Debates anal Vroteebinas in Varliatnent.

REUNION OF THE CANADAS. In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord MELBOURNE moved the seem reading of the Canada Government Bill ; a measure, he said, which cam, to their Lordships recommended by high authority. It was approved of by the Special Council of Lower Canada, by the Legislative Council and House of Assembly of Upper Canada, by Lord Durham, by Mr. Pou., lett Thomson, and by a large number of the inhabitants of the Canadas. Lord Melbourne dwelt upon the great importance of the measure, and the necessity of checking the spirit of alienation and disaffection which. had lately grown up in the Canadas. Similar discontents had led to the separation of the American Colonies front England ; which, holy, ever, lie believed would not have occurred had parties at home beep united. Internal dksensions had been a principal reason why in 1450 England lost her fine territory in France, mid during the last eea tury the extensive colonies now forming the United States. He hoped that this measure would be calmly and deliberately discussed ; forik was impossible to lilt off a settlement of the affairs of Canada, it was imperatively necessary to provide another system for the govern. ment of these possessions. Lord 'Melbourne then explained the leading provisions of the bill ; and urged the House to accept it, as the only means of settling a great question which pressed for settlement.

The Duke of WELLINGTox was at issue with Lord Melbourne, as to C: the necessity of an immediate settlement of the Canada question— lie said that it was not necessary new to settle the question ; that the time had not come when they could make a settlement of it with propriety ; that before they did this they (meld to get better information ; that they ought to see the people in a better temper, in the one province after an insturet• tion, and in the other after a rebellion, and when there was a less desire to encourage both in a neighbouring country ; and he said that till that time eame, they ought not to proceed, and they could not proceed with advantage tome final settlement of this question. His desire was to entreat of noble Lords to • take further time to consider this question, and therefore not to hurry it through Parliament, nor now to decide upon it. Ile was sure that the bill • would be lbund to require some further alit:ration as to its details in a Com- • mittee of that House. Ile was sure that nothing ought to be done with the hill without summoning the Legislature of Upper Canada again ; because NVIIS convinced that it would be !build, before the session was ovcr, that if the bill were passed, Ministers would be compelled to take upon themselves the •• responsibility of suspending this measure to some future period.

He had observed a growing desire in this country to get rid of these North American Provinces —that they should become Republican These desires, he knew, prevailed among a very large party in this country ; and there were many persons, for whom he entertained high respect, who unshed that the separation of the North American Colonies from England should Le tranquilly effect( (I. But he differed from those persons, and considered that the svp“ration of these Colonies from the Mother-country would be a great loss lucked; and for that reason be called upon their Lordships to pause before they adopted the arrange- meat proposed by this 1)111. Lord Melbourne had asserted the impossi- bility of continuing to govern the two Canadas itnles under one ,• Executive and one Legislature; but he saw no such insuperable difli. Culty- If they gave to Upper Canada a good and secure communication with the month of the St. Lawrence—if they secured to that province the enjoyment of the commerce of that river—if tlicy did that, tlios syould 8CCUIC +110 Vrn¢povity vi that rrovinee, aud insure its union with this country ; and having a hold of the Province of Upper Canada, they need not fear for the separation of Lower Canada from them.

He denied that Parliament possessed sufficient evidence of the desire of the Canadians for the union of the Provinces to justify their Lord. ships in passing the bill. Until Lord John Russell's despatch was pub. k dished, little was thought of the Union or of Responsible Government; A and in the addresses sent from Canada, more was said of Local Respell- slide Government than of Union. It was natural to suppose, that before t it was resolved to effect the Union, and a Governor was sent out for lc!; that purpose, the persons who had enabled Sir Francis Head to put down the rebellion—the Speaker of the Upper Canada Assembly, who was Sir Francis Head's right arm, and the Legislature of Upper Canada—would have been consulted:

The despatch, however, went out, and there was an immediate change in the whole tone of society there. In the first of the addresses that came from

Toronto, there was not one word said about the Union of the Provinces or of Responsible Government ; but in a very few weeks after the publication of Te the despatch, the notion of Responsible Local Government seemed to run like wildfire over the Provinces. They found in the district of Glengarry, the in- habitants of which were the best subjects that sovereign ever had, that pre- vious to the publication of the despatch, there was in their address not one V. word about Responsible Local Government, but after the publication of the despatch there came the demand for Responsible Local Government from this very district of Glengarry. This was a district in which there was no immi- gration from the United States, and in which there were no persons who made light of their allegiance; but those worthy Scotch loyal men took their tone from the despatch of the noble Lord, and came and asked for Responsible Local Government. Let not the House proceed to pass this bill under the impression that they had no choice in the matter— There were other alternatives, which might easily be carried into execution, which would at least be safe, and enable them to secure at all events the Coat Province, and that Province being secured, would secure the whole. They were going to form a Legislature composed of three or thur different nations, and composed of persons of twelve different religious persuasions, besides Homan Catholics; and it would be utterly impossible to rely upon an Assembly sp constituted. He had now stated his opinions on this matter : and he did hope their Lordships would take Lord Melbourne's advice, and consider the mea- sure with calmness and deliberation—

He entreated their Lordships to allow the bill to go into Committee, and

then to give its provisions the fullest consideration. The bill must be amended, at least so far as to call together the Assembly of Upper Canada again ; but he sincerely hoped their Lordships would consider the whole measure well be- fore they rejected it on his opinion. He had formed his opinion after long con- sideration. He had fully considered the resources of Canada, and the actions of such governments as these. He knew well that these Provinces were sources of great influence, power, and prosperity to this country ; and he should deeply lament if they should suffer the disgrace of losing them. He could not, after all time consideration he had been able to give the subject, vote for this bill; but their Lordships iu deciding on it must look to other opi- nions--to the opinions of other Members of that House, and of the other Douse of Parliament, and not to his only. If then Lordships did so, and if they fully and impartially considered this measure, then, if the Governmentthought proper still to take the responsibility of it upon thonselves,„in (setts m name let them do so ; but for !tuult he must say " Not-content to it in every stage.

The Earl of Gomm) bore testimony to the loyalty and peaceable disposition of the great body of the Lower Canadians ; and declared his determination to oppose this most unjust and arbitrary measure.

Lord ELLEN nonouull concurred in every word which had fallen from the Duke of Wellington. By passing the bill, the House would do an act tending to the separation of the North American Colonies from Eng- land. It could not be said that the Ilouse of Commons had given an opinion On the bill, for the question excited very little attention in that assembly, where the bill passed by 156 to 6. No doubt, the Assembly of Upper Canada had given their consent to the bin- dle thought that that body Ind taken a ;veal: and superficial view of the subject, in co ming to the conclusion to which they had arrived; but at the same time, when they were told, and when, they .saw. that the effect of the to :man ms ,id ,21 Lower Canada—when

measure would practically I t tl t

they were told that the :Arpin:, capital of that Pr: &mince was to be applied to their uses—they were led a way wall the prosia.e et these ht.:Ave ailvantate Besides this, he feared that there might nave ,.xtsted.nt thew minds, as there had too much eeisted in the minds ot the inmate of this country, the large retuning of a feeling of hostility to the people m Lewes Canada, 111 e0111101111ellee of the events of the lust two year:; and he felt, 111,Tel-up!, that they were now called upon to leg not exactly in that tend.:: fairness and imparliality legidative measures of this napertance ought to he conslered. in which alone Yet whst would lie the result of joining the Duke of Wellington in saying "Nit-eoutent " to the motion ? Could the final rejection of the bill be secured, lie should have no hesitation in opposing the second reading; but he knew it would come again to them backed by the majority of the House of Cot intons ; and nothing could tend inure to lessen the hold of this country upon the Colonies than divisions in the Imperial Les•islature on tlteir affairs. But by passing this bill—which was the most violent, the most fraudulent, the most unjust measure ever presented to Paliament—future legislation for the real benefit of the colony would be rendered far more difficult than at present. The measure would not effect the object of its authors— For what was the practical object of the hill ? It was really not to give liberal institutions to the Lower Canadians, but, under the pretence of giving such to them, to disfranchise the Frelleil population. It was to phiee the ma- jority (tithe tipper Canadians and a small minority of the Lower Canadians in absolute domination over the great, body of the people of Lover C:111111111; it was to 111111i:1h With elective dist'ranchisetuent a Whole population, thr the offence of a small portion of that population, committed two years ;Igo. And in what manner did it propose to carry act this object ? By that which had been stig- matized by Lord Durham as an elective fraud. Look only at one or two in- stances of the representation to be given to Lower Canada. One little county, with 2,:titn inhabitants, wits to return one Momlier ; six counties, returning English Members, were, with a population of :18,1115), to return six Members; while the French counties, which were to be united for that purpose, though having a joint papulathni of 311,000, were to be entithil to return only one 'Member. There would he no standing such obvious injustice as this. No sooner would the Assembly meet, than there would be one universal burst of indignation from the French Representatives an the part of the whole French population—hue universal protest against this gross partiality and manifest elective fraud. The system could not possibly :.punk nothing founded on in- justice was stable, and of the injustice of this proposition there could be no doubt in the mind of any impartial person. But, in spite of these tricks and fraud's, the French population could, and probably would, return three-fourths of the Members to be elected by Lower Canada ; and it would be necessary to secure the election of at least three-fourths of the Members of Upper Canada attached to the British connexion— - But what was the state of things with reference to the elections in Upper Canada? For live sessions the majority returned to the house of Assemble in the Upper Province were adverse to the connexion with this country ; and it was only by the great and meritorious service', of Sir Francis Iliad—to whom a just tribute had been paid by the Duke of Wellington, and who, by his exer- tions in 1836, saved Canada. to this country—that a majority had been returned. which were favourable to the continuance of the connexion. lf, however, under this bill they failed to carry suds an absolute majority in Upper Canada, there was an end of the union of the colony with this country. This was capable of clear and demonstrable proof; it did not rest on theory, but was founded on clear and obvious fact.

The Marquis of L.tssnowNE wished to reserve the consideration of the details for the Committee. He repudiated the imputation of fraud ; and contended that recent events in Canada showed the wisdom of establishing a central government. He admitted that a great change of opinion had occurred in the Canaries on the subject of Union, but de- nied that it was owing to Lord John Russell's despatch.

The Earl of RIVON said, the basis of the bill was unjust, and its pro-

visions would create a rankling feeling of enmity to this country among -

the French Canadians.

Lord Asunewrox complained, that in the discussion of Colonial subjects the interests of the Mother-country were constantly forgotten— Not undervaluing these Colonies—not undervaluing the vast extent of the commerce with them—not undervaluing the great interest the country pro- perly took in her children, as he might call them, who were planted there—he still was of opinion that the Imperial Parliament was constantly mistaken, looking to the peculiar description of the population there, in supposing these Colonies were for ever to be governed front Downing Street in this country. The first difficulty was to ascertain the proper time for separation ; and the next, to effect it on friendly terms— These opinions he had expressed on the subject of colonization generally two years ago; and he thought the greatest possible mistake was, not early to have given these Coloniee to understand, that at the moment the feeling of their population was ripe for separation, they should have it. Lord BROUGHAM denied that the assent of any large portion of the inhabitants of Canada had been obtained. The existence of the Upper Canada Assembly had been continued beyond the time of its legal duration ; and, looking to the circumstances of its election, he attached rio great weight to its decisions. Then as to Lower Canada, were the Assembly of that Province to meet, nobody would look him in the face and say that its vote would he for this bill— That Assembly was divided in the proportion of 70 to 18 before the last dis- solution; and OR an appeal being made to the inhabitants whether they agreed with the 70 or the 18, the majority was increased instead of being diminished, and the proportion made 80 to 8, or something of that kind.' No man, there- fore, could doubt what the Assembly, if now in existence, would say to such a question as this. Why had they not called them together to give an opinion? Because calling them together would lie only getting a refusal, and they would rather rest on as little doubt as possible than on absolute certainty against it.

He wished to say a few words on the expectations which the bill opened up— It was said that there were 42 representatives for each Province-84 alto- gether; and he wished to call attention to what appeared to him the un- answerable eourequenee of this attempt at arnalganiating these two almost heterogeneous and irreeonrilealde masses of people. Suppose they had the same kind of proportion amongst the dilf members who represented Lower Canada as tier, was it, old .issenthly, MItilst separate; it was perfectly clear that that lari;e ina:pwity, added to those of the 11 members of the Upper Province who held i lac pi Mle:, old give so great :t preponderance against colonial subjete ion, a. witelit make it extremely difficult to continue that sub- jectimt at all. ',oppose the distributimi of the franchise was such as to give tut umetural prepotith`rill:Ce to tine t 1 '.•k: ovvr am.tlicr : was this likely to produce peace mid satisfaetiffil ? was it not more likely to shake the Govern- ment of the 3100,er-country ? There was smaller view, that sullen the two races were brotight together into one Assembly they would not have all the tovo:1 cu.: of Lower Cann,la 'alt,' one line, as,kted by the minority of the repro- of the other, but that there would be a divisian on ;moth, r prin- i1• namely, Frei.;.11 as against English. Let them look upon that as liLl.„y to promote Ir.c quillity, or cold time the colonial relation; because if this N/t•i'... the result, no gilt of prophecy to say that there would be the, vmrst pos•dhle fa,-1,11n: rankling in that .1ssernbly. Ent a still more fatal feel- he; • rn.,kling in the country. and the ;...reatest risk would arise to the stabil':y or the tinier. Setting very little villa:. oat the continuance of the conticxiiiii of flans Provinces with this country—holding that its disadvan- tap ott,,,..igloal its ad\ antages—he might he asked why he should be rtiaiost a Union v• Melt seemed very likely at no very di.t ant period of time to put an end to that system of legislation, and to subvert the connexion of the Coloniss with this c try altogether ? Ile agreed with Lord .isliborton, that all depend. it upon the manner in which that sev, rane.. slmuld take place—upon the frame of nand, and the public feeling on Lott i :Mies the water, ;it the time when en event WII:ellcould never be very long dellyed, happened t and his nppre- hellsion hi:: measure would be fraught with the inisellief of making party spirit titers prodore its worst effects, and of giving scope to the worst passions; that it would agllil/St 1111111 and nase, and that it would lead ti., pia-, a.: aid Item.' tannings het NVCVII the Gil the :%10ther.:

eonfltry, and Ent; the dissolution should come, we should lose the Colo-

nies, and DO: Lit e 1 filcIAl and a natural ally, hat an cm my, in those who had just ecased to be ion. iiihjects. That was why he tilt the measure inex- pedient. lie had theretiire deemed it his duty to state these matters, rather by way of pretest than any thing else, ini the principle it the measure, lie certainly should not act' any further opposition to the till further than this, that if any thing could be done in amending the bill in Committee he should attempt it.

.1 urn .1/E1.1101711NE replied, "tat if !lie House followed the Duke of Wain:seas advlee, they would pm off the settlement of this question to the Greek kulends. He admitted that, in the Lower Province, no competent authority had pronottneed in favour of the bill ; but he con- tendrel that the nets or the I .pper Canada Legislature were as valid as those of the Parliament which prolonged its own duration by passing the Septennial :let. As to the means by which the consent to the I'Mon had been obtained, he would remind the House, that the I'arlia- man e. W.' Scotland and Ireland had consented to the union of their re- spective countries with England under the influence of much stronger feeling than conld be produced by Lord John Russell's despatches.

Bill read a second time.

On Thursday, the Earl of llaenwieke gave notice, that on Tuesday next, when the motion would be made for going into Cm»mittee on the bill, 1w should move an amendment that the bill be committed that day nix months.

NEW SOUTH WALES.

Lord Jonx ltusse.r.L, on Tuesday, obtained leave of the House of Commons to bring in "a Bill for the Government of New South Wales, for a time to be limited." He briefly stated the chief provisions of the bill--

It was proposed, that instead of the present Legislative Council, which was composed of persons nominated entirely by the Crown, a new Council Should be established, consisting of thirty-six members, twenty-four to he elected, and twelve to be nominated by the Governor of the colony. He proposed that this plan should last only for ten years ; for as tlw colony of New South Wales was day by day admitting in wealth and population, the people would expect, as it inereased in impol-tailee, to lie governed in a manner slimier to the British Previous of North lle thither proposed that the elective franchise should arise either from it Louse of the value of RV. a year, or from a certain amount of property in land. There was also a proposal in the bill that the sales of land should hereafter take place solely under the authority of the Crown, and that the whole management of the land should be vested in the Crown, to lie exercised by Commissioners. Re needed not at that time state what were the other provisions of the measure, as they would be more con- veniently considered hereafter.

CHU RCH-EXTENSION.

This subject was brought before the House of f'ommons on Tues-

day, by Sir Ronmer ; who prefaced the following motion with a speech which occupies more than four cohnnus of the .11orning Chro- nicle— " That on Wednesday the 15th day of July next, this House will resolve itself into a Committee of the whole llouse, to consider of the following ad• dress to her Majesty : that is to say, that an humble address lie presented to her Majesty, praying that her Majesty will ha graciously pleased to take into consideration the deficiency which exists in the number of places of worship belonging to the Established Church, when compared with the increased and increasing population of ale. coantry, the inadequate provision therein for the accommodation of' the poorer ula,ses in large tinvas, and the insufficient en- dowment thereof in other plin.es, as such facts beta, severally .set forth in the reports of the late Ecclesiastical Commissioners ; to assure her Majesty that this House is deeply impressed with a just sense of the many blessings which this country, by the favour of Divine Providence, has long enjoyed, and with the conviction that the religious and moral habits of the people are the most some and firm foundation of national prosperity; to state to her Majesty the opinion of this Ileuse, that no altered distribution of the revenues of the Established Church could remove time existing and augsnenting evil, arising from the notorious fact that an addition of more than six million souls has heel' made to the population of England and Wales since the commencement of the present century, and that the rate of this increase is rapidly progres- sive; that the grants made by the wisdom of Parliament, on the recommenda-, tion of the Crown, in 1818 and 1824, have been inadequate to supply the na- tional wants; and that, though private and local liberality has been largely manifested in aid of particular districts, the greatest wants exist where there are the least means to meet and relieve them ; to assure her Majesty that this House, feeling that God has intrusted to this nation unexampled resources, is satisfied that it is the duty of the Government to employ an adequate portion of the wealth of the nation to relieve the spiritual destitution of large masses of the people, by whose labour that wealth has been enlarged ; and humbly to represent to her Majesty that this House will cheerfully make good such mea- sures as her Majesty may be pleased to recommend, in order to provide for her people in England. nnd Wales further and full means of religious worship and instruction in the Established Church."

Sir Robert called attention to the petitions in favour of' Church-exten- sion. These were very numerous, and the signatures were no fewer than 213,589. They proceeded from every part of the country, through- out the whole length and breadth of the land—from the mountain re- cesses of Wales, the mannfacturine districts of Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Warwickshire, the clergy of almostevery Arehdeneonry in the kingdom, and the two 'Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. The prayer of the petitioners was }hr increased means of religious instruc- tion according to the principles or the Established Church. From the large towns there were much fewer petitions than from remote villages. What was the inference front this? That the people most in want of spiritual instruction -were the least sensible of the deficiency. Sir Robert then addressed himself to some of the arguments by which his motion would be opposed. It was said that the State had no conscience ; that it ws unjust to tax the majority for the exclusive advantage of the minority ; that the majority in the country were the Dissenters; and that it was the duty of individuals to provide for their own religious worship— As to the first point, tl:nt the State had no conscience, the answer that he would offer was involved in the question whether the State ought or ought not to have a conscience in these matters. Ile maintained that each Member, whether acting in his public capacity in the House or privately in his own room, was bound to use all the means permitted to him to promote the greatest good. All power, all influence, was given by God to he used for his glory, the good of his church, and the welfare of his people. Therefore let no man at- tempt to shelter himself under the delusion that whereas this might he true when he was in his own house, it ceased to be true when he was invested with the authority and influence of a legislator in Parliament, It was not so; in every position in lire man was responsible for the power committed to him ; and if he had influence he was as much hound to use that influence for the promo- tion of the glory of God and the good of the church in his public as in his pri- vate character. if that were so, he ventured to think that the ninjority which he might expect to support his proposition would be sufficient to satisfy his most ardent desire—for he hardly knew how any man would consent to be found in the minority, if that minority were to consist only of those who denied the truth of tlw proposition he had just laid down.

He denied that the Dissenters were the majority. There was a great number of Dissenting chapels, but what were their dimensions?—

In some places they contained no more than 502 seats; in the outskirts of London 300, and in Lancashire 432. In a question put to Dr. Bowring on this subject, whether they should require twenty householders to sign decla- ration Out they desired a chapel for the performance of marriages, sign answer was, that several Dissenting meeting-houses throughout the country could not number ten householders. But tkre was another test—the population. In Wiltshire, the Churclunen to Dissenters were as 15 to 1; in Gloucestershire, Di to 1; in Exeter, 15 to 1 ; in Levi!,; they spproatffied nearer to un equality, being here 4 to 1. Then as to inerrisges, he had a return some time ago of the marriages solemnized. Jut all England the number of the marriages of Dis- senters did not exceed 4,088. In London alone those married according to the Church of England was 6,032. In Lancashire, out of a populntion of 1,560,000, only 231,899 did not belong to the Church. Mr. M`Culloch estimated the entire number of Dissenters in England at from 2,700,000 to 8,000,000; deducting the Roman Catholics, there would only be about 2,500,000 of Protestant Dissenters. He admitted the wealth of the Chureh to be great. The Abbey of Glastonbury was said to be worth 500,0001., but there were 3,528 livings under 1 end. ; and some vicarages were under 135/. The change in the distribution of Church property, to be effected by the Ecclesiastical Duties and Revenues Bill, would not add 16/. a year to the revenues or these livings. The property of the Church did not exceed 3,500,0001. a year—a sum inadequate to supply the existing deficiencies. The Voluntary principle could not be depended upon. The Bishop of London said 370 new churches were required. He asked for a much smaller stun than would be wanted for building so many churches ; but Ito haul scarcely obtained more than half of the stun he asked for. In the dioceses of Chester and York the Voluntary principle had failed as well as in London— There was:. most fatal peculiarity about Voluntaryism. It failed where it was most wanted, when the poor and the poorest ought to be its chief objects. This fact was ably dwelt on ut the petition which heliad presented from Liver- pool. Let the House look to the ffistitutinn in the manufacturing districts in the North, in the milling districts in the West; to London, where there were no less than 600,000 for whim] there was no place of religion provided, and who were almost destitute of shelter or lodging of any kind. Was this it state for a professed Christian people to remelt' in ? In Liverpool there were 80,000 poor persons in the same situation, and in Sheffield there were about the same number. (" NO, !") Ile beard that coat ral icted by his honourable friend opposite ; but would he contradict this statement—tint beffire the Government churches were built, there were tint free sittings in the (dimwit of the town of Sheffield for 150 poor inhabitants ? This was stated to him by an authority which was unquestionable ; that u as fourteen years ago. Sir Robert stated a number of tae: to show the avant of more

churches. He did not ask for additional aid because it was the Law Church or Parliamentary Church, but because it was the true Church- " the authorized depository of the divine law." By whom was his pro- position opposed ?—

It was opposed by an unholy alliance of Boman Catholics and political Dis- senters. Not those who, in reference to the erection of churches in the last century, had said, in no tones, he believed, of ridicule, that "they were temples worthier of God than man" ; not those who avoided au unhallowed alliance with the opponents of revealed truth, and dttelared

These temples bow glorious they shad,

Lights or our i,le anti bulwarks of our land." Nay, lie could quote the writings of many of the earlier Dissenters to show that they regarded the Church with very different feelings from ninny of the present day. He had referred to Dr. Henry ; he might safely appeal to 1)oddridge, and

• to the respect which lie showed to the Church. But he had said enough. A ' refusal of this grant would assign millions of immortal souls to a state almost

of heathenism in the midst of a country boasting of Christianity. Readmitted that he beheld the efforts of the Dissenters to provide the means of religious worship with respect ; but lie said distinctly, that no efforts of the Dissenters, or of the Church, had been able to overtake the amount of spiritual destitution in this country. He said, then, that the refusal of a grant would resign mil- lions to religious ignorance ; the consequences of that ignorance would be in- creased vice and immorality ; and those consequences we must suffer.

Mr. GOULDURN and Lord SANDON both rose to second the motion ; which the SPEAKER read front the chair. Nobody rose to address the House, and there were loud cries of " Divide !" when Mr. VILLIERS STUART said, that if no reply were given to Sir Robert Inglis's speech, he should feel it his duty to divide with him. His constituency was adverse to the proposition, and he would resign his seat if they were dissatisfied with his vote. The gallery was cleared for a division, but none took place ; and the discussion was continued by Mr. CiALLy KNIGHT; who said, that he fully expected Mr. Hume would have moved an amendment of which he had given notice, or he should have risen himself as soon as Sir Robert Inglis had concluded his eloquent speech. Mr. Knight proceeded to argue in favour of the motion, very- much to the same effect as Sir Robert Inglis. When he sat down, the cries of " Divide!" were renewed ; and the gallery was again cleared for a division, but the House did not divide ; and Mr. Vflaanns STUART rose to announce his intention of voting for this very proper motion, and to repeat the declaration of his readiness to relinquish his seat, if required by his constituents.

Lord DesostssoN called upon Ministers to state what course they intended to adopt on the important question before the House. He was not himself prepared to take part in the debate, but he thought it ought not to be brought to a sudden and hasty termination.

Mr. \Vann said, that the reason why no Member on his side of the 1-louse had risen to oppose the motion, wits the fact, to which the Con- servative Members were careful not to allude, that during Sir Robert Inglis's speech not more than twenty Members appeared on the Oppo- sition benches, and none of those who were recognized as leaders of the party. Another reason was, that Sir Robert Inglis had altered the terms of his motion in a manner that could not have been expected from him. His respect for Sir Robert's character for honesty and plain dealing was considerably shaken by his shrinking from a distinct state- ment of his plan. lie believed that the object was to gain support by relieving Members from the odium of directly voting some 400,0001. a year for increasing the funds of a wealthy Church Establishment. A speech of three hours' duration ought not to have closed with so vague a motion. A statement should be made, by which Members might see -what they were expected to go through, if they took the first step sug- gested by Sir Robert Inglis.

Mr. Mu.ses called upon Members to support the motion, for the sake of the State, if not the' Church, for he would say the State was in danger. 11e, however, thought the money should come exclusively from England and Wales ; being very reluctant to tax Ireland for the Church of England.

Mr. BAINES controverted several of Sir Robert Inglis's statements respecting the want of church-accommodation, and enlarged upon the exertions of the Dissenters, who, according to a calculation he had made, had expended eight millions sterling in the erection of chapels. 1-k suggested that Sir Robert Inglis would do better to move for a Se- lect Committee to inquire into the amount of the alleged destitution, and the means of supplying it.

Mr. O'CONNELL characterized Sir Robert Inglis's motion as "skulk- ing on one hand and audacious on the other "-

Skulking, because the honourable Baronet had not the 'boldness to tell the

Dome fairly how much he wanted. On the other hand, he thought it a bold proposition for any one of the persuasions of this country—he would not soy "sect," for the honourable Baronet said that that term, as applied to the Established Church, was disrespectlid—it was a bold proposition, he thought, that any one of the religious persuasions of this country should come out upon the rest of the community, and insist upon having an undefined sum of the public snoney for their own especial benefit. Such a proposition was the bolder coming from a Churchman, seeing flint the whole of the nation, at the time of the Reffirmation, was abundantly clutched. The law changed, and gave the temporalities of the previously existing Church to the present EstablisimInt. At that time they were told upon good authority that the number of churches in the kingdom 11111 so great as to be scarcely credible. The present Establishment having let most of them go to ruin, now came entrant and complained of their own delimit. It might be as the honourable Baronet had stated, that the population had increased sines ; but the value of tithes had also increased, nod more land was brought into cultivation. So that if the population had increased, the wealth of the Church had increased in an equal ratio. Having enjoyed all the tithes and all the rental of lands belonging to the Church since the Reliwination, if at the present moment there were it dearth of spiritual instruction in the land, whose fault was it ? Must it not be the fault of the Established Church. Yet the Establishment had now the assurance to come upon all the other persuasions in the country to make good the deficiency occasioned by its own neglect and maleadministration.

Lord TEIGNMOUTH referred to the pecuniary difficulties of unendowed churches as proof of the failure of the Voluntary system.

Lord JOHN Russse.r. opposed the motion. To vote a large sum for the benefit of the Church would give rise to much irritation, and large

numbers of Christians of various denominations would consider it an act of injustice. lie did not believe the Church was in any danger, or that a peculiarly hostile spirit towards it existed at present. In that case, it was certainly unwise to rouse hostility, which would be the con- sequence of agreeing to the motion.

The nonuse then divided—

For the motion 149 Against it 11:8

Majority 19

ECCLESIASTICAL DUTIES AND REVENUES BILL.

The House went into Committee on this bill on Monday ; and after a protracted discussion and several divisions, five clauses were agreed to. WEAVER CHURCHES BILL.

Sir PIIIIJP EGERTON, on Thursday, moved the third reading of this bill. Mr. THORNELY moved an amendment, that a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into the state of the river Weaver, the amount

of tonnage and application of tolls collected; and that the bill be not proceeded with until the Comninteehad made their report. Mr. Joule JERVIS moved that the debate be adjourned, to enable hint to introduce ac lause respecting trustees. Motion negatived, by 2t) to 151. Mr. JEions then moved that the House do adjourn ; which motion was rejected, by 275 to 74. A scene of confusion occurred, and the gallery was cleared for a di- vision on Mr. Thornely's amendment. In the absence of the reporters, Lord CAs•rmEasetun had made some observations which called up Mr. Ate's; who, when the gallery reopened, was heard to say that Lord Castlereagh insinuated what he had not courage to state openly and broadly. The SPEAKER. interposed ; and declared that he did not think that Lord Castlereagh had made offensive persenal allusions. Mr. Hums differed from the Speaker—Lord Castlereagh had imputed to Mr. Jervis that he made a speech to gout time. Mutual explanations ensued; and the House divided On the motion for the third reading ; which was carried by a vote of 201 to 122. The bill was read a third time, but not passed ; further progress being postponed till Friday.

CUURCII OF SCOTLAND.

The Lords, on Thursday, went into Committee on Lord Aberdeen's Bill, and agreed to all the clauses without amendment. The alarquis of RREADALBANE gave notice, that when the report was brought up, he should move that counsel be heard at the bar against the bill.

REGISTRATION OF IRISH VOTERS.

On Thursday, the order of the day for going into Committee on Lord Stanley's bill having been read, Mr. O'CONNELL rose to move, " That it be an instruction to the Com- mittee, that they have power to make provision for defining the qualifi-

cation entitling persons in Ireland to register." Ile contended that it was utterly absurd to pass a bill for registering votes beIhre defining what the qualification was to be. It was indeed alleged that the quali- fication had been settled by the majority of the Judges, by whose opi-

nion the minority was bound; but this he denied. in no country were

the minority of judges hound by the decision of the majority, except in cases of direct appeal to the higher tribunal ; and in the ease of the Irish franchise there had been no such appeal. Mr. O'Connell went

into a long legal argument, with the view of showing that the Legisla- ture did not intend to fix the qualification in accordance with the opi- nion of the Judges that the property giving, it should be worth lot. a

year over and above all outgoings, but that the tenant or owner should have a beneficial interest of 10/. a year in it—that it should be worth lot a year to him. It was, however, enough for him to refer to the fact, that practically the qualification was not fixed. Whether the minority of the Judges ought to be bound by the majority or not, the fact was, that they were not so bound; and hence the necessity for le- gislation on the subject.

Mr. LYNCH and Mr. HENRY GRATTAN took the same view of the question as Mr. O'Connell. Mr. LEFROY, Mr. Lirrox, and Sir Eowann SUCHEN contended, that the law ought to be received as laid down by the majority of the Judges; and that at all events the question of qua- lification ought not to be mixed with a reeisteation-bill.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL denied that the Legislature had given the twelve Judges power to decide the question : they were not made a tri- bunal for that purpose by Act of Parliament— They were no more a tribunal, therefore, fur the determination of these cast 5, than the Assistant Barristers were, or than the Revising Barristers were in England. There was nothing illegal in the Judges giving their opinion tqsat such subjects; hut the question was, whether that opinion was to be binding on those who differed from it. For his own part, most undoubtedly ho should attach great weight to the opinion of a majority of the Judges upon any question, but he should by no means consider himself bound by it, if lie were called upon conscientiously, upon his oath, to declare what wits his impression ; and lie thought that the Lord Chancellor of Ireland had given very sound lel- vice, when he said that the opinion of the majority of the t ii el% e .1 adea:s of Ireland was not binding upon those who dissented from it. An opinion so ex- pressed was totally different from one obtained from a trihunal rceoilarly von- stituted, and from which there was an appeal ; but in this case the subsequent intervention of any higher power could not lake place. There was no ground, therefore, for saying that this question had been settled by any tribunal; for there was no tribunal iu Ireland, intrusted with its leCCI,1011. TIM!, was there no necessity for legislating 1111011 the suhleet i 1 le thought that where so Muth contrariety of opinion existed, it could not be taken that ihe question was settled ; and that it would be titr better that some conclusive provision should be arrived at.

Lord STANLEY said, that this very same question had already under- gone five distinct discussions; and it \YRS now brought forward only to delay the progress of the bill. That being its manifest intention, he called upon Lord John Russell to act consistently, and vote against Mr. O'Connell, IIe had a right to complain that Mr. O'Connell had given

notice of a motion respecting " municipal rates and taxes," and then, without notice, made a motion of a totally different character.

Lord JOHN Russktm. said, that Lord Stanley had introduced clauses into his bill which indirectly regulated the franchise; and therefore he must not he surprised that the question of franchise came prominently before the House. He should vote against Mr. O'Connell, but would

in Committee strenuously oppose those clauses which affected the qua- lification.

Sir Ramses. PEEL thought that Lord John Russell's conduct was most extraordinary— After repeated trials of strength, the opinion of the House had ban ex- pressed on the propriety of assenting to the principle of his noble niemi's bill. The noble Lord who bad just sat down bad himself acquiesced in the derision of the House, and had declared that he would not he a party to anv unfitir ob- struction. Thc House went into Committee on the bill. No great 'progress in- deed was made : the Committee went no further shim the three first clauses; and when the fourth clause was proposes!, and it was stated that considerable discussion must be expected upon that clause, his noble friend at once gave way, and fixed the dismission fbr the then following Thursday. Ile asked, then, whether it was not fair for his noble friend to expect that he should have been allowed to go into Committee that night? What was the notice given? Mr. O'Connell—To more an instruction to the Committee of the Registration of Voters (Ireland No. I) Bill "—to do what ?—" to define municipal ceases and Taxes." No indication of any change of intention was given publicly or privately by the honourable and learned. Member ; but at live o'clock, when Ills noble friend was ready to meet lain upon the instruction of which he bad given notice, the honourable and learned Member abandoned his notice, and then proceeded to move au instruction on a perfectly dif- ferent subject of which no notice had been given. The noble Lord slid not discountenance that motion at an early period of the evening; but, just at the moment, what there was. still a hope that the House might have gone into Committee on the bill, the noble Lord rose and stated, at that critical moment, that be intended to oppose the motion of his honourable and learned friend : and the Rouse would olt.ierve, the noble Lord slid not terminate his speech there, but began a new disc mis;on in the second part of his speech upon the principle of the bill. The whole of the second part of the noble Lord's speech was an objection to the principle, whack was taken and overruled upon the second reading of the bill. It was perfectly competent to the noble Lord to object to the tribunal of a judge of stssize as a court of appeal, but he asked whether it was fair dealing in the noble Lord, when discountenancing the opposition of the honourable and learned :Member for Dublin, to occupy twenty minutes at that critka moment of the night in a discussion on the principle of the bill?

his firmly believed, that the unprecedented course of opposition adopted by Lord John Russell aml Mr. O'CQuiichJ mould conciliate, not in England, not in Se

A division tank place-- For the • instruction." 162 Against it '111 1.19 Majerity

Mr. O'CONNELL exelained, that he had given Pei) notices---one for the instruction he had moved, :mot !Icr res peeling Municipal Rates— though only the last etas printed. alr. Su sw and Mr. To este :at said, they had distinctly heard the notice about Municipal II:11es, but not a word about the other. Mr. (Alta:xi:um. said he could not help their deafbeas.

Lord STANLEY gave notice, that he should move the House into Com- mittee on Thursday.

The second reading of the Government Bill was fixed for Thursday, and the Qualification of Voters Bill for Monday next.

SUDBURY ELECTION.

On Tuesday, the Sm:Antr.a r-7el a letter it hich la' had revived front aft.. Tomline, the recent ly alember fur Sudbury, declining to defend his seat against a petition complaining of an undue return. Poon-ea w Cone

A bill introduced by Lord Jon.: lIessem. to continue the powers of the Poor-law Commissioners to the end of the next session of Parlia- ment, was read a second time. This measure was substituted for one of more extensive operation, and intended to effect many changes in the law, which Lord John It essell bad introdueel and subsequently re- linquished, from want of time to carry it this session.

Ns: w STnEETS IN LONDON.

Mr. E. J. STANmsy obtained leave to bring in a bill to empower the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to snake additional thorough- fives in the Metruindis.