Una.

MONDAY, DECEMBER 30nr.

Tin poll demanded on behalf of the Earl of Lincoln, at the nomi- nation for Nottingham, took place on Friday, and resulted in an over- whelming majority for Sir Robert Clifton, the numbers being :* Clifton, 2813; Lincoln, 1122; majority, 1391. Sir Robert has since issued the following address :

"To THE ELECTORS OF THE BOROUGH OF NOTITNGHAH. Gentlemen,—I have long been ambitious of the honour of representing you Parliament, and you have now gratified my wishes in a manner for which I cannot adequately thank you. I entered your borough nearly a month since, personally unknown, placed my pretensions and my electoral fortunes at your disposal, and appealed to your judgment in support of my claims upon your confidence and favour. You have generously and nobly responded to that appeal, and have declared yourselves my constituents. The contest, sufficiently severe in its electoral character and duration, had been needlessly aggravated by per- sonalities which must sow be sincerely regretted by all parties ; but for the origin of which neither I nor my friends are responsible. Having read our opponents a lesson of humility they were unwilling to learn, we can now afford to be generous towards them, and forget and forgive their past usurpation, in the hope and belief that, having become wiser, they will no longer dictate to the 4800 pollable electors of Nottingham as to whom they shall elect as their representative and whom reject. You gratify and flatter me by your faith in my maintenance of the amicable relations and reasonable obligations between a representative and his constituents ; and you may rest assured that, as one of the members for the good town of Nottingham, it will be my pride and pleasure to promote the collec- tive and individual, as well as the commercial interests of all its inhabitants. Again most cordially and gratefully acknowledging my obligation for the splendid majority recorded in my favour, " I have the honour to be, Gentlemen, your faithful servant, " ROBERT J. CLIFTON." "A Hungarian" writes to the Times from Pesth, on the capabilities of his country for the supply of agricultural pro- duce to England, in the event of a war between the latter country and America. The annual cereal production of Hun. vary* 262,200,000 imperial quarters, of which, after deducting the quantity required for the consumption of a population of ,.4,000,900, 66,000,000 quarters of gram remain to be exported, of which 36,000,000 are wheat. This quantity might be largely in- creased, as full 30 per cent. of the 25,000,000 acres devoted to gram at present remain fallow every year. Hitherto, Hungarian gram has been exclusively absorbed by Germany, and though in a few cases exportation to England may have been made by the Elbe, and through Hamburg or Stettin, there has been no regular trade. Lines of rail- , way, however, having been opened to Pesth, and other large grain markets of Hungary, connecting them with the great European railway system, therels now no reason why Hungarian wheat should not find its way to the English market, and compete on equal terms with Russian and American. Hungary also produces in large quan- tities, wool, wine, timber, salt and smoked meat, &e. tic., but in consequence of Austrian misgovernment has never yet been enabled to obtain a fair market for any one article. "A Hungarian" con- cludes by earnestly urging upon the English Government the benefits which would accrue to Hungary from the appointment of an English consul at Pesth :

" We are deeply persuaded that had an English consulate been established there the English merchant, great in practical knowledge, clear headedness, and steadfastness of purpose, would have found a guarantee for embarking in enter- prise, and we Hungarians would soon have learnt what we are still ignorant of— how to' do a good business.' "Companies would have been formed because the profits would have been evident. While one, by building steam mills on the largest scale, could have sent in great quantities the flour of the excellent Hungarian wheat to England ; another, establishing central wine- cellars at Pestb, would have proceeded to make brandy from ordinary wines, or to prepare good wines according to the English taste. In this way the credit of the Hungarian wines, impaired as it is day after day by the adulterations practised by wine-merchants, would soon have been restored. Saw-mills also would pay, and profits could be made by the formation of a new steamboat company. Tugs are wanted ; those now on the Danube pay 12 per cent. Endless fields of enterprise could be pointed out, not alone for the benefit of those actively concerned in them, but for that of mankind in general. From entering into anything of this nature, however, without English capital, we are incapacitated by our present unhappy condition. "I submit these details to the English public, earnestly desiring to enlist its interest in the subject on which they treat, and, in so doing, to serve my country, - England, and the cause of civilization itself."

— It appears from the Board of Trade Returns for November, that the falling off in our exports for that month, as compared with the corresponding period of last year, is 882,9871., or about 8 per cent. This is almost entirely accounted for by the reduction in cotton manufactures, which amounts to 738,1301. 'Under the head of iron there is also a diminution of 165,9911., while woollens compensate for part of the total decrease by an increase in declared value of 172,9571., and unenumerated articles exhibit an increase of 228,5171. The total exports during the first eleven months of the year have been 115,355,004/., showing a decrease of 8,359,2721., or 61 per cent. as compared with the corresponding period of 1860, and of 4,258,1811. as against 1860. The only striking feature presented by the table of imports is the diminution by fully one-half of the imports of all kinds of grain, with the exception of Indian corn, in which there is a considerable increase.

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 31ST.

— A public meeting of the officers in the British merchant service and shipowners was held at Liverpool on Monday, to take into con- sideration the Admiralty regulations for granting commissions to merchant captains and officers in the Royal Naval Reserve. Mr. S.

R. Graves, ex-mayor of Liverpool, took the chair, and the meeting was numerously attended. The chairman, in opening the proceed-

ings, expressed his regret that Liverpool should have done so little in the support of the Royal Naval Reserve. In Aberdeen, the number enrolled was 271: in Hartlepool, 436 ; in Dundee, 408 ; in Sunder- land, 857 ; and in Shields, 924 ; while in Liverpool, aport with in- finitely more shipping than any of those lie had mentioned, the number enrolled was only 359. In conclusion, lie expressed a hope that the vessel then speeding across the Atlantic would be the bearer of peaceful news. If our reasonable demands were complied with, every bosom would thrill with delight ; but if they met with a refusal, "the nation would rise as one man and demand that reparation and justice which had been denied to more peaceful representations." At the close of the last sentence, the audience rose en masse and testified their concurrence by the most enthusiastic cheering. Several resolu- tions, calling. upon the mercantile marine of Liverpool to accord a more general support to the formation of a strong body of the Royal Naval Reserve, were carried. A resolution of condolence with her Majesty was also adopted. — Mr. Samuel Tawell, the honorary secretary of the Field-lane Refuges for the Homeless, writes to the Times of Tuesday, giving an abstract of the nineteenth annual report of that institution. 12,000 homeless persons slept under its roof during last year, 1844 of whom have been placed in situations where they are now honourably earning their daily. bread. A free infant school, at which the average atten- dance is 170 ; a day-school, average attendance, 350 ; an evening school for adults, who sleep in the Refuge, average attendance, 85 ; a night-school for boys, average attendance, 140, have all been in operation during the past year. Industrial classes, for instruction in useful trades for both boys and girls, have been attended throughout the .year by hundreds. A mothers' class and a penny bank, in con- nexion with the institution, have also proved higbly successful. The receipts of the institution for the past year, including the balance from the previous yeas, were 5,8191.12s. ld; payments, 2,355/. Os. 2d. invested, 2,418/. 15s. ; balance at banker's, 9451. 17s. 3d.

—James and Isaac Watson, brothers, and Joseph Tomlinson, all

three nailmakers on strike, were brought before the county magis- trates at Rotherham, on Monday, charged with having been con- cerned in the two trade outrages which wee perpetrated at Thorpe Hesley, near Sheffield, on Saturday week, when it will be re- collected cans of gunpowder were let down the chimneys of the houses occupied by nailmakers who refused to submit to the dictation of the trade unions. After an unsuccessful attempt to prove an alibi in the case of James Watson, the prisoners were remanded for a week, bail being refused.

— William Beamish, who was sentenced to death at the recent Warwick Assizes, for the murder of his wife, was executed over the entrance to the county gaol on Monday. On the morning of the execution, in fulfilment of a promise given on the previous Sunday., Beamish made a full confession of his guilt. He admitted that he alone administered the arsenic to his wife, and that he forged the letter found in the pocket of her dress. He denied, however, having poisoned the child, or having administered the poison to his wife before her illness. He also admitted that his connexion with the girl Stathan had led to the commission of the crime.

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 25TH.

— The desirability of the collection of agricultural statistics for the county of Berkshire, as suggested by the Secretary of State in a circular letter in May last, was discussed by a full bench of magus trates at the county sessions held at Reading on Monday last. R. Palmer, ex-M.P. for the county, occupied the chair, and there were also present the Earl of Abingdon, Lord Overstone, Viscount Barrington, the Right Honourable J. Mowbray, Mr. Walter, M.P., Honourable P. P. Bouverie, M.P., Mr. Benyon, M.P., Mr. C. Darby Griffith, M.P., &c. Mr. Bros, who was chairman at the pre- vious sessions, when the question was discussed, said he had had an interview with the Home Secretary on the subject, and was informed that it was not contemplated by Government to make the police re- sponsible for the accurate filling up of the returns, but simply to em- ploy them in distributing the forms and collecting the returns. He was also told that no decision had been come to as to whether the returns were to be made compulsory or not. The object of Govern- ment would be attained by returns for each parish, instead of for each occupier's holding. Mr. Bros concluded by moving that an answer should be returned to the Home Office circular that, in the opinion of the Court, it was inexpedient to employ the police of county in the collection of agricultural statistics. A long discussion then took place, in the course of which Lord Overstone strongly. o$ jetted to the proposed resolution, fearing that, if it were carried, it would be regarded by Gpvernment as a refusal to co-operate in any plan whatever for the collection of agricultural statistics. As to the particular question whether the police should be employed in sending out papers, it seemed to him too unimportant to occupy the time of the Court, and he hoped a resolution expressive of a desire to co-ope- rate with Government would be adopted instead. After some further discussion, his Lordship moved a resolution to that effect, as an amendment, and on a division there appeared, for Lord Overstone's amendment, 26; against it, 23—majority, 3. — "S. G. 0." writes to the Times, advocating of the "Society for the Relief of Distress," a new species of philanthropic society, the objects and system of which he thus explains:

" The Society for the Relief of the Destitute has certain most peculiar features; it is unlike anything else; it is of the genus Philanthropic Society,' but, at the

same time, the development of a new species. It receives gratefully 'the alms' of all, to be distributed at its discretion, to relieve physical distress. It has great names at, the head of its appeal to the public, but not as mere noble dummies put upon the shelves to look like real noble vigilance; these noblemen and gentlemen are personally answerable for every shillingof expense that the society may incur in the collection, management, and distribution of the funds ; they are also ex officio members of the working committee. The society has no paid collector, it employs no hired agent to canvas for support. The working committee, including the guarantors, may be said, with a little exception, to consist of what is called 'men of the world ;' it is true the exceptions may be, perhaps, presumed to leaven the mass, for there are some clergymen well known for their untiring philanthropy and high professional character, and also a few laymen, some of whom might fairly take offence at being classed as of the world.'

" I know a little, however, of the origin of this society, how and by whom it did its last year's excellent work. I then, on my own part, greet it as a society, born of a desire in certain very worldly quarters, on the part of certain worldly men, not only to have distress relieved at their expense, but themselves to under- take the working of all machinery necessary for the purpose. I look at it as im- personating the charitable disposition of the West-end Clubs, seeking to cut out work in the field of charity for every nobleman or gentleman disposed to go and personally make acquaintance with want and relieve it, or, if disposed to give but not to go, offering an agency of his own class, who, as men of honour, win honourably deal with every shilling entrusted to them, on the primary condition that not one farthing of the money given for distribution shall go to anything else. •

" We use' theatres' as scenes of Gospel preaching, because it is found you can thusget at a class you cannot otherwise collect for the purpose. For my own part I have yet to learn that in the eyes of Heaven, a grim, infidel, Sabbath and week-day dealer in costermongery is one wit a morepitiable object than a west- end, wealthy idler, who fritters away life in club,. turf, park, opera, and St. John's-wood—so-called pleasure, without one real serious thought upon a life to come, or one real, serious effort to do good to a single fellow creature. " I will make no concealment of my own reason for urging the support of ' the Relief Society.' I do firmly believe it has given a new and wholesome relish to many a hitherto heartless lite. It has led Dives, from being bored with accounts of perishing Lazari, to go himself beyond the gates of fashionable life to see the men; their nakedness, their sores, their looks of famine. A good deed done at a mans own hand is like a ray from the sun, you cant avoid. a certain warmth from it; such deeds repeated again and again give to many a heart a new sense. I do not believe it possible that any heart, however world-hardened, is yet so world-deadened that acts of mercy done with those who are doing them for Christ's sake will leave no abiding effect- " I, then, advocate the claims of this society, not only for its open honesty of purpose, not for the work's sake alone and the safeguards which surround the funds, but as a fr,reLast shadow of good yet to come—the awakening of many a isd heretofore given over to the world's frivolity—yes, and the world's condoned lt, to a sense of a higher, more really noble life. There is room, God knows, or every hand m the field of mercy; what hand so guilty or so unchaste that

or man would deny it the performance of deeds of mercy? S. G. 0."

— Mr. Kinglake, M.P, for Bridgewater, addressed his constituents t the Town Hall, on Tuesday last. After alluding to the calamity hich had fallen upon the nation in the death of the Prince Consort, e observed that no less than eight measures of importance, all more i less dear to the Liberal party, had been rejected in the course of he late session—among the number were Mr. Locke King's Bill or the Extension of the County Franchise, Mr. Baine's Bill for the ame object with regard to the Borough Franchise, the Church Rate ill, the Affirmation Bill, &c. Conservatives, of course, said his was owing to a " great Conservative reaction," but he thought t was fully accounted for by the fact that every one of the eight ills had been brought in by private members, and not by Govern- t. Before, however, they blamed Government for not introducing measures themselves, he must remind them that Government nly came into power by a majority of thirteen, and that unless rivate members awarded them a more hearty and united support, 'they could not introduce any important measure with any prospect of success. On the seizure of the Trent, Mr. Kinglake said :

"For the solution of a question of this kind international law had provided a competent tribunal, and he who withdrew this matter from that tribunal was Commodore Wilkes (hear, hear), because if he honestly imagined that the pTrent was carrying contraband of war, it was perfectly competent in him to take possession of her, and carry her into the prize courts and have her lawfully con- demned. (Hear.) But he rejected the prize courts and took the law in his own hands. (Hear.) I want to ask you who sent Commodore Wilkes to carry on war against a peaceful mail packet? I am afraid I must answer the question myself by telling you that he was sent by a Power to which we in England are almost always accustomed to bow with deference, and which we all infinitely respect. He was sent by public opiniOn. But, then, how comes it that that Power which rules us all here with moderation is in America so low, so perverse, so lawless, so mad as to send this man on a mission which is no less destructive to his own country than offensive to ours? (Hear.) I am afraid that the answer is one with which all who have observed with care the United States of America have been long familiar, namely that although good men there abound, yet, from some cause connected with their system of government, the good men are driven into the shade, and the bad men are prominent. As soon as the news was received in this country there was a firm determination to uphold the honour of the flag, and that that honour should be vindicated according to law. (Hear, hear.) With admirable patience the country waited until the law officers of the Crown had given their decision, and as soon as it was given there was hardly a man who ventured to question it. (Hear.) Upon this a de- spatch of a very cogent kind was addressed by Her Majesty's Government to the Government of the United States, and had our Government done less they would have ceased to be a Government. (Hear, hear, and applause.) I have not the slightest doubt that the despatch was couched in terms the ,most courteous, and that it expressed the belief of Her Majesty's Government that the act of which Commodore Wilkes had been guilty was one which they would repudiate, and therefore instructions were sent to Washington to request that reparation which ought to be given. I have no doubt that a clear distinction was made between the reparation in the restoration of the two commissioners and the reparation that due notice be given of the act of which Commodore Wilkes has been guilty. I have no doubt, with respect to the latter, that our Government would be willing to negotiate with temper and moderation, but it must be understood that, with respect to the restoration of the commissioners, that was made a condition with- ontw hich it would not be possible for Lord Lyons to remain at Washington. (Bear, hear.) I wish to explain what has been said in reference to the subject of arbi- tration. Whatever question may hereafter arise, no man who understands occasions of this sort will impute to Her Majesty's Government the smallest blame for not urging a settlement by arbitration, for when Her Majesty's Govern- ment addressed that despatch to the Government of Washington there was no dispute, so to speak, because our Government had not at that time any right to suppose that the Government of Washington would support the act of its officer. (Hear, hear.) It would have been discourteous in the highest degree to suppose that the American Government would dispute that which we considered indis- putable, and therefore the duty of first proposing arbitration could not come from our Government. (Hear, hear.) Many considered that if there should be a refusal to give up the prisoners war would be immediately declared. I don't understand that that is the case. If the request should not be complied with, I apprehend that it would be the duty of Lord Lyons to ask for his passport, and bring home with him the whole legation. But be would bring with him also, I imawne, the answer which the American Government may think fit to make to the demand of our Government. (Hear hear.) When we have that answer then it would be right for Her Majesty's Government to decide what course she would take in dealing with it. (Hear, hear.)

At the conclusion of Mr. Kinglake's speech, a resolution protesting against his foreign policy, and conduct towards our "august and faithful ally, the Emperor of the French," was proposed, but only a few hands were held up in its favour. A vote of thanks to Mr. Kinglake was then carried unanimously.

THURSDAY, JANUARY 2ND.

— Mr. J. H. Brown, the registrar-general of seamen and shipping, forwards to the Times a statement of the progress of the Royal Naval Reserve, from which it appears that 9,287 applications have been already received, and 8,229 men actually enrolled. Of this number, next to London the north-eastern ports furnish by far the largest proportion, more than one-third of the entire force having been en- rolled at the four ports of Sunderland, North and South Shields, and Hartlepool. The conditions of entrance are thus stated by Mr. . H. Brown ; "Reserve men are not prevent& from making long voyages, as leave may be obtained from a shipping master after the drill has been performed. Reserve men are required to produce their books, R.V. 2., to the shipping master when- ever engaged or discharged; and to Consuls abroad on the like occasions, in order that the necessary entries may be made therein ; and to deposit their books with the naval officer when entering on drill, or entering the Royal Navy. "A volunteer must have served five years at sea, be an A. B. one year, and be under 35 years of ago. He will receive 61. every year as a retaining fee, payable quarterly, and a pension of 121., alter requisite service, at 60 years of age or be- fore if worn out. He is also eligible for the Coastguard and Greenwich Hospital. He is required to perform 28 days' drill during each year, and will receive pay and allowances while on drill." —The Right Hon. E. W. Card-sell was present at the annual dinner of the Druids' Society at Oxford, on Wednesday, and re- sponded to the toast of his health. Referring to the American question, he said : " Gentlemen, we saw with sorrow a civil war break out between two parts of one great country—the inheritors of our blood, of our literature, and of our glory (cheers) ; and, gentlemen, we should regard it as little less than a civil war among ourselves if any unhappy circumstances should arise to involve us in hostilities with the people of America. (Hear.) Our chairman has told us that the telegram of to-day says that there is hope of an amicable settlement, provided the demand of England has not been made in such a spirit and in such i a temper as to render it impracticable; and I trust in due time, when all the correspondence shall be laid before the public, that they will be of opinion that those who are entrusted with the powers of State have acted in a manner worthy of them, and consentaneous with their own principles and feelings. I believe there never was a spectacle of which Englishmen might be less ashamed in the face of Europe and of the world than the demeanour which England has shown in this great trial of her fortunes. We have sustained an injury such as we could not possibly pass by if we meant to retain the name and the position which England has heretofore enjoyed among the nations of the world. (Cheers.) The law, and, as we see, the opinion of civilized Europe have been declared upon our side. Our contest is for freedom and for the peaceful rights of commerce. (Cheers.) The issue, then, gentlemen, does not rest with us, but upon the answer we may receive. How has the English people comported itself under these circumstances? Has England shown that irritation and excitement which usually accompanies weakness; or that quietness and confidence which can spring alone from a consciousness of right and a consciousness of power ? We have been determined to do right, but we have been equally determined not to suffer wrong. (Cheers.) The Americans may find an apt descrip- tion of the conduct of England, and by that I mean, not the English Government merely, but the English people at large, for there has been • no .party feeling. in this matter; what has been done has been the act— as it always is in circumstances where the honour of England is at stake (hear)—it has been the act of a united people, speaking and acting as one man. I say the Americans may find the best description of the attitude of England at this moment in the words of her own popular poet in describing fortitude, as Serene and earnest—and still, and calm, and self-possessed.' I trust that the news of to-day may be ratified by more full intelligence, and that we may find men on the other side of the Atlantic influenced by a spirit like our own, and that these occurrences may not only pass over without leading to the great calamity of hostilities between two kindred nations, but that, by the explanations that may follow, the danger of a state of war may be so far removed and smoothed away that there may arise no other circumstance calculated to involve us in the like danger for the future. (Cheers.) The toast of " Prosperity to the University of Oxford," was re- sponded to by Mr. Neats, who two or three years ago was an un- successful candidate for the City of Oxford. 1.n the coarse of his remarks upon the American question, he strongly deprecated the constant use of irritating Congress upon the part of the press of this country : " He regretted to say that the leading newspapers of the kingdom were too much in the habit of indulging in comments upon American institutions which could not fail to be most offensive. They would remember that it was the practice of the people of Sparta to set a drunken man before their children to show them how absurdly he behaved, and thus to warn them against the vice of drunken- ness, and it seemed now to be the practice of a large portion of the English press to place all the defects of the American institutions before the English people with the view of warning them against the errors of democracy; and be could not help thinking that this was done chiefly for the purpose of decrying popular institutions in this country. Whatever might be the evils of democracy, he did not think that the present was a time when irritating comments upon American institutions ought to be made."

FRIDAY, JANUARY 3RD.

— At the opening of the annual exhibition of paintings at the Exeter School of Art, which took place this week, Sir Stafford North- cote, M.P., on moving the adoption of the report, spoke at some length on the encouragement of arts and sciences by the late Prince Consort :

" There have been many royal and noble patrons of art, and what they hare done for art has been very great; but it was not the kind of work which Prince Albert set himself to do. Let me point out this distinction. We have seen many royal and noble patrons of art purchase many noble specimens of art for their own gratification, for public buildings, and to embellish some capital or seat; and we have seen them patronize learned men, and men of skill in arts; but what Prince Albert did was not that. (Hear, hear.) He gave not only his money but his time and his thoughts, not to the purchase of a certain number of chosen works of art, but to the creation of a feeling for art, and to the establishment of works of art throughout the kingdom. (Cheers.) What he did for art deserves the nation's gratitude to the latest age. That work has taken root; it is a growing work, and one which will be remembered to the very latest time in England, be- cause in that work the Prince Consort planted a tree which is growing and will continue to grow, and is bearing fruit and will continue to bear fruit."

With reference to the part taken by the Prince to the Great Exhibi- tion of 1851, Sir Stafford Northcote said:

"About twelve or thirteen years ago—a period long. enough for the country to understand its condition and wants, and in which it is able to compare its ad- vantages with other countries— his Royal Highness perceived this, among other things, as one of the points in which we were behind other nations—that we were behind them in the application of art to works of industry. (Hear, hear.) He saw, and others saw it also, that while other nations were gaining upon us in these particulars—that while we had the advantage of them in capital, they were coming nearer to us in the skill which they were able to bestow on the actual fabrication of works of manufacture; while they had the advantage of cheap labour, and were pushing and extending their operations in all directions, pressing hard upon us in the material works of manufacture, and were many of them ahead of us in art, we Englishmen were lying on our oars and reposing upon our laurels, which we had gained for excellence and cheapness of fabric—not using the advantages which we had, but rather letting them slip away from us, and not taking the pains which we ought. It was then that his Royal Highness gave a turning-point and an advantage to us in the annals of the world—I mean by the application of art to manufactures. (Hear, hear.) Now what Prince Albert endeavoured to do was this—he endeavoured to awaken us; he endeavoured to awaken the country, to a sense of the deficiency under which it laboured. (Hear.) Before that time people had become con- scious of a deficiency, and were endeavouring to do something to meet it. What they did was to establish schools of design at some of the principal seats of manufacture, and endeavoured by these schools to train up a race of designers who should improve the artistical appearance of our fabrics. But these schools of design languished. They did nothing, because they really did not go to that MB most important. After all, what was most wanting was not a few- (gripers to design well, but a public taste that should demand good designs,

make it pay for manufacturers to apply good designs to their fabrics. (Hear,

sr.) What did Prince Albert do? Why, he endeavoured to demonstrate to ;he people of this country the great defects under which we laboured, and to show what other countries did. With that view he set on foot the Great Exhibition of 1851, and from which we date the great improvement that has taken place in art teaching. (Hear hear.) When he had done that, all who visited the Exhibition—not only designers, not only manufacturers, not only artists,—but when the public saw what had been done by other countries, and why it was we had lagged behind, then arose the demand which we wanted, and from that demand arose the schools of design, which are rather schools of practical art, and not confined, as the old schools were, to the seats of manufacture, not merely to places like Manchester, Sheffield, and Birmingham, but are spreading over the whole country, and will, I hope, continue to spread until the whole of our popu- lation shall be leavened with the love of art, and with the power of appreciating high art in matters of industry. (Cheers.)

— A public meeting, convened by the Mayor upon a requisition signed by numerous friends of the Peace Party, was held at Birming- ham, on Thursday night, to consider what steps should be taken to urge upon Government the advantage of referring the American diffi- culty to arbitration. The Mayor took the chair, and before the close of the meeting there were nearly 6000 people present. A resolution, embodying the views of the requisitionists, was proposed by Mr. Alderman Baldwin, and, on a show of hands, was apparently carried. On the result being declared by the Mayor, however, it became clear that the meeting had been unaware upon what they had been voting, and a scene of great uproar ensued. 'Ultimately, the following reso- I ution was all but unanimously carried :

" That this meeting highly approves of the prompt and manly conduct of Lord Palmerston, Earl Russell, and the Cabinet in this trying international emergency, and at the same time trusts that this quarrel may be honourably terminated without war."

An amendment, proposing the adoption of a memorial in favour of arbitration, was defeated by an overwhelming majority, and the pro- ceedings terminated, the meeting having lasted for more than four hours.

— " Memon" writes to the Times on the proposed national me- morial to the late Prince Consort, and makes the following sugges- tion on the subject :

"Now, Sir, there is one institution yet in its infancy which was peculiarly the Prince's own, which has already established its hold upon public favour, and has done and is doing both in London and throughout Great Britain much real practical service—I allude to the South Kensington Museum. "That attractive and instructive collection is most miserably housed. It was stated before a committee of the House of Commons during last session that the majority of the buildings in which so much of the nation's treasure is deposited are dangerous as regards their stability, and most insecure against fire. Parlia- ment voted a sum of money to commence upon buildings of a more permanent and appropriate character. "Let me suggest that it would be a good work—one that the deceased Prince himself would have approved—to devote the fund which will represent the national tribute to departed worth to the speedy completion of a worthy home for the Prince's own design. I believe 100,0001. would soon be offered for such a

purpose. The project would command universal support. And, while we could onour the dead by giving to the new institution the name of the ' Albert Mu- seum,' it would record for all time the Prince's noble intentions and his useful

life."

— Mr. W. G. Foster, M.P. for Bradford, addressed his consti- tuents in St. George's Hall on Tuesday. The affair of the Trent formed the principal topic of his address, and Mr. Foster explained his views of what ought to be the policy of England with reference to it at some length :

" He thought, therefore, the Government had done right in demanding re- paration for this outrage ; and he went further, and said that Government were right in demanding, as that reparation, the restoration of the four gentlemen who were taken out of the British steamer. (Hear, hear.) But now what next? They knew not as yet how that demand would be replied to. They must not jump to a conclusion from the one or two telegrams that had been dashed from Cape Race. If time were given to the American people and the American Government to find out that they had been wrong in their estimate of the law, and that the public opinion not only of England but of Europe, and not only of Europe but of the Americans in Europe, was against them, he had still hope that they would acknowledge their position and give up the men. (Cheers.) But he wouldgo to the extreme supposition. Suppose they refused ; suppose that they considered international law was on their side, and that they were not bound by that law to restore Messrs. Mason and Slidell and their two secretaries—what were we to do then ? There were very many who would instantly say, 'Go to ;' but he believed these were only such as desired war. Now, he cared as much for the honour of our flag and the interests of neutrals as any of these gentlemen ; but he said he would not go to war until he had tried every honourable means to avert it. (Cheers.) And if he were asked what course he would pursue, they had the best possible course foreshadowed, in as solemn a manner as it could possibly be, five years ago, when, at the conclusion of the great war into which this country had been drifted, the plenipotentiaries assembled at Paris for the purpose of arranging the treaty of peace agreed, "in the name of their Govern- ments, that they would, before appealing to arms, have recourse in future, as far as circumstances would allow, to the good offices of a friendly Power." Well then, let them consider whether, in case of the refusal of the American Govern- ment to give up these men, we could not avoid fighting and resort to this principle of arbitration. He would at once say that there were some questions which lie would not arbitrate ; and among these was the right of England to refuse at the bidding of any Power, be it despotic or democratic, or both, to give up any political fugitive who might have a claim to our protection. He would as soon arbitrate the trial by jury, or any other great prerogatives of free English- men. (Cheers.) It had been the pnde of this country to be the refuge for all fugitives who had a claim to our protection; but that was not really the ques- tion in this case. The real question was, had or had not these Southern gentle- men such claims? He thought they had, and he had no doubt his hearers thought so too. (Hear, hear.) The English lawyers thought they had. The French were more confident than the English lawyers ; but the American lawyers —at least we were told so by the politicians—thought they had not. Well, then, this was a question of international law—a question upon which, if it were a dis- pute between him and one of his hearers, they might hire barristers, who would talk hours and hours against each other upon it. Now was not this precisely the sort of case upon which we might try arbitration instead of war, and appeal to a neutral Power to decide whether these gentlemen had or had not a claim to the protection of our flag?" After further arguments in favour of arbitration, Mr. Forster con eluded thus : " By so doing we should establish a principle that would be of incalculable advantage hereafter—that a great and powerh1 nation like England, outraged and insulted upon the tenderest point, was so careful of civilization, and so careful not to shed the blood of kinsmen, that it was willing not to fight, but to leave the question to be decided by another Power. It would be a precedent of peace for all other nations, such as future generations would bless us for having esta- blished. Mr. Forster resumed his seat amid loud applause.

After a vote of confidence in Mr. Forster had been unanimously car- ried, the following resolution was proposed, and also adopted unanimously :

" That this meeting, while participating in the general indignation at the outrage committed on our flag by an American officer, in forcibly removing certain passengers from a British steamer, is yet impressed with the conviction, that it is the duty of our Government, as ruling over a civilized and Christian people, not to hurry us into a war with our American kinsmen, unless it shall first have been clearly ascertained that justice cannot be obtained from the Government of the United States either by diplomatic representations or by means of an appeal to arbitration, according to the principles agreed upon at the Paris Conference in 1856."