THE EARLS OF RILDARE.

Tins account of the race, whose head is the Duke of Leinster, may not have the historical breadth of view, the artistical digression, and (perhaps from want of sufficient materials,) the biographical ful- ness which characterize Lord Lindsay's Lives of the Lindsay*. It is, however, an interesting family history ; painstaking, truth- ful, and modest in recording the long duration, power, and pros- perity of the Geraldines, eschewing anything like Milesian elo- quence or even historical comment, and, allowing the facts to speak for themselves. The biographical particulars of the most conspicuous members of the house, drawn from chroniclers and other ancient authorities, not only exhibit the character of the men, but throw a light on the manners of the times, and the wild and lawless condition of Ireland under the Plantagenets and Tu- dors. Should the, public demand require another edition, we think the Marquis of rldare might expand his work in these two direc- tions if he feels a call that way. Extension is especially desi- rable, where the limitation to family facts, which the Marquis has imposed upon himself, induces a species of abruptness. The nar- rative stops with the story of the man, but the reader would like the completion of the historical events in which the man was concerned, especially when his own memory of history does not readily fill up the vacuum. Tradition traces the origin of the; Fitzgeralds or Geraldines to the Gherardini of Florence ; and when the Fitzgeralds be- came rich and powerful, the Florentines seem to have been per- fectly ready to acknowledge so respectable a family connexion. Their first recorded appearance, however, is in 1057, when "Domi- nus Otho," or Other, was, according to Dugdale, an "honorary Baron of England." He is said to have gone from Florence to Normandy, and from Normandy into England, where he must have played his cards well with the Confessor. "He was so powerful at that period, that it is probable that he was one of the foreigners who came to England with King Edward, and whom he favoured so much as to excite the jealousy of the native nobles. It is also remarkable that Otho's son, Walter, was treated as a fellow-countryman by the Normans after the Conquest. The Latin form of the name of his de- scendants, Geraldini,' being the same as that of Gherardini, also indicates that he was of that family. Otho possessed three lordships in Surrey, eyed in Buckinghamshire, two in Berkshire, four in Middlesex, nine in Wiltshire, ten in Hampshire, three in Dorsetshire, and one in Somersetsbire. * * *

"In 1078, Walter Fitz Otho is mentioned in "Domesday Book," as being in possession of his father's estates. He was Castellon of Windsor and War- den of the forests of Berkshire."

Walter's son Gerald Fitzwalter was appointed by Henry the First constable of Pembroke Castle, and commanded the English forces against the Welsh. This Gerald seems not only to have bestowed their name upon the Geraldines, but to have given the family the historical position which they have preserved. with "some slacks but no ebbs," till this day. His son, Maurice Fitzgerald, with "ten knights, thirty men at arms, and about a hundred archers," preceded Strongbow's main body to Ireland, took Dublin, and by his enterprise and influence in the conquest of the country, or more truly the seizure of a portion of it, laid the foundation of that vast property and power which for some centuries rendered the Geraldines dangerous to the crown, though not we think, able to cope with it. Henry the Seventh felt it desirable to overlook, the offence of the eighth Earl called by the Irish " Geroit More, ' (the Great,) in supporting Lambert Simnel; for in those days the family were Yorkists. Henry the Eighth, however, broke the power of the Geraldines as well as of the clergy. The ninth Earl, whose treasons seem to have been unquestionable, died. in the Tower, 1534, on receiving the news of his son's open rebellion and excommunication. The tenth Earl, after his forces were scattered in the field, surrendered it would seem on terms which were not kept; for he and five of his uncles were executed at Tyburn 1537. His son Gerald, the Eleventh Earl, was restored to his title, and. some of his estates by Edward the Sixth. Queen Mary, under the influence perhaps of Cardinal Pole, who had brought • The Earls of Kildare and their Ancestors from 1057 to 1773. By the liarq of Kildare. Third Edition. Publhbed by Hodges and Smith, Dublin. Gerald up, reg.111

+Ad him all she could. His return to Ireland .--

owed great rejoicing, and even under Elizabeth the power of the family continued so great as apparently to make the accession of the Geraldines to the side of authority desirable to preserve the ; which is merely saying in other words that they had their Psriareat'e of good things. A succession of minorities under James the First suspended- the active power of the Earls of Kildare. The sixteenth, called from his diminutive stature, the "Fairy Earl," opposed Strafford in the Parliamentary and intriguing manner of the tam' e, but had to succumb. The half -feudal, half-clannish do- minion of the Geraldines like all other native power in Ireland, was trampled down beneath the iron march of Cromwell. Hence- forth the power or rather influence of the Geraldines was modern —the influence of extensive estates, great wealth, titular rank, and ancient descent ; the last especially producing more effect in the land of their domicile than of their origin. The original peerage of the Geraldines in Ireland was Offaly, the Gerald, son of the original invader, having been summoned to Parliament in 1205, as hob t that barony in the county of Kildare. There seems some culty in settling accurately the number of the Barons Offaly.; but the sixth or seventh baron was created Earl of Kildare, by Edward the Second, by a patent dated at West- minster on the 14th May 1316. It was not till 1747 that the head of the Geraldines was raised to the peerage of Great Britain under the title of Viscount Leinster. In 1761 the Earldom became a Marquisate, with a promise from George the Third conveyed through the Duke of Bedford that the new Marquis should "be created a Duke whenever he [the King] shall think proper to make one of that degree either in England or Ireland, exclusive of his own family." In 1776 this promise was fulfilled, and the feudal and historic glories of the Kildares merged in the Duke- dom of Leinster.

Although the Barons of Offaly held offices and attained public distinction, the Geraldines became more powerful and conspicuous with the first Earl, or their sayings and doings are better recorded —"vixere fortes ante Agamemnona." Here is a graphic account of a quarrel between the then Baron and De Vesci lord of Kildare. How much of the speeches were actually spoken may be doubtful; the style, be it whose it may, is more remarkable for force than delicacy.

"About the year 1293, he [John Fitzgerald, afterwards first Earl of Kildare,] was at variance with William de Vesci, Lord of Kildare, a Baron much esteemed by the King, Edward L Their disputes ap- pear to have arisen in consequence of the contiguity of their estates in Kildare. De Vesci, being Lord Justice of Ireland, stated openly that John Fitz Thomas was the cause of the existing disturbances, and that he was in private quarrels as fierce as a lyon, but in publicke injuries as meeke as a lamb.' This having been reported to the Baron, he' in the presence of the Lords of the Council, replied : 'You would gladly charge me with treason, that by shedding my bloud, and by catching my lands, into your clenches, that but so neere upon your lands of Kyldare you might make your Bonne a proper gentleman.' 'A gentleman,' quoth the Lord Justice, 'thou bold Baron, I tell thee, the Vescis were gentlemen be- fore the Geraldines were Barons of Offaly, yea, and before that Welsh bank- rupt,. thyne ancestour (he meant Sir Maurice Fitz Giralde), fethered his nest in Leinster,' and then accused him of being a supporter of thieves and upholder of traytours." As for my ancestor,' replied the Baron whom you terme a bankrupt, how riche or how poore he was upon his repayre to Ire- land I purpose not at this time to debate, yet this much I may boldly say, that he came hither as a byer, not a beggar. He bought his enemies land by spending his blond. But you, lurking like a spider in his copwed to entrappe flies, endeavour to be subjects livings wrongfully by despoyling them of their lives. I, John Fitz Thomas, Baron of Offaly, doe tell thee, William Pesci, that I am noe traytor, floe felon, but that thou art the only battress, by which the King's enemies are supported.' He then appealed to the King, who summoned them both to England (some say they went of their own accord) When they were in the King's presence, de Vesci com- menced by accusing the Baron of encouraging rebellion against his authority, and Offaly having, in return, accused the Justiciary of corruption, saying, that while the nobility were excluded from his presence, an Irish cow could at all times have access to him,' and that a cow, a horse, a hawk, a silver-bell, were the real causes of the disturbances, ended thus : 'But so much as our mutual complaints stand upon the one his Yea and the other his Nay, and that you would be taken for a champion, and I am known to be no coward, let us, in God's name, leave tieing for varlets, bearding for ruffians, facing for crakers, chatting for twattlers, scolding for eallets, book- ing for scriveners, pleading for lawyers, and let us try with the that of swords, as become martial men to do, our mutual quarrels. Wherefore, to justify that I am a true subject, and that thou, Vesci, art an arch-traitor to God and to my King, here in the piresence of his Highness, and in the hearing of this honourable assembly, I challenge the combat.' The audience applauded, and the challenge having been accepted by de Vesci, the King fixed the day for the combat ; but de Vesci, having before the appointed time fled to France, the King declared Offaly innocent, and added : 'Albeit de Vesci conveyed his person into France, yet he left his lands behind him in Ireland, and he granted them to the Baron.

"Another version of this transaction is, that during his sojourn in Dublin de Vesci was accused in open court, in the presence of Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, and others, of felony, and challenged to the combat by John Fitz Thomas."

How extensive the power of the house became by the grants Which the King added to its original possessions may be guessed a requirement of Edward the Second to the second Earl of adidare.

"In December, 1322, he was summoned to meet the King at Carlisle, on the 1st June with 300 men-at-arms, 1000 hobellers, (light cavalry,) and 61)(:* infantri. But he subsequently received notice that his services would not be required, in consequence of a truce with the Scots." The reader of Mrs. Perkins's Ball by Mr. Michael Angelo Tit- marsh will remember "the Mulligan" and the war cry of the Mulligans which had so often startled "the Saxon." Poor Thomas Davis, in his poetry written for the Nation newspaper, pressed the war cry of the Geraldines into the service of his verses on the rue.

" Butnot for rite or feast ye stayed, when friend or kin were pressed ; And foemen fled when Cram-a-boo ' bespoke your lance in rest."

Some peerages translate this motto of the family " crom for ever." The Marquis of Kildare, who, doubtless, knows most about the matter, assigns a different meaning.

" The ancient war-cry of the Geraldines of Kildare was Cram-a-boo,'

and that of the Desmond Branch Shanet-a-boo." or Abo,' an ex- clamation of defiance, was the usual termination of the war-cries in Ireland, and was added to the distinctive watchword of each tribe. Cram (Creom) and Shanet (Shanid) were two castles, about sixteen miles apart, in the County Limerick, the ruins of which still remain. They belonged to the two principal branches of the Geraldines, and being on the borders of the O'Briens' country and the constant object of attack, ' Crom-a-boo ' or Sha- net-a-boo ' was shouted in opposition to the Lamblaider-a-boo," the strong hand to victory,' of the O'Bnens."

As Henry the Seventh dealt with the " retainers " of noblemen in England, so in Ireland he put down these septish cries, in the tenth year of his reign, a 20.

" Therefore, be it enacted and established by the same authority, that no person ne persons of whatsoever estate, condition, or degree, he or they may be of, take part with any lord or gentleman, or uphold any such variances or comparisons in word or deed, as in using these words Cromabo and But- lerabo, or other words like, or contrary to the King's laws, his crown, and dignity, and peace, but to call only on St. George, or the name of his Sove- reign Lord the King of England, for the time being. And if any person or persons of whatsoever estate, condition, or degree, he or they may be of, do contrary, so offending in the premises or any of them, be taken and com- mitted to ward, there to remain without bail or maniprise, till he or they have made fine after the discretion of the King's Deputy in Ireland, and the King's Cowman of the same, for the time being."

It was under the Tudors, however, that the Kildares became most powerful and conspicuous, and the four Earls of a century, which begins with the closing years of Edward Fourth, (1480- 158ô) furnish the most interesting biographical notices. The events with which they were connected. are greater than the fac- tion fights or quarrels, and the formal summonses or appointments under the Plantagenets. The men themselves had each a strongly marked character, this character influenced their fortunes for good or evil ; and their fortunes were striking and various. Though living in more difficult times than his immediate successors, engaged, as we have seen, in open rebellion against Henry the Seventh, and often suspected besides, the ability of the "great Earl," or his good fortune, preserved his honour and estates till his life was cut short by a wound received from an ambushed enemy when watering his horse on a march. His son, the Ninth Earl, wanted his father's power of appreciating the times on which he had fallen, or his father's luck. Committed to the Tower on suspicion, he might, from lack of evidence and from prudential motives on the part of the English Government, have escaped ; but his son, the Tenth Earl, a rash and headstrong young man, left by his father as his deputy when summoned.to England, engaged in open rebellion, caused his father's death by grief, and finally his own by the hands of the executioner. The great grandson of the great Earl, brought up in exile and surrounded by difficulties, joined to the cou- rage and capacity of his race a politic prudence they did notpossess. Though owing everything to Pole, and deriving a large part of his restored wealth from Mary, he soon brought himself under Eliza- beth to a perception of religious truth, and conformed to the Esta- blished Church. Two of his sons, who rapidly succeeded each other in the title, appear to have possessed the family vigour ; but they perished early, one in action, the other by shipwreck. The title then passed into the family of a younger brother, and either the Geraldines were not fitted for the more regular rule that shortly ensued or the family capacity dwindled. The great Earl, and his immediate successor had a powerful if rough ora- tory, and though something is to be allowed to the reporter, men who cannot speak are not reported. The ninth Earl, the son of the "great Earl" looks overbold in this contest with Wolsey ; but he doubtless knew what he was about, and on this particular occasion he succeeded.

"When the Earl appeared before the Council, Cardinal Wolsey is said by Stanihurst to have made a violent speech against him, and, among other accusations, to have charged him with taking no steps to arrest the Earl of Desmond, while, had you lost a cow or a horse of your owne, two hundred of your reteynera would have come at your whistle to rescue the prey from the uttermost edge of Ulster. The Earl ! nay, the King of Kildare! for when you are disposed you reigns more like than rule the land.' While the Cardinal was speaking, the Earl showed signs of impatience, and at last in- terrupted him thus—' My Lord Chancellor, I beseech you pardon me, I am short witted, and you, I believe, intend a long tale. If you proceed in this order, halfe of my purgation will be lost for lecke of carriage. I have no sehoole trickes, nor art of memory, except you heare me, while I remember your words, your second process will hammer out the former.' The Lords of the Council thought this request reasonable, and asked the Cardinal to allow the Earl to answer the first accusation. He assented, and the Earl continued. It is good reason that your Grace bcare the mouth of this boarde. But, my Lord, those mouths that put these things in your mouth are very wyde mouths, such, indeed, as have gaped long for my wrack, and now, at length, for want of better stuffe, are fain to fill their mouths with smoke. What my cousin Desmond hath compassed, as I know not, ao I be- shrew his naked heart for holding out so long. If hee can be taken by my agents that presently wait for him, then have my adversaryes betrayed their malice, and this heape of haynous words shall resembles scarecrow or a man of strawe, that seenieth at a blush to carry some proportion, but when it is felt and poysed, discovereth a vanity, serving onely to fear erowes, and I verily trust your Honours will see the proofe by the thing itselfe within these few dayes. But to go too, suppose hee never bee hadde, what is Kil- dare to blame for it more than my good brother of °None, notwithstanding his high promises, having also the King his power, is yet content to bring him in atleysure. Cannot the Earl of Desmond sheft, but I must be of counsel ? Cannot hee bee hyden, except I winke ? If hee bee close, am I hi, mate? If hee bee friended, inn I a traytour ? This is a doughty kind of accusation, which they urge agaynst me. When was the Earle within my viewe and who stoode by when I let him slip ? But I sent him worde to beware of me. Who was the messenger ? where are the letters ? Of my cousin Desmond, they may lie, since no man more can well contrarie them. Touching myselfe, I never acted in theym eyther so much wit or so fast fayth, thatli would havescsaged upon their silence the life of a geode hounde much lease mine owne. It grieveth me that your good Grace, whom I take to be wise and sharpe, should be so farre gone in creditting these corrupt informers. Little know you, my Lord, how necessarie it is not onely for the governour, but also for every nobleman in Irelande, to hamper his un- civel neighbours at discretion, wherein if they waited for processe of lawe, and had not those lyves and landes within their reach, they might happe to lose their owne lives and landes without lawe. Touching my. kingdome, I know not what your Lordship should meane thereby. If your Grace imagin that a kingdom consisteth in serving God, in obeying the prince, in govern- ing with love the Common wealth, in shouldering subjects, in suppressing rebelles, in executing justice, in brideling blind affections, I would be will- ing to be invested with so vcrtuous and royall a name. But if, therefore, you terme me a king, in that you are persuaded that I repine at the govern- ment of my soveraigne, or winke at malefactors, or oppress civil livers, I utterly disclayme in that odious tearme, marveyling greatly that one of your Grace his profound wisdome shoulde seeme to appropriate so sacred a name to so wicked a thing. But, however it be, my Lorde I woulde you and I had changed kingdoms but for one moneth, I woulde trust to gather up more criimmes in that space than twice the revenues of my poor Earl- dom. But you are well and warme, and so holde you and upbrayde not me with such an odious terme. I slumber in a hard cabyn, when you sleepe in a soft bed of downe. I serve under the King his cope of heaven, when you are served under a canapie. I drinke water out of my skull, when you drinke wine out of golden cuppes. My courser is trayned to the field, when your genet is taught to amble,. When you are begraced and beloved, and crouched and kneeled unto, then find I small grace with our Irish borderers, excepts I cut them off by the knees.' Stanihurst continues :—The Cardinal 'per- ceiving that Kildare was no babe, rose in a fume from the counsayle-table, and commytted the Earle, and deferred the matter till more direct proba- tions came out of Irelande.' "

We all remember the Popish anathema that drew from Corporal Trim the remark, "Our armies swore terribly in Flanders, but nothing like this." Here is a sample of the " curse " which was pronounced against the son of the ninth Earl for being implicated by his presence at the slaughter of the Archbishop of Dublin by some of his followers. The excommunication is said to have killed his father, but doubtless other troubles assisted.

"In the name of God. Amen. By thauctorite of the Fader, the Sone, and tHoly Goost, and of the blissed Apostels Peter and Peale, saynt Patric th Apostell, and Petrone of Monde, all other the Apostels, and company of Heron, and by thauctorite of our Mother Holy Churche, and the kepers of the spirituall jurisdiccion of the Metropolitan See of Dublin, the same Sea beyng voyde And to thentent all Christen people may the rather take know- loge therof, and avoyde and eschue the daunger of the same, we invocate and call in vengaunce against the said Thomas, and every of the persones afore- said, the celestiall place of Heven, with all the multitude of angels, that they be accursed before them, and in their sight, as spirittes condempned ; and the devell to stand and be in all their doinges, on ther right hand, and all ther actes to be synfull, and not acceptable before God. Been they, and every of thaym, cast out from the company of Cristen people, as dampned creature, and all that they shall doo, to be done in ther dampnable offence and apse. Lett thaym be put out of ther howses and mansyons, which oder men may take, and put to decay and ruyne ; ther labors to be frustrat from all goodnes. Lett no man be to thaym mercifull, and ther memorie for ever in the erth to be forgotten. God Almighty may rayne upon thaym the flames of fyer and sulfure, to ther eternall vengeaunce, and that they may cloth thaym selfs with the malediction and high curse, as they daily cloth them with ther garmentes ; the water of vengeaunce may in the inner partes of ther bodies, as the mar).- is their bonnes. Been they, and every of thaym, gyrded with the gyrdels of malediction and curses. Been they, and every of thaym, parte takers with the wycked Pharoo, and Nero, Herode, and Jude, the proditors of Jhesu Grist, and with Damn and Abyron, whoom the erthe swalowed qwyck, so may they disend into hell qwyck. 0 good Lorde send to thaym, and every of thaym, hunger and thjast, and stryke thaym and every of thaym, with pestilens, till they, and every of thaym be con- sumed, and ther generation clene radvcat and delytit of this worlde, that ther be no memorie of thaym, stryke -thaym, and every of thaym, also, with suche lepre, that from the blest parte of the heed to the sole of ther fote, ther be no hole place. Stryke them also with madnes, blyndnes, and woodnes of mynde, that they may palpe_and clayme, also handle as blynde men clothe in darknes,"

The Geraldines have often been the theme of panegyric and poetry, but we do not know that one peculiarity has been dwelt upon. Other noble houses have preserved their state and wealth for as long a period or longer ; but we remember no race that has wielded feudal power for so extended a time, and also main- tained so leading a position under a Parliamentary regime as the house of Kildare.