreed to without a division.

10. SEWERS OF THE METROPOLIS. On Tuesday, Sir FRANCIS BURDETT brought forward a motion on the state of the Sewers ; for the proper keeping of which, he stated, not less than 216,000/. was an- nually paid, notwithstanding the disgraceful state in which they were permitted to remain. He concluded by moving a resolution, directing Mr. Telford to examine and report on the present means of sewerage, and on the improvements that might be effected in it. Lord ALTHORP suggested, that instead of being left to the discretion of a private individual, however capable, the inquiry should rather be directed by Government.

Mr. WARBURTON thought, the state of the law, which was wholly destructive of anything like responsibility, was the great cause of the complained of evils, and its amendment would readily remove them. Mr. HUME suggested the consolidation of the different boards.

The niotion was withdrawn, on the understanding that its object • would be- accomplished by Government.

11. RECIPROCITY IN ENGLISH AND FRENCH. LITERATURE. At the sitting of the House of Commons on Saturday last (which we noticed. bring in a bill for the purpose of *purchasing from the University of to briefly in our second edition), Mr. Seams. RICE obtained leave-

Aberdeen its right to its share of the eleven copies of every printed work which the publishers are called on to furnish for the different

public libraries of the kingdom. The sum to be paid to the Univer- sity for the relinquishment of a right is 450/. per annum. Mr. Rice stated the object of the purchase. Already, from arrangements made -by the Speaker, there was a mutual interchange of all public documents' between this country mid France. Overtures had been made for an in- terchange of all literary works also ; and by the arrangement in question this would be effected, as it would admit of one copy of all English works being furnished to the French National Library, which in return would transmit a copy of all French works to the library of the British Museum. No additional expense would be incurred, because the sun paid to Aberdeen University would be saved in the grant to the British Museum.

12. ECCLESIASTICAL COURTS CONTEMPT BILL. Lord Brougham's Bill on this subject, which was the occasion of so many speeches front the Marquis of Westmeath, in the House of Lords, has been repeatedly opposed in its passage through the Commons, by the Irish Opposition Members, because of the retroactive operation which, as alleged, it will have on the noble Marquis's case. It was opposed in Committee last night by Mr. LEFROY ; who was, however, defeated by 34 to 12.. The report is to be received to-day.

13. RIGHTS OF WOMAN.. Last night, Mr. HUNT presented a petition: from a JUiss Mary Smith, praying that she and other spinsters might have a vote for members of Parliament. The petition seems to have put the House into a perfect riot of coarse humour : it was the cause of several remarks on the part of Sir F. TRENCH and Mr. HUNT, iii particular, which, from respect for our female readers, we do not choose to copy.

On the motion for printing the petition, Mr. STANLEY observer!, that it was opposed to the standing rule, as it was the petition of an individual— Mr. licyr—" Miss Smith is a spinster, and has nothing to do with Stand- ing Orders : besides, she is a lady, and when a lady's in the case, All other things of course give place.' " I put it to the gallantry of the House whether Miss Smith should not ga to press, and will abide by that test in a division."

The rest was much more emphatic, in the same line.

14. Sue A. B. KING. Lord ALTHORP moved, last night, tint 2,500/. be granted for one year's compensation to this gentleman, in consideration of his being deprived of the patent of King's Stationer for Ireland. Lord Althorp said, he was induced to do so, solely because of the promises held out by the last Administration. For himself, he did not consider any compensation to be due.

The grant was supported by Mr. LEADER, Sir A. DALRYMPLE, an Mr. SHAW, and opposed by Mr. HUME and MT. HUNT. It was carried. by 52 to 2.

15. PENSIONS COMMUTATIONS. On a vote of 50,0001. for commut- ing pensions, which was agreed to last night, Sir JonN Hoimousz observed on the exaggerated tales of hardships incurred in consequence' of these commutations— Out of 1,581 cases, which was the number of commutations made in 1831, there were only 190 of those in which any cause of grievance had taken place • spa- out of those 190, there were only 26 for whose welfare the War-Office couldRott account, as far as this country was concerned.

16. GOVERNOR DARLING. At the request-of Lord ALTHORP, • Mr..' HUME, on Wednesday, consented to withdraw his motion respectieg the late Governor of New South Wales, for the present session,