Citrine's Story
By LORD WILLIAMSON "1"` RADE unions are an essential element of a free society, but what is not always fully realised is that trade unions, while possessing certain rights, also have obligations.
Trade unionism, conceived in the pioneering era to fight poverty, mass unemployment and injustice, is faced with a different role in the second half of the twentieth century. Things have changed, and are changing, in every sphere of our national life, and the question naturally arises whether the trade union movement can continue to regard its structure, methods and policies of the first half of the century as relevant to the second half. Industrial and social conditions today are on a scale outside the wildest dreams of the agitators of 1906.
The publication of the autobiography of Lord Citrine (more familiarly known as Walter Citrine), entitled Men and Work,* reviews from a position of exceptional advantage the industrial and political struggles of the fifty years from 1890 onwards. Walter Citrine's progress in the trade union movement to the highest and most powerful office was a fantastic achievement.
Becoming a trade unionist in 1911 at the age of twenty-four years, he progressed frpm the obscurity of an ordinary member through various offices to the General Secretaryship of the Trades Union Congress in fifteen years. He was thirty-nine years of age when elected to this top post. From his early days he decided to master the art of shorthand, and it would appear
* MEN AND WORK AN AUTOMOGRAPIII By Lord Citrine. (Hutchinson, 40s.)
from the book that he recorded extensively everything that happened, and every conversa- tion of importance in which he was engaged. Citrine is by. nature meticulous and precise and a zealot for order and efficiency. In early days as head of the TUC he saw clearly the need for reform, and took steps to formulate new policies. Two reforms which he wanted, amongst others, were (1) a strengthening of the powers of the TUC General Council, and (2) a reduction in the number of unions.
, He writes of the innate conservatism and in- dividualism in the trade union movement, but, nevertheless, realised that 200 separate unions, all with different methods and policies, called for some overall co-ordinating authority. But as early as 1924, he was advised by his elders not to proceed with the scheme he had in mind for the transfer of power to the General Council, because 'the unions would never part with any of their autonomy.' He was, therefore, only partially successful in securing agreement to en- large the General Council's duties, and to give the General Council, under certain circumstances, power to intervene in disputes if negotiations broke down.
In 1924 a resolution at Congress was carried declaring that the number of unions should be reduced. Citrine comments, not without a little cynicism, 'a sentiment which most union officials shared but few were ready to apply.' It is not surprising that little came of it. In this criticism Citrine might, with justification, have included the executive members of unions as the niggers in the woodpile, because experience over the years has shown that, while officials can be ac- commodated in an amalgamation of unions, many union executive members inevitably lose their
positions. In 1924 there were affiliated to the Trades Union Congress 203 unions; in 1942, 232 unions; and in 1963, 176 unions. So that while some progress has been made, it is not nearly sufficient to solve the problem.
The engineering industry comprises thirty- seven unions, and while it is true they are federated and nationally speak with one voice, nevertheless in the field there is a great deal of individual negotiation, inter-union competition and, not surprisingly, some internecine warfare. Many disastrous demarcation disputes arise be- tween union and union, often on the most flimsy issues, causing industrial dislocation, when common sense calls for discussion and settle- ment by negotiation. The strict preservation of jobs between different crafts is understandable in times of unemployment, but in this age of prosperity and full employment it makes non- sense.
Walter Citrine no doubt had it in mind that the TUC should be empowered to adjudicate on these issues before, and not after, a stoppage of work takes place. Many pages of the book give behind-the-scenes history of the General Strike of 1926 (Citrine prefers to call it the National Strike), and the verbatim records of conversa- tions with the Prime Minister and other Minis- ters make absorbing reading. Walter Citrine will be historically recorded as having made a substantial contribution to our national affairs industrially, and to a lesser extent politically, in a most turbulent period of our national life. If, having read the book, the reader concludes that the author is anything but modest, it should be borne in mind that he attained great heights by unselfish devotion, determination, persever- ance and sheer courage.
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